David M. Malone
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199278572
- eISBN:
- 9780191604119
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199278571.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter discusses the second phase of UN involvement in Iraq, which seemed to herald the emergence of the Security Council as a New World Order Policeman. The Security Council’s capacity to ...
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This chapter discusses the second phase of UN involvement in Iraq, which seemed to herald the emergence of the Security Council as a New World Order Policeman. The Security Council’s capacity to legitimize the use of force provided a legal basis for international action to expel Iraqi forces from Kuwait in 1991. The chapter recounts the diplomatic and military success of Operations Desert Shield and Desert Storm — mandated to compel the withdrawal of Iraq from Kuwait and conducted by a coalition of states — drawing legitimacy from Security Council decisions under Chapter VII of the UN Charter. Chapter VII also provided a newly assertive basis for traditional activities, such as ceasefire implementation and border-monitoring tasks, the Council gave to a new mission, UNIKOM, deployed along the border between Iraq and Kuwait. This new police role for UN peace operations was part of a larger ‘New World Order’ heralded by President George H. W. Bush, which seemed to hold the promise of an international rule of law, enforced by a united P-5 operating through the Security Council.Less
This chapter discusses the second phase of UN involvement in Iraq, which seemed to herald the emergence of the Security Council as a New World Order Policeman. The Security Council’s capacity to legitimize the use of force provided a legal basis for international action to expel Iraqi forces from Kuwait in 1991. The chapter recounts the diplomatic and military success of Operations Desert Shield and Desert Storm — mandated to compel the withdrawal of Iraq from Kuwait and conducted by a coalition of states — drawing legitimacy from Security Council decisions under Chapter VII of the UN Charter. Chapter VII also provided a newly assertive basis for traditional activities, such as ceasefire implementation and border-monitoring tasks, the Council gave to a new mission, UNIKOM, deployed along the border between Iraq and Kuwait. This new police role for UN peace operations was part of a larger ‘New World Order’ heralded by President George H. W. Bush, which seemed to hold the promise of an international rule of law, enforced by a united P-5 operating through the Security Council.
Amitav Acharya
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295518
- eISBN:
- 9780191599217
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295510.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Reflects on the relevance and role of the Third World in the emerging world order; more specifically, it examines the extent to which the end of the cold war affected the insecurity and vulnerability ...
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Reflects on the relevance and role of the Third World in the emerging world order; more specifically, it examines the extent to which the end of the cold war affected the insecurity and vulnerability of the Third World countries and the state of the North–South divide as it relates to the prospects for global cooperation and maintenance of order in the post‐cold war era. The discussion is in three parts. The first looks at the question of whether the end of the cold war will increase or dampen instability and conflict in the Third World. This is followed by an assessment of emerging areas of North–South tension over world order issues, especially those that are associated with the North's ill‐defined vision of a ’New World Order’. The third part examines the changing role of Third World platforms and institutions, both global and regional, in addressing the political, security, and economic concerns of the developing countries.Less
Reflects on the relevance and role of the Third World in the emerging world order; more specifically, it examines the extent to which the end of the cold war affected the insecurity and vulnerability of the Third World countries and the state of the North–South divide as it relates to the prospects for global cooperation and maintenance of order in the post‐cold war era. The discussion is in three parts. The first looks at the question of whether the end of the cold war will increase or dampen instability and conflict in the Third World. This is followed by an assessment of emerging areas of North–South tension over world order issues, especially those that are associated with the North's ill‐defined vision of a ’New World Order’. The third part examines the changing role of Third World platforms and institutions, both global and regional, in addressing the political, security, and economic concerns of the developing countries.
Amitav Acharya and Richard Stubbs
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295518
- eISBN:
- 9780191599217
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295510.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The main argument of this chapter is that the position and posture of the developing countries of the Asia‐Pacific region towards the emerging world order are marked by a great deal of complexity and ...
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The main argument of this chapter is that the position and posture of the developing countries of the Asia‐Pacific region towards the emerging world order are marked by a great deal of complexity and ambivalence. This ambivalence or state of apparent schizophrenia can be discerned from an analysis of some of the principal economic, security, and political developments in the region in recent years, especially in the wake of changes brought about by the end of the cold war. The different sections of the chapter provide a closer analysis of these developments in four key areas: economic regionalization, problems of security and stability, human rights and democratic governance, and regional institution building.Less
The main argument of this chapter is that the position and posture of the developing countries of the Asia‐Pacific region towards the emerging world order are marked by a great deal of complexity and ambivalence. This ambivalence or state of apparent schizophrenia can be discerned from an analysis of some of the principal economic, security, and political developments in the region in recent years, especially in the wake of changes brought about by the end of the cold war. The different sections of the chapter provide a closer analysis of these developments in four key areas: economic regionalization, problems of security and stability, human rights and democratic governance, and regional institution building.
Azzam S. Tamimi
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195140002
- eISBN:
- 9780199834723
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195140001.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
By way of an analytical and critical study of the life and thought of Rachid Ghannouchi, leader of the proscribed Ennahda political party in Tunisia, this book seeks to address the obstacles that ...
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By way of an analytical and critical study of the life and thought of Rachid Ghannouchi, leader of the proscribed Ennahda political party in Tunisia, this book seeks to address the obstacles that hinder democratization in the Arab region.Inasmuch as democracy is seen as a set of procedures that serve collectively to empower the people to freely elect governments and make them accountable and to make sure that basic human rights and civil liberties, the rule of law and equality before the law, and the rights of minorities are protected, then democracy is fully compatible with the Islamic value of shura.Islam may have a problem with the philosophical underpinning of liberal democracy because of the notion of secularism.Despite objections to democracy from certain Islamic circles, the formidable problems facing transition to democracy in the Arab Muslim region are neither religious nor cultural.The attempt to impose secularism first by the colonial authorities of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and second by postcolonial governments led to undermining civil society and doing away with the minimum protection needed for individuals and groups to be politically involved.The modern Arab territorial state, which is the product of the collapse of the Ottoman Empire at the turn of the twentieth century, has by design been antidemocratic.The world order that brought about the creation of all these artificial territorial states, and that today exerts all it can to preserve the status quo has no interest in the success of democracy anywhere in the region.Less
By way of an analytical and critical study of the life and thought of Rachid Ghannouchi, leader of the proscribed Ennahda political party in Tunisia, this book seeks to address the obstacles that hinder democratization in the Arab region.
Inasmuch as democracy is seen as a set of procedures that serve collectively to empower the people to freely elect governments and make them accountable and to make sure that basic human rights and civil liberties, the rule of law and equality before the law, and the rights of minorities are protected, then democracy is fully compatible with the Islamic value of shura.
Islam may have a problem with the philosophical underpinning of liberal democracy because of the notion of secularism.
Despite objections to democracy from certain Islamic circles, the formidable problems facing transition to democracy in the Arab Muslim region are neither religious nor cultural.
The attempt to impose secularism first by the colonial authorities of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and second by postcolonial governments led to undermining civil society and doing away with the minimum protection needed for individuals and groups to be politically involved.
The modern Arab territorial state, which is the product of the collapse of the Ottoman Empire at the turn of the twentieth century, has by design been antidemocratic.
The world order that brought about the creation of all these artificial territorial states, and that today exerts all it can to preserve the status quo has no interest in the success of democracy anywhere in the region.
Andrew Gamble
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780197266618
- eISBN:
- 9780191896064
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197266618.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
One of the distinctive features of the idea of an Anglosphere has been a particular view of world order, based on liberal principles of free movement of goods, capital and people, representative ...
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One of the distinctive features of the idea of an Anglosphere has been a particular view of world order, based on liberal principles of free movement of goods, capital and people, representative government, and the rule of law, which requires a powerful state or coalition of states to uphold and enforce them. This chapter charts the roots as well as the limits of this conception in the period of British ascendancy in the nineteenth century, and how significant elements of the political class in both Britain and the United States in the twentieth century came to see the desirability of cooperation between the English-speaking nations to preserve that order against challengers. This cooperation was most clearly realised in the Second World War. The post-war construction of a new liberal world order was achieved under the leadership of the United States, with Britain playing a largely supportive but secondary role. Cooperation between Britain and the US flourished during the Cold War, particularly in the military and intelligence fields, and this became the institutional core of the ‘special relationship’. The period since the end of the Cold War has seen new challenges emerge both externally and internally to the Anglo-American worldview.Less
One of the distinctive features of the idea of an Anglosphere has been a particular view of world order, based on liberal principles of free movement of goods, capital and people, representative government, and the rule of law, which requires a powerful state or coalition of states to uphold and enforce them. This chapter charts the roots as well as the limits of this conception in the period of British ascendancy in the nineteenth century, and how significant elements of the political class in both Britain and the United States in the twentieth century came to see the desirability of cooperation between the English-speaking nations to preserve that order against challengers. This cooperation was most clearly realised in the Second World War. The post-war construction of a new liberal world order was achieved under the leadership of the United States, with Britain playing a largely supportive but secondary role. Cooperation between Britain and the US flourished during the Cold War, particularly in the military and intelligence fields, and this became the institutional core of the ‘special relationship’. The period since the end of the Cold War has seen new challenges emerge both externally and internally to the Anglo-American worldview.
Walter D. Mignolo
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691156095
- eISBN:
- 9781400845064
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691156095.003.0008
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Social and Cultural Anthropology
This chapter identifies some of the instances in which the denial of the denial of coevalness materializes itself by redressing and implementing long-lasting forces, sensibilities, and rationalities ...
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This chapter identifies some of the instances in which the denial of the denial of coevalness materializes itself by redressing and implementing long-lasting forces, sensibilities, and rationalities repressed by the one-sided ideology of the “civilizing mission/process,” and its complicity in the subalternization of knowledges and cultural production throughout the planet. Remapping new world order implies remapping cultures of scholarship and the scholarly loci of enunciation from where the world has been mapped. The crisis of “area studies” is the crisis of old borders, be they nation borders or civilization borders. It is also the crisis of the distinction between hegemonic (discipline-based knowledges) and subaltern (area-based knowledges), as if discipline-based knowledges are geographically disincorporated.Less
This chapter identifies some of the instances in which the denial of the denial of coevalness materializes itself by redressing and implementing long-lasting forces, sensibilities, and rationalities repressed by the one-sided ideology of the “civilizing mission/process,” and its complicity in the subalternization of knowledges and cultural production throughout the planet. Remapping new world order implies remapping cultures of scholarship and the scholarly loci of enunciation from where the world has been mapped. The crisis of “area studies” is the crisis of old borders, be they nation borders or civilization borders. It is also the crisis of the distinction between hegemonic (discipline-based knowledges) and subaltern (area-based knowledges), as if discipline-based knowledges are geographically disincorporated.
Giles Gunn and Carl Gutierrez-Jones (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520098701
- eISBN:
- 9780520943797
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520098701.001.0001
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Anthropology, Global
The attempt by the George W. Bush administration to reshape world order, especially but not exclusively after September 11, 2001, increasingly appears to have resulted in a catastrophic “misshaping” ...
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The attempt by the George W. Bush administration to reshape world order, especially but not exclusively after September 11, 2001, increasingly appears to have resulted in a catastrophic “misshaping” of geopolitics in the wake of bungled campaigns in the Middle East and their many reverberations worldwide. Journalists and scholars are now trying to understand what happened, and this book explores the role of culture and rhetoric in this process of geopolitical transformation. What difference do cultural concepts and values make to the cognitive and emotional weather of which, at various levels, international politics is both consequence and perceived corrective? The scholars in this multidisciplinary book bring the tools of cultural analysis to the profound ongoing debate about how geopolitics is mapped and what determines its governance.Less
The attempt by the George W. Bush administration to reshape world order, especially but not exclusively after September 11, 2001, increasingly appears to have resulted in a catastrophic “misshaping” of geopolitics in the wake of bungled campaigns in the Middle East and their many reverberations worldwide. Journalists and scholars are now trying to understand what happened, and this book explores the role of culture and rhetoric in this process of geopolitical transformation. What difference do cultural concepts and values make to the cognitive and emotional weather of which, at various levels, international politics is both consequence and perceived corrective? The scholars in this multidisciplinary book bring the tools of cultural analysis to the profound ongoing debate about how geopolitics is mapped and what determines its governance.
Azzam S. Tamimi
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195140002
- eISBN:
- 9780199834723
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195140001.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
Democratization in the Arab region has been hindered by the modern Arab territorial state and the world order, both old and new.An Islamic concept of state has always existed.In its present colonial ...
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Democratization in the Arab region has been hindered by the modern Arab territorial state and the world order, both old and new.An Islamic concept of state has always existed.In its present colonial design, the Arab territorial state, which is ruled by a postcolonial elite whose interests are linked with former colonial powers, is incapable of democratization.The world order is not only disinterested in genuine democratization but has also intervened in order to curtail such a process, as happened in Algeria.Ghannouchi argues that two lobbies are responsible for the policy in the USA of supporting corrupt dictatorships in the Muslim world: the Zionist lobby, which is fearful for the impact of democratization on the future of Israel, and the arms lobby, weapons industrialists, and traders who are eager to maintain the sale of arms to the region.Less
Democratization in the Arab region has been hindered by the modern Arab territorial state and the world order, both old and new.
An Islamic concept of state has always existed.
In its present colonial design, the Arab territorial state, which is ruled by a postcolonial elite whose interests are linked with former colonial powers, is incapable of democratization.
The world order is not only disinterested in genuine democratization but has also intervened in order to curtail such a process, as happened in Algeria.
Ghannouchi argues that two lobbies are responsible for the policy in the USA of supporting corrupt dictatorships in the Muslim world: the Zionist lobby, which is fearful for the impact of democratization on the future of Israel, and the arms lobby, weapons industrialists, and traders who are eager to maintain the sale of arms to the region.
Tony Smith
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691154923
- eISBN:
- 9781400842025
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691154923.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines the United States's Wilsonianism in the post-Cold War era, first under George H. W. Bush and then under Bill Clinton. It considers how Bush, who became president as the Soviet ...
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This chapter examines the United States's Wilsonianism in the post-Cold War era, first under George H. W. Bush and then under Bill Clinton. It considers how Bush, who became president as the Soviet Union was disintegrating and its leaders were looking for a new framework of understanding with the West, used Wilsonianism to address the question of establishing a world order favorable to American national security. It also discusses various Bush initiatives that were designed to establish a new world order after the cold war, Clinton's selective approach to liberal democratic internationalism, the effects of liberal economic practices on American national security, and the link between nationalism and liberal democracy. Finally, it assesses some of the challenges involved in the United States' efforts to bring about stable constitutional governance in many parts of the world.Less
This chapter examines the United States's Wilsonianism in the post-Cold War era, first under George H. W. Bush and then under Bill Clinton. It considers how Bush, who became president as the Soviet Union was disintegrating and its leaders were looking for a new framework of understanding with the West, used Wilsonianism to address the question of establishing a world order favorable to American national security. It also discusses various Bush initiatives that were designed to establish a new world order after the cold war, Clinton's selective approach to liberal democratic internationalism, the effects of liberal economic practices on American national security, and the link between nationalism and liberal democracy. Finally, it assesses some of the challenges involved in the United States' efforts to bring about stable constitutional governance in many parts of the world.
Tony Smith
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691154923
- eISBN:
- 9781400842025
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691154923.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines Woodrow Wilson's comprehensive program for world order that came to constitute the foundation of liberal democratic internationalism, also known as Wilsonianism. Wilson's ...
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This chapter examines Woodrow Wilson's comprehensive program for world order that came to constitute the foundation of liberal democratic internationalism, also known as Wilsonianism. Wilson's policy, designed “to make the world safe for democracy,” was not a radical departure from traditional American national security policy. His proposals to restructure world politics on the basis of a liberal world order were consistent with basic propositions of past American foreign policy. The chapter first considers the theory and practice underlying Wilsonianism before discussing the dilemma of Wilson's policy in Europe. It also explores the virtues of Wilsonianism for the postwar world, such as its acknowledgment of the fundamental political importance of nationalism. Finally, it emphasizes the resurgence of Wilsonianism in American foreign policy in the aftermath of World War II.Less
This chapter examines Woodrow Wilson's comprehensive program for world order that came to constitute the foundation of liberal democratic internationalism, also known as Wilsonianism. Wilson's policy, designed “to make the world safe for democracy,” was not a radical departure from traditional American national security policy. His proposals to restructure world politics on the basis of a liberal world order were consistent with basic propositions of past American foreign policy. The chapter first considers the theory and practice underlying Wilsonianism before discussing the dilemma of Wilson's policy in Europe. It also explores the virtues of Wilsonianism for the postwar world, such as its acknowledgment of the fundamental political importance of nationalism. Finally, it emphasizes the resurgence of Wilsonianism in American foreign policy in the aftermath of World War II.
Tony Smith
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691154923
- eISBN:
- 9781400842025
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691154923.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines Franklin D. Roosevelt's liberal democratic internationalism and his efforts to assure American national security by constructing a stable world order based on the Monroe ...
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This chapter examines Franklin D. Roosevelt's liberal democratic internationalism and his efforts to assure American national security by constructing a stable world order based on the Monroe Doctrine of 1823, which the United States sought to globalize in the aftermath of the Axis defeat in World War II. It first considers how FDR infused American liberalism with a healthy dose of realism about the appropriateness of democracy for other countries in the aftermath of World War II before discussing anti-imperialism as a component of American foreign policy. It also explores the United States's promotion of democracy and pursuit of a liberal world order as a means of countering Soviet imperialism. It argues that liberal democratic internationalism has been the American way of practicing balance-of-power politics in world affairs, and that the dominant logic of American foreign policy was dictated by concerns for national security.Less
This chapter examines Franklin D. Roosevelt's liberal democratic internationalism and his efforts to assure American national security by constructing a stable world order based on the Monroe Doctrine of 1823, which the United States sought to globalize in the aftermath of the Axis defeat in World War II. It first considers how FDR infused American liberalism with a healthy dose of realism about the appropriateness of democracy for other countries in the aftermath of World War II before discussing anti-imperialism as a component of American foreign policy. It also explores the United States's promotion of democracy and pursuit of a liberal world order as a means of countering Soviet imperialism. It argues that liberal democratic internationalism has been the American way of practicing balance-of-power politics in world affairs, and that the dominant logic of American foreign policy was dictated by concerns for national security.
Adom Getachew
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691179155
- eISBN:
- 9780691184340
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691179155.003.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to study the global projects of decolonization black Anglophone anticolonial critics and nationalists spearheaded in the three decades ...
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This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to study the global projects of decolonization black Anglophone anticolonial critics and nationalists spearheaded in the three decades after the end of the Second World War. Drawing on the political thought of Nnamdi Azikiwe, W. E. B. Du Bois, Michael Manley, Kwame Nkrumah, Julius Nyerere, George Padmore, and Eric Williams, it argues that decolonization was a project of reordering the world that sought to create a domination-free and egalitarian international order. Against the standard view of decolonization as a moment of nation-building in which the anticolonial demand for self-determination culminated in the rejection of alien rule and the formation of nation-states, the book recasts anticolonial nationalism as worldmaking. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.Less
This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to study the global projects of decolonization black Anglophone anticolonial critics and nationalists spearheaded in the three decades after the end of the Second World War. Drawing on the political thought of Nnamdi Azikiwe, W. E. B. Du Bois, Michael Manley, Kwame Nkrumah, Julius Nyerere, George Padmore, and Eric Williams, it argues that decolonization was a project of reordering the world that sought to create a domination-free and egalitarian international order. Against the standard view of decolonization as a moment of nation-building in which the anticolonial demand for self-determination culminated in the rejection of alien rule and the formation of nation-states, the book recasts anticolonial nationalism as worldmaking. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.
Tony Smith
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691154923
- eISBN:
- 9781400842025
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691154923.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This book provides a comprehensive historical review of American liberal democratic internationalism. It argues that the global strength and prestige of democracy today are due in large part to ...
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This book provides a comprehensive historical review of American liberal democratic internationalism. It argues that the global strength and prestige of democracy today are due in large part to America's impact on international affairs. The book documents the extraordinary history of how American foreign policy has been used to try to promote democracy worldwide, an effort that enjoyed its greatest triumphs in the occupations of Japan and Germany but suffered huge setbacks in Latin America, Vietnam, and elsewhere. With new chapters and a new introduction and epilogue, this expanded edition also traces U.S. attempts to spread democracy more recently, under presidents Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama, and assesses America's role in the Arab Spring. The book argues that liberal internationalism is built on powerful global historical trends, and the liberal internationalist streak in American foreign policy has been responsible for shaping a liberal world order conducive to American security and economic interests.Less
This book provides a comprehensive historical review of American liberal democratic internationalism. It argues that the global strength and prestige of democracy today are due in large part to America's impact on international affairs. The book documents the extraordinary history of how American foreign policy has been used to try to promote democracy worldwide, an effort that enjoyed its greatest triumphs in the occupations of Japan and Germany but suffered huge setbacks in Latin America, Vietnam, and elsewhere. With new chapters and a new introduction and epilogue, this expanded edition also traces U.S. attempts to spread democracy more recently, under presidents Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama, and assesses America's role in the Arab Spring. The book argues that liberal internationalism is built on powerful global historical trends, and the liberal internationalist streak in American foreign policy has been responsible for shaping a liberal world order conducive to American security and economic interests.
Marc Weller
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199595303
- eISBN:
- 9780191595769
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199595303.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
The prohibition of the use of force is one of the most crucial elements of the international legal order. Our understanding of that rule was both advanced and challenged during the period commencing ...
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The prohibition of the use of force is one of the most crucial elements of the international legal order. Our understanding of that rule was both advanced and challenged during the period commencing with the termination of the Iran–Iraq war and the invasion of Kuwait, and concluding with the invasion and occupation of Iraq. The initial phase was characterized by hopes for a functioning collective security system administered by the United Nations as part of a New World Order. The liberation of Kuwait, in particular, was seen by some as a powerful vindication of the prohibition of the use of force and of the UN Security Council. However, the operation was not really conducted in accordance with the requirements for collective security established in the UN Charter. In a second phase, an international coalition launched a humanitarian intervention operation, first in the north of Iraq, and subsequently in the south. That episode is often seen as the fountainhead of the post-Cold War claim to a new legal justification for the use of force in circumstances of grave humanitarian emergency — a claim subsequently challenged during the armed action concerning Kosovo. There then followed repeated uses of force against Iraq in the context of the international campaign to remove its present or future weapons of mass destruction potential. Finally, the episode reached its controversial zenith with the full scale invasion of Iraq led by the US and the UK in 2003. This book analyzes these developments, and their impact on the rule prohibiting force in international relations.Less
The prohibition of the use of force is one of the most crucial elements of the international legal order. Our understanding of that rule was both advanced and challenged during the period commencing with the termination of the Iran–Iraq war and the invasion of Kuwait, and concluding with the invasion and occupation of Iraq. The initial phase was characterized by hopes for a functioning collective security system administered by the United Nations as part of a New World Order. The liberation of Kuwait, in particular, was seen by some as a powerful vindication of the prohibition of the use of force and of the UN Security Council. However, the operation was not really conducted in accordance with the requirements for collective security established in the UN Charter. In a second phase, an international coalition launched a humanitarian intervention operation, first in the north of Iraq, and subsequently in the south. That episode is often seen as the fountainhead of the post-Cold War claim to a new legal justification for the use of force in circumstances of grave humanitarian emergency — a claim subsequently challenged during the armed action concerning Kosovo. There then followed repeated uses of force against Iraq in the context of the international campaign to remove its present or future weapons of mass destruction potential. Finally, the episode reached its controversial zenith with the full scale invasion of Iraq led by the US and the UK in 2003. This book analyzes these developments, and their impact on the rule prohibiting force in international relations.
James E. Cronin
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780300151480
- eISBN:
- 9780300210217
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300151480.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This book examines how the United States and Great Britain shaped the world order after World War II by reconfiguring the framework of institutions through which it functions. It analyses the ...
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This book examines how the United States and Great Britain shaped the world order after World War II by reconfiguring the framework of institutions through which it functions. It analyses the profound changes that both countries had to make with regard to their foreign policy when the Cold War ended, shifting their focus on open markets and intensified hostility to communism as well as the promotion of human rights and democracy. It also considers whether this post-Cold War new world order would endure in the face of various geopolitical events, including the collapse of socialism in 1989; the slowdown in progress of democracy after 2000; the debacle in Iraq and its implications for human rights; and the ‘great recession’ of 2008.Less
This book examines how the United States and Great Britain shaped the world order after World War II by reconfiguring the framework of institutions through which it functions. It analyses the profound changes that both countries had to make with regard to their foreign policy when the Cold War ended, shifting their focus on open markets and intensified hostility to communism as well as the promotion of human rights and democracy. It also considers whether this post-Cold War new world order would endure in the face of various geopolitical events, including the collapse of socialism in 1989; the slowdown in progress of democracy after 2000; the debacle in Iraq and its implications for human rights; and the ‘great recession’ of 2008.
A. W. BRAIN SIMPSON
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199267897
- eISBN:
- 9780191714115
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199267897.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration, EU Law
This chapter describes how the protection of human rights came, during World War II, to feature in schemes for creating a new world order, encouraging the drafting of comprehensive codes of rights to ...
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This chapter describes how the protection of human rights came, during World War II, to feature in schemes for creating a new world order, encouraging the drafting of comprehensive codes of rights to be protected. It considers the role of the British and American governments in this development, giving accounts both of private initiatives, such as that of H. G. Wells, and official contributions, as in the Atlantic Charter and United Nations Declaration. It describes the Dumbarton Oaks Conference, and the processes which led to the establishment of the United Nations, and the idea that it should be concerned with the international protection of human rights in the post war world. It examines the resulting expansion of the boundaries of international law at the expense of protected domestic jurisdiction.Less
This chapter describes how the protection of human rights came, during World War II, to feature in schemes for creating a new world order, encouraging the drafting of comprehensive codes of rights to be protected. It considers the role of the British and American governments in this development, giving accounts both of private initiatives, such as that of H. G. Wells, and official contributions, as in the Atlantic Charter and United Nations Declaration. It describes the Dumbarton Oaks Conference, and the processes which led to the establishment of the United Nations, and the idea that it should be concerned with the international protection of human rights in the post war world. It examines the resulting expansion of the boundaries of international law at the expense of protected domestic jurisdiction.
Michael Barnett
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199827978
- eISBN:
- 9780199933020
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199827978.003.0011
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter uses humanitarianism's androgynous quality—its possession of both religious and secular attributes—to explore two issues regarding the contemporary world order. First, the distinction ...
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This chapter uses humanitarianism's androgynous quality—its possession of both religious and secular attributes—to explore two issues regarding the contemporary world order. First, the distinction between the religious and the secular is more deceptive than informative. Second, contemporary Western religious tradition and humanitarianism are equally wary of the “political.” The shifting terrain between religion and secularism within humanitarianism, and the political and the religious in humanitarianism, points to a faith-based world order.Less
This chapter uses humanitarianism's androgynous quality—its possession of both religious and secular attributes—to explore two issues regarding the contemporary world order. First, the distinction between the religious and the secular is more deceptive than informative. Second, contemporary Western religious tradition and humanitarianism are equally wary of the “political.” The shifting terrain between religion and secularism within humanitarianism, and the political and the religious in humanitarianism, points to a faith-based world order.
Ben Herzog
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814760383
- eISBN:
- 9780814770962
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814760383.003.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration
Through an examination of the case of Yaser Esam Hamdi, major issues in the policy of expatriation in the United States are introduced. The practice of stripping away citizenship and all the rights ...
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Through an examination of the case of Yaser Esam Hamdi, major issues in the policy of expatriation in the United States are introduced. The practice of stripping away citizenship and all the rights that come with it is usually associated with despotic and totalitarian regimes, but such practices are supported within the legal systems of most democratic countries, including the United States, where they have been undertaken not only in extreme situations. The common thread in most of the recent studies on citizenship is that immigration and naturalization processes are articulated in relation to the conception of citizenship and nationhood in a given country. That is, the regulations responsible for the entrance and inclusion of new members into the national community are dependent on the understanding of who should belong to the national “we” and who should not. This study examines the converse of those laws—the measures that deal with legally excluding people from membership in the political community (expatriation) or loss of citizenship. From early in its existence, the United States was suspicious of divided national loyalty and eventually established grounds for expatriation in order to regulate the singularity of nationality—one of the main principles of the national world order.Less
Through an examination of the case of Yaser Esam Hamdi, major issues in the policy of expatriation in the United States are introduced. The practice of stripping away citizenship and all the rights that come with it is usually associated with despotic and totalitarian regimes, but such practices are supported within the legal systems of most democratic countries, including the United States, where they have been undertaken not only in extreme situations. The common thread in most of the recent studies on citizenship is that immigration and naturalization processes are articulated in relation to the conception of citizenship and nationhood in a given country. That is, the regulations responsible for the entrance and inclusion of new members into the national community are dependent on the understanding of who should belong to the national “we” and who should not. This study examines the converse of those laws—the measures that deal with legally excluding people from membership in the political community (expatriation) or loss of citizenship. From early in its existence, the United States was suspicious of divided national loyalty and eventually established grounds for expatriation in order to regulate the singularity of nationality—one of the main principles of the national world order.
Georg Sørensen
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801450228
- eISBN:
- 9780801463297
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801450228.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter focuses on the lack of a general consensus on the major characteristics of world order. It examines the world order in the second half of the twentieth and the early twenty-first ...
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This chapter focuses on the lack of a general consensus on the major characteristics of world order. It examines the world order in the second half of the twentieth and the early twenty-first century, with particular emphasis on the period since the end of the Cold War. It also discusses three views on world order that address international terrorism, clash of civilizations, and balance of power. Finally, it explores Robert Kaplan's claim that the most important feature of the new world (dis-)order is “coming anarchy,” along with the label “tensions in liberalism” as the core challenge to world order. The chapter proposes an alternative view of world order that integrates elements from the existing theories. It argues that the governments of liberal democracies currently pursue some version of liberal order building even if these governments are not always connected with the label “liberal”.Less
This chapter focuses on the lack of a general consensus on the major characteristics of world order. It examines the world order in the second half of the twentieth and the early twenty-first century, with particular emphasis on the period since the end of the Cold War. It also discusses three views on world order that address international terrorism, clash of civilizations, and balance of power. Finally, it explores Robert Kaplan's claim that the most important feature of the new world (dis-)order is “coming anarchy,” along with the label “tensions in liberalism” as the core challenge to world order. The chapter proposes an alternative view of world order that integrates elements from the existing theories. It argues that the governments of liberal democracies currently pursue some version of liberal order building even if these governments are not always connected with the label “liberal”.
Christopher A. Ford
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813192635
- eISBN:
- 9780813135519
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813192635.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book aims to explain the Chinese conception of world order to Western readers, to outline the ways in which this worldview has helped shape China's relations with the rest of the world, not ...
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This book aims to explain the Chinese conception of world order to Western readers, to outline the ways in which this worldview has helped shape China's relations with the rest of the world, not least with Western Europe and the US, and to suggest some potential implications that these dynamics might have for the future. Chinese conceptions of international order are mainly grounded in lessons drawn from its history, and its tradition has as its primary model for interstate relations a system in which the focus of national policy is, in effect, a struggle for primacy, and legitimate, stable order is possible only when one power reigns supreme. Its central assumptions are reflected in many aspects of China's classical cannon: in Confucian literature, Taoist works, and the manuals of war and statecraft known as the bingjia. Sinic monism, therefore, enjoys powerful roots in China's intellectual tradition that amplify its centrality as a prism through which all subsequent Chinese leaders have viewed their world and China's place in it. The implications of this cultural baggage have been profound in the past as they have influenced how China has lived out its encounters with others for many centuries and, most dramatically, have helped shape the contours of China's awkward, painful, and sometimes disastrous encounters with the modern industrialized West. Nevertheless, China's modern approach to international relations suggests an understanding that ideals of sovereign equality and international law are currently in China's interest. As its strength grows, however, China may well become much more assertive in insisting on the sort of Sinocentric hierarchy its history teaches it to expect and its traditional notions of power and legitimacy encourage it to demand.Less
This book aims to explain the Chinese conception of world order to Western readers, to outline the ways in which this worldview has helped shape China's relations with the rest of the world, not least with Western Europe and the US, and to suggest some potential implications that these dynamics might have for the future. Chinese conceptions of international order are mainly grounded in lessons drawn from its history, and its tradition has as its primary model for interstate relations a system in which the focus of national policy is, in effect, a struggle for primacy, and legitimate, stable order is possible only when one power reigns supreme. Its central assumptions are reflected in many aspects of China's classical cannon: in Confucian literature, Taoist works, and the manuals of war and statecraft known as the bingjia. Sinic monism, therefore, enjoys powerful roots in China's intellectual tradition that amplify its centrality as a prism through which all subsequent Chinese leaders have viewed their world and China's place in it. The implications of this cultural baggage have been profound in the past as they have influenced how China has lived out its encounters with others for many centuries and, most dramatically, have helped shape the contours of China's awkward, painful, and sometimes disastrous encounters with the modern industrialized West. Nevertheless, China's modern approach to international relations suggests an understanding that ideals of sovereign equality and international law are currently in China's interest. As its strength grows, however, China may well become much more assertive in insisting on the sort of Sinocentric hierarchy its history teaches it to expect and its traditional notions of power and legitimacy encourage it to demand.
