Aryeh Neier
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691135151
- eISBN:
- 9781400841875
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691135151.003.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Migration Studies (including Refugee Studies)
This chapter explains that the driving force behind the protection of human rights worldwide, today and for roughly the past thirty-five years, has been the nongovernmental human rights movement. ...
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This chapter explains that the driving force behind the protection of human rights worldwide, today and for roughly the past thirty-five years, has been the nongovernmental human rights movement. Intermittently during the last two-and-a-half centuries, citizens' movements did play important roles in efforts to promote human rights, as during the development of the antislavery movement in England in the eighteenth century and the rise of the feminist movement in the United States in the nineteenth century. The contemporary human rights movement responds to victories and defeats by shifting focus from time to time, but it shows signs that it will remain an enduring force in world affairs. Efforts by those outside governments have been particularly important in extending the protection of rights beyond national boundaries, and it is in the present era that they have been most significant.Less
This chapter explains that the driving force behind the protection of human rights worldwide, today and for roughly the past thirty-five years, has been the nongovernmental human rights movement. Intermittently during the last two-and-a-half centuries, citizens' movements did play important roles in efforts to promote human rights, as during the development of the antislavery movement in England in the eighteenth century and the rise of the feminist movement in the United States in the nineteenth century. The contemporary human rights movement responds to victories and defeats by shifting focus from time to time, but it shows signs that it will remain an enduring force in world affairs. Efforts by those outside governments have been particularly important in extending the protection of rights beyond national boundaries, and it is in the present era that they have been most significant.
Aryeh Neier
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691135151
- eISBN:
- 9781400841875
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691135151.003.0006
- Subject:
- Sociology, Migration Studies (including Refugee Studies)
This chapter details how the rise of the international human rights movement as a significant force in world affairs cannot be separated from the Cold War context in which it took place. The Cold War ...
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This chapter details how the rise of the international human rights movement as a significant force in world affairs cannot be separated from the Cold War context in which it took place. The Cold War magnified the importance of citizen efforts to promote rights and, though many of those involved in the movement during the Cold War era took significant risks and suffered severe consequences, it was the circumstances of the East–West conflict that attracted many of them to the cause in the first place. Rights activists on both sides of the Iron Curtain became aware that calling attention to abuses of rights by their own governments carried extra weight in an era when a global competition was underway for people's hearts and minds.Less
This chapter details how the rise of the international human rights movement as a significant force in world affairs cannot be separated from the Cold War context in which it took place. The Cold War magnified the importance of citizen efforts to promote rights and, though many of those involved in the movement during the Cold War era took significant risks and suffered severe consequences, it was the circumstances of the East–West conflict that attracted many of them to the cause in the first place. Rights activists on both sides of the Iron Curtain became aware that calling attention to abuses of rights by their own governments carried extra weight in an era when a global competition was underway for people's hearts and minds.
Martin S. Flaherty
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691179124
- eISBN:
- 9780691186122
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691179124.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter seeks to establish the symbolic terms of a transition that remains incomplete. By the outset of the twentieth century, America's ascendance as a major power exerted corresponding ...
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This chapter seeks to establish the symbolic terms of a transition that remains incomplete. By the outset of the twentieth century, America's ascendance as a major power exerted corresponding pressure on the Constitution's original conception of meaningful separation of powers applied to foreign and domestic affairs alike. Increased engagement in world affairs, diplomacy, colonization, imperialism, and wars major and minor inevitably shifted power to the executive at the expense of Congress and the courts. At the same time, courts had become less equipped to play their still-traditional role. By the mid-twentieth century, these and other factors pressured the judiciary to retreat from its envisioned role. At least a partial retreat did begin, and this would become more marked as the century progressed. It would not, however, become sufficiently systematic, unbroken, or unopposed to count as a legitimate customary amendment to the Constitution's original scheme. Then and now, two iconic cases embody the challenge in best determining the Court's role in foreign affairs and its ongoing repudiation: United States v. Curtiss-Wright Export Corp. and Youngstown Sheet ﹠ Tube Co. v. Sawyer.Less
This chapter seeks to establish the symbolic terms of a transition that remains incomplete. By the outset of the twentieth century, America's ascendance as a major power exerted corresponding pressure on the Constitution's original conception of meaningful separation of powers applied to foreign and domestic affairs alike. Increased engagement in world affairs, diplomacy, colonization, imperialism, and wars major and minor inevitably shifted power to the executive at the expense of Congress and the courts. At the same time, courts had become less equipped to play their still-traditional role. By the mid-twentieth century, these and other factors pressured the judiciary to retreat from its envisioned role. At least a partial retreat did begin, and this would become more marked as the century progressed. It would not, however, become sufficiently systematic, unbroken, or unopposed to count as a legitimate customary amendment to the Constitution's original scheme. Then and now, two iconic cases embody the challenge in best determining the Court's role in foreign affairs and its ongoing repudiation: United States v. Curtiss-Wright Export Corp. and Youngstown Sheet ﹠ Tube Co. v. Sawyer.
Simon J. Nuttall
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198273189
- eISBN:
- 9780191684005
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198273189.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter evaluates the survival chances of the European Political Co-operation (EPC). Optimists believe that the EPC Members States have already developed common positions on a wide range of ...
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This chapter evaluates the survival chances of the European Political Co-operation (EPC). Optimists believe that the EPC Members States have already developed common positions on a wide range of issues based on shared information and that these have a cumulative effect on world affairs. The pessimists who criticize the EPC should be reminded that the EPC has already made significant contributions to the development of a common foreign policy, and it has also introduced a new dimension into the national foreign policy-making process, which no Foreign Ministry of Member States can ignore any longer.Less
This chapter evaluates the survival chances of the European Political Co-operation (EPC). Optimists believe that the EPC Members States have already developed common positions on a wide range of issues based on shared information and that these have a cumulative effect on world affairs. The pessimists who criticize the EPC should be reminded that the EPC has already made significant contributions to the development of a common foreign policy, and it has also introduced a new dimension into the national foreign policy-making process, which no Foreign Ministry of Member States can ignore any longer.
Tony Smith Jr.
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691183480
- eISBN:
- 9781400883400
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691183480.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The liberal internationalist tradition is credited with America's greatest triumphs as a world power—and also its biggest failures. Beginning in the 1940s, imbued with the spirit of Woodrow Wilson's ...
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The liberal internationalist tradition is credited with America's greatest triumphs as a world power—and also its biggest failures. Beginning in the 1940s, imbued with the spirit of Woodrow Wilson's efforts at the League of Nations to ‘make the world safe for democracy,’ the United States steered a course in world affairs that would eventually win the Cold War. Yet in the 1990s, Wilsonianism turned imperialist, contributing directly to the invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the continued failures of American foreign policy. This book explains how the liberal internationalist community can regain a sense of identity and purpose following the betrayal of Wilson's vision by the brash ‘neo-Wilsonianism’ being pursued today. The book traces how Wilson's thinking about America's role in the world evolved in the years leading up to and during his presidency, and how the Wilsonian tradition went on to influence American foreign policy in the decades that followed. It traces the tradition's evolution from its ‘classic’ era with Wilson, to its ‘hegemonic’ stage during the Cold War, to its ‘imperialist’ phase today. The book calls for an end to reckless forms of U.S. foreign intervention, and a return to the prudence and ‘eternal vigilance’ of Wilson's own time. It renews hope that the United States might again become effectively liberal by returning to the sense of realism that Wilson espoused, one where the promotion of democracy around the world is balanced by the understanding that such efforts are not likely to come quickly and without costs.Less
The liberal internationalist tradition is credited with America's greatest triumphs as a world power—and also its biggest failures. Beginning in the 1940s, imbued with the spirit of Woodrow Wilson's efforts at the League of Nations to ‘make the world safe for democracy,’ the United States steered a course in world affairs that would eventually win the Cold War. Yet in the 1990s, Wilsonianism turned imperialist, contributing directly to the invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the continued failures of American foreign policy. This book explains how the liberal internationalist community can regain a sense of identity and purpose following the betrayal of Wilson's vision by the brash ‘neo-Wilsonianism’ being pursued today. The book traces how Wilson's thinking about America's role in the world evolved in the years leading up to and during his presidency, and how the Wilsonian tradition went on to influence American foreign policy in the decades that followed. It traces the tradition's evolution from its ‘classic’ era with Wilson, to its ‘hegemonic’ stage during the Cold War, to its ‘imperialist’ phase today. The book calls for an end to reckless forms of U.S. foreign intervention, and a return to the prudence and ‘eternal vigilance’ of Wilson's own time. It renews hope that the United States might again become effectively liberal by returning to the sense of realism that Wilson espoused, one where the promotion of democracy around the world is balanced by the understanding that such efforts are not likely to come quickly and without costs.
Trevor McCrisken and Andrew Pepper
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748614899
- eISBN:
- 9780748670666
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748614899.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
Hollywood has a growing fascination with America's past. This is evidenced in the release of a rash of films of this genre in the past twenty-five years. This book offers an analysis of how and why ...
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Hollywood has a growing fascination with America's past. This is evidenced in the release of a rash of films of this genre in the past twenty-five years. This book offers an analysis of how and why contemporary Hollywood films have sought to mediate American history. It explores, comprehensively, the post-Cold War period of filmmaking, and considers whether or how far contemporary films have begun to unravel the unifying myths of earlier films and periods. The book also considers why such films are becoming increasingly integral to the ambitions of a globally focused American film industry. The relationship between film and history — the way in which film mediates history and vice versa — is a complex one. This book works from two main assumptions. First, that films revise events to challenge or, perhaps more typically, to reaffirm traditional historical interpretations. Second, that this process can only be understood in the context of contemporary debates about identity politics, America's role in world affairs, and the globalisation of the American film business.Less
Hollywood has a growing fascination with America's past. This is evidenced in the release of a rash of films of this genre in the past twenty-five years. This book offers an analysis of how and why contemporary Hollywood films have sought to mediate American history. It explores, comprehensively, the post-Cold War period of filmmaking, and considers whether or how far contemporary films have begun to unravel the unifying myths of earlier films and periods. The book also considers why such films are becoming increasingly integral to the ambitions of a globally focused American film industry. The relationship between film and history — the way in which film mediates history and vice versa — is a complex one. This book works from two main assumptions. First, that films revise events to challenge or, perhaps more typically, to reaffirm traditional historical interpretations. Second, that this process can only be understood in the context of contemporary debates about identity politics, America's role in world affairs, and the globalisation of the American film business.
William J. Drake and Ernest J. Wilson III (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- August 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780262042512
- eISBN:
- 9780262271936
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262042512.001.0001
- Subject:
- Information Science, Communications
The burgeoning use and transformative impact of global electronic networks are widely recognized to be defining features of contemporary world affairs. Less often noted has been the increasing ...
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The burgeoning use and transformative impact of global electronic networks are widely recognized to be defining features of contemporary world affairs. Less often noted has been the increasing importance of global governance arrangements in managing the many issues raised in such networks. This book helps fill the gap by assessing some of the key international institutions pertaining to global telecommunications regulation and standardization, radio frequency spectrum, satellite systems, trade in services, electronic commerce, intellectual property, traditional mass media and Internet content, Internet names and numbers, cybercrime, privacy protection, and development. Eschewing technocratic approaches, the chapter offer empirically rich studies of the international power dynamics shaping these institutions. They devote particular attention to the roles and concerns of non-dominant stakeholders, such as developing countries and civil society, and find that global governance often reinforces wider power disparities between and within nation-states. But at the same time, the chapter note, governance arrangements often provide nondominant stakeholders with the policy space needed to advance their interests more effectively. Each chapter concludes with a set of policy recommendations for the promotion of an open, dynamic, and more equitable networld order.Less
The burgeoning use and transformative impact of global electronic networks are widely recognized to be defining features of contemporary world affairs. Less often noted has been the increasing importance of global governance arrangements in managing the many issues raised in such networks. This book helps fill the gap by assessing some of the key international institutions pertaining to global telecommunications regulation and standardization, radio frequency spectrum, satellite systems, trade in services, electronic commerce, intellectual property, traditional mass media and Internet content, Internet names and numbers, cybercrime, privacy protection, and development. Eschewing technocratic approaches, the chapter offer empirically rich studies of the international power dynamics shaping these institutions. They devote particular attention to the roles and concerns of non-dominant stakeholders, such as developing countries and civil society, and find that global governance often reinforces wider power disparities between and within nation-states. But at the same time, the chapter note, governance arrangements often provide nondominant stakeholders with the policy space needed to advance their interests more effectively. Each chapter concludes with a set of policy recommendations for the promotion of an open, dynamic, and more equitable networld order.
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226644615
- eISBN:
- 9780226644592
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226644592.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter uses data from the 2002 and 2004 Chicago Council on Foreign Relations surveys to explore the positive or negative feelings that Americans express toward many different foreign countries ...
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This chapter uses data from the 2002 and 2004 Chicago Council on Foreign Relations surveys to explore the positive or negative feelings that Americans express toward many different foreign countries and foreign leaders. It also looks at earlier surveys to examine how such feelings have changed over a thirty-year period, finding that when major events occur, feelings about the particular countries involved tend to be adjusted accordingly, but that otherwise they generally have been rather stable. The chapter goes on to analyze how individuals' feelings about foreign countries and leaders are affected by their personal characteristics (especially their levels of formal education and their religious affiliations); their ideological and partisan attitudes (particularly their internationalism, or belief that the United States should take an “active part” in the world); and their knowledge of world affairs.Less
This chapter uses data from the 2002 and 2004 Chicago Council on Foreign Relations surveys to explore the positive or negative feelings that Americans express toward many different foreign countries and foreign leaders. It also looks at earlier surveys to examine how such feelings have changed over a thirty-year period, finding that when major events occur, feelings about the particular countries involved tend to be adjusted accordingly, but that otherwise they generally have been rather stable. The chapter goes on to analyze how individuals' feelings about foreign countries and leaders are affected by their personal characteristics (especially their levels of formal education and their religious affiliations); their ideological and partisan attitudes (particularly their internationalism, or belief that the United States should take an “active part” in the world); and their knowledge of world affairs.
C. T. McIntire
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300098075
- eISBN:
- 9780300130089
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300098075.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology
This chapter shows how the movements leading to the Second World War in the 1930s as well as the war itself directly affected Butterfield's work as historian. Throughout the 1930s, while he continued ...
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This chapter shows how the movements leading to the Second World War in the 1930s as well as the war itself directly affected Butterfield's work as historian. Throughout the 1930s, while he continued his research on Fox and produced his lectures on general history, he felt the expansion of his world horizon. He began to shift his attention away from his narrow fixation on the notable Cambridge historians who had inspired him. He started to reflex on world affairs and read a wider range of historians. He felt most disturbed by the cacophony of voices in England and on the continent of Europe proclaiming their conflicting truths for the world. There were his students advocating Marxism from the early 1930s. There were the Nazis staging their rallies in Cambridge to trumpet Adolf Hitler's rise to power in Germany. Butterfield attended a Nazi rally on Parker's Piece in Cambridge in May 1933 to witness their appeal for himself.Less
This chapter shows how the movements leading to the Second World War in the 1930s as well as the war itself directly affected Butterfield's work as historian. Throughout the 1930s, while he continued his research on Fox and produced his lectures on general history, he felt the expansion of his world horizon. He began to shift his attention away from his narrow fixation on the notable Cambridge historians who had inspired him. He started to reflex on world affairs and read a wider range of historians. He felt most disturbed by the cacophony of voices in England and on the continent of Europe proclaiming their conflicting truths for the world. There were his students advocating Marxism from the early 1930s. There were the Nazis staging their rallies in Cambridge to trumpet Adolf Hitler's rise to power in Germany. Butterfield attended a Nazi rally on Parker's Piece in Cambridge in May 1933 to witness their appeal for himself.
Deborah Fitzgerald
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300088137
- eISBN:
- 9780300133417
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300088137.003.0007
- Subject:
- Environmental Science, Environmental Studies
This chapter considers the international dimensions of early industrial agriculture. Ideas and techniques developed in America were used in establishing the collective farms in the Soviet Union. From ...
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This chapter considers the international dimensions of early industrial agriculture. Ideas and techniques developed in America were used in establishing the collective farms in the Soviet Union. From 1927 to 1932, between 1,000 and 2,000 American technical experts went to the Soviet Union as advisers to the Soviet government. Many were sent there to assemble and service machinery, set up factories, or instruct Soviet workers in engineering. Companies such as General Electric, Ford, and Caterpillar sent mechanics, engineers, and executives for a few months or even a few years. The chapter reveals that in spite of the brief amount of time these agriculturalists spent in the Soviet Union and despite their collective lack of influence in world affairs, their experiences had a powerful effect on American agriculture in the 1930s.Less
This chapter considers the international dimensions of early industrial agriculture. Ideas and techniques developed in America were used in establishing the collective farms in the Soviet Union. From 1927 to 1932, between 1,000 and 2,000 American technical experts went to the Soviet Union as advisers to the Soviet government. Many were sent there to assemble and service machinery, set up factories, or instruct Soviet workers in engineering. Companies such as General Electric, Ford, and Caterpillar sent mechanics, engineers, and executives for a few months or even a few years. The chapter reveals that in spite of the brief amount of time these agriculturalists spent in the Soviet Union and despite their collective lack of influence in world affairs, their experiences had a powerful effect on American agriculture in the 1930s.
