Lawrence Goldman
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205753
- eISBN:
- 9780191676765
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205753.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The chapter reports on the growing independence of the labour movement marked by the founding of the Labour Representation Committee in 1900 and the election of twenty-nine Labour MPs in 1906. The ...
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The chapter reports on the growing independence of the labour movement marked by the founding of the Labour Representation Committee in 1900 and the election of twenty-nine Labour MPs in 1906. The Workers' Educational Association (WEA) emerged out of a mature working-class culture. The WEA was founded in May 1903 as the ‘Association to Promote the Higher Education of Workingmen’. Its name was changed two years later at its second annual meeting in Birmingham. Its founder, Albert Mansbridge, was an almost archetypal lower middle-class scholar. The chapter also highlights the reinvigoration of working-class education. The aim of the group, in essence, was to raise academic standards in the university and simultaneously broaden the social range of the intake. In other words, they stood for the same things that earnest young Liberals had advocated in the 1850s and 1860s when university extension was first contemplated.Less
The chapter reports on the growing independence of the labour movement marked by the founding of the Labour Representation Committee in 1900 and the election of twenty-nine Labour MPs in 1906. The Workers' Educational Association (WEA) emerged out of a mature working-class culture. The WEA was founded in May 1903 as the ‘Association to Promote the Higher Education of Workingmen’. Its name was changed two years later at its second annual meeting in Birmingham. Its founder, Albert Mansbridge, was an almost archetypal lower middle-class scholar. The chapter also highlights the reinvigoration of working-class education. The aim of the group, in essence, was to raise academic standards in the university and simultaneously broaden the social range of the intake. In other words, they stood for the same things that earnest young Liberals had advocated in the 1850s and 1860s when university extension was first contemplated.
Lawrence Goldman
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205753
- eISBN:
- 9780191676765
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205753.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The issues of strategy, content, and control of workers' education which animated this exchange of views were at the heart of an almost simultaneous controversy within Oxford itself in the immediate ...
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The issues of strategy, content, and control of workers' education which animated this exchange of views were at the heart of an almost simultaneous controversy within Oxford itself in the immediate aftermath of the publication of the 1908 Report. Ruskin Hall had been founded in 1899 as a college for working populations through the efforts of the combination of a wealthy American philanthropists and a young American progressive of the name of Charles Beard. The college was designed to provide for the general education of working men in science, history, and modern languages. As early as 1905 there were disputes about the curriculum, especially over the teaching of economics. The arrival in 1908 of an inexperienced new tutor in economics, H. Sanderson Furniss, who was judged to be too orthodox by some of the students, only made the situation worse.Less
The issues of strategy, content, and control of workers' education which animated this exchange of views were at the heart of an almost simultaneous controversy within Oxford itself in the immediate aftermath of the publication of the 1908 Report. Ruskin Hall had been founded in 1899 as a college for working populations through the efforts of the combination of a wealthy American philanthropists and a young American progressive of the name of Charles Beard. The college was designed to provide for the general education of working men in science, history, and modern languages. As early as 1905 there were disputes about the curriculum, especially over the teaching of economics. The arrival in 1908 of an inexperienced new tutor in economics, H. Sanderson Furniss, who was judged to be too orthodox by some of the students, only made the situation worse.
Lawrence Goldman
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205753
- eISBN:
- 9780191676765
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205753.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This book is a history of university adult education since its origins in the mid-Victorian period. It focuses on the University of Oxford, which came to lead the movement for adult and working-class ...
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This book is a history of university adult education since its origins in the mid-Victorian period. It focuses on the University of Oxford, which came to lead the movement for adult and working-class education, and which imprinted it with a distinctive set of social and political objectives in the early years of the 20th century. It is also a study of the relationship between intellectuals and the working class, for it has been through the adult education movement that many of the leading figures in liberal and socialist thought have made contact with workers and their institutions over the last century and a half. The effect of adult education on such figures as T. H. Green, Arnold Toynbee, R. H. Tawney, G. D. H. Cole, William Temple, and Raymond Williams gives us an insight into the evolution of ideas from late-Victorian liberalism to 20th-century socialism. The book considers the political divisions within working-class adult education, and assesses the influence of this educational tradition on the development of the labour movement. The book is a contribution to the intellectual and political history of modern England, and one that presents an unfamiliar portrait of ‘elitist’ Oxford and its influence in the nation.Less
This book is a history of university adult education since its origins in the mid-Victorian period. It focuses on the University of Oxford, which came to lead the movement for adult and working-class education, and which imprinted it with a distinctive set of social and political objectives in the early years of the 20th century. It is also a study of the relationship between intellectuals and the working class, for it has been through the adult education movement that many of the leading figures in liberal and socialist thought have made contact with workers and their institutions over the last century and a half. The effect of adult education on such figures as T. H. Green, Arnold Toynbee, R. H. Tawney, G. D. H. Cole, William Temple, and Raymond Williams gives us an insight into the evolution of ideas from late-Victorian liberalism to 20th-century socialism. The book considers the political divisions within working-class adult education, and assesses the influence of this educational tradition on the development of the labour movement. The book is a contribution to the intellectual and political history of modern England, and one that presents an unfamiliar portrait of ‘elitist’ Oxford and its influence in the nation.
Jessica Gerrard
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780719090219
- eISBN:
- 9781781706954
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719090219.003.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Social Groups
This chapter considers the place of education in the struggle for social change. Taking inspiration from cultural and feminist historians, Gerrard argues for the need to explore beyond institutional ...
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This chapter considers the place of education in the struggle for social change. Taking inspiration from cultural and feminist historians, Gerrard argues for the need to explore beyond institutional histories of the state in order to understand the role of education in social change. Responding to contemporary policy paradigms that often represent working-class students as ‘failing and disaffected’ (a representation compounded by the politics of race), Gerrard suggests the need to examine the social history of educational agency and initiative. Taking this up, this chapter then introduces the two social histories of radical education that are the focus of this book: the Socialist Sunday School (est. 1892) and Black Saturday/Supplementary School (est. 1967) movements.Less
This chapter considers the place of education in the struggle for social change. Taking inspiration from cultural and feminist historians, Gerrard argues for the need to explore beyond institutional histories of the state in order to understand the role of education in social change. Responding to contemporary policy paradigms that often represent working-class students as ‘failing and disaffected’ (a representation compounded by the politics of race), Gerrard suggests the need to examine the social history of educational agency and initiative. Taking this up, this chapter then introduces the two social histories of radical education that are the focus of this book: the Socialist Sunday School (est. 1892) and Black Saturday/Supplementary School (est. 1967) movements.
Malcolm Petrie
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781474425612
- eISBN:
- 9781474445214
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474425612.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Class, for some on the radical left, and especially those in the Communist Party, was not just an economic identity. It was also one earned through conduct, particularly a commitment to political ...
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Class, for some on the radical left, and especially those in the Communist Party, was not just an economic identity. It was also one earned through conduct, particularly a commitment to political activism, sobriety and self-improvement. This was, of course, a culture that had always enjoyed a limited appeal; during the inter-war period, however, this appeal was restricted further by the rise of mass democracy, which undermined the necessary sense of political exclusion. This chapter charts the social and cultural limits of Communism in Scotland, exploring the Party’s appeal by focusing on the criminal trials of activists charged with sedition, the role played by religion and gender within the Party, and the changing nature of independent working-class education, especially within the labour college movement, during the 1920s and 1930s.Less
Class, for some on the radical left, and especially those in the Communist Party, was not just an economic identity. It was also one earned through conduct, particularly a commitment to political activism, sobriety and self-improvement. This was, of course, a culture that had always enjoyed a limited appeal; during the inter-war period, however, this appeal was restricted further by the rise of mass democracy, which undermined the necessary sense of political exclusion. This chapter charts the social and cultural limits of Communism in Scotland, exploring the Party’s appeal by focusing on the criminal trials of activists charged with sedition, the role played by religion and gender within the Party, and the changing nature of independent working-class education, especially within the labour college movement, during the 1920s and 1930s.
Education Societies
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814757437
- eISBN:
- 9780814763469
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814757437.003.0028
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This chapter is a collection of some announcements gleaned from radical Yiddish newspapers. These passages show how working-class men and women created numerous self-education societies in cities ...
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This chapter is a collection of some announcements gleaned from radical Yiddish newspapers. These passages show how working-class men and women created numerous self-education societies in cities around the country during the 1890s. In doing so, they demonstrated the extent to which they had internalized the values of intellectuals who had become—through their involvement in labor organizations, political parties, and the Yiddish press—leaders of the Jewish working class. The first announcement comes from the New Haven Educational Club, which held a banquet to host scientific lectures for the intellectual public. The second comes from the Socialist Pamphlet Fund and Workers' Education Group, which has taken upon itself the task of educating workers through systematic lectures on various elementary branches of science.Less
This chapter is a collection of some announcements gleaned from radical Yiddish newspapers. These passages show how working-class men and women created numerous self-education societies in cities around the country during the 1890s. In doing so, they demonstrated the extent to which they had internalized the values of intellectuals who had become—through their involvement in labor organizations, political parties, and the Yiddish press—leaders of the Jewish working class. The first announcement comes from the New Haven Educational Club, which held a banquet to host scientific lectures for the intellectual public. The second comes from the Socialist Pamphlet Fund and Workers' Education Group, which has taken upon itself the task of educating workers through systematic lectures on various elementary branches of science.
John Smyth
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781447326809
- eISBN:
- 9781447326816
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447326809.003.0016
- Subject:
- Education, Educational Policy and Politics
This chapter traces the way schooling systems have become increasingly implicated in and infected by a singular neoliberal policy strain culminating in an alarming propulsion of so-called ...
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This chapter traces the way schooling systems have become increasingly implicated in and infected by a singular neoliberal policy strain culminating in an alarming propulsion of so-called ‘disadvantaged’ young people out school in affluent western countries, effectively resulting in a denial of their access to relevant and equitably funded public education.
By listening to the stories of young people who have been ‘shoved’ out of school in order to sustain the neoliberal meritocratic sham, the chapter explores both the conditions that have led to their forced disconnection from schooling, as well as a very different set of conditions which young people ‘speak into existence’ when they are permitted to re-engage with learning in alternative educational settings.
The educational policy message of this chapter is that far from being the uneducable pathological ‘basket cases’ the neoliberal policy regime insists on portraying them as, these young people are in fact canny witnesses and agents capable of constructing a very different set of learning conditions—ones that are anathema to the competitive, individualistic, consumer-driven and elitist policy trajectories that have exiled them.Less
This chapter traces the way schooling systems have become increasingly implicated in and infected by a singular neoliberal policy strain culminating in an alarming propulsion of so-called ‘disadvantaged’ young people out school in affluent western countries, effectively resulting in a denial of their access to relevant and equitably funded public education.
By listening to the stories of young people who have been ‘shoved’ out of school in order to sustain the neoliberal meritocratic sham, the chapter explores both the conditions that have led to their forced disconnection from schooling, as well as a very different set of conditions which young people ‘speak into existence’ when they are permitted to re-engage with learning in alternative educational settings.
The educational policy message of this chapter is that far from being the uneducable pathological ‘basket cases’ the neoliberal policy regime insists on portraying them as, these young people are in fact canny witnesses and agents capable of constructing a very different set of learning conditions—ones that are anathema to the competitive, individualistic, consumer-driven and elitist policy trajectories that have exiled them.