You‐tien Hsing
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199568048
- eISBN:
- 9780191721632
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199568048.003.0003
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Political Economy
Chapter 2 discusses local politics at the municipal government level. It focuses on land battles in the urban core between high‐ranking state units (or “socialist land masters”) ...
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Chapter 2 discusses local politics at the municipal government level. It focuses on land battles in the urban core between high‐ranking state units (or “socialist land masters”) and municipal governments. It argues that while the socialist land masters occupy premium land parcels inherited from the planned economy, the municipal government's authority is reinforced by a modernist discourse, Western urban planning doctrines, and recent policies that grant authority over state‐owned urban land to the territorial government. Rather than settling the matter of power in the city, however, municipal leaders' granted authority is tested and defined by their political, regulatory, organizational, and moral authority in negotiations with those above, within, and below them. The municipal government's regulatory capacity is especially challenged by a fragmented real estate industry that includes players from state, non‐state, and hybrid sectors.Less
Chapter 2 discusses local politics at the municipal government level. It focuses on land battles in the urban core between high‐ranking state units (or “socialist land masters”) and municipal governments. It argues that while the socialist land masters occupy premium land parcels inherited from the planned economy, the municipal government's authority is reinforced by a modernist discourse, Western urban planning doctrines, and recent policies that grant authority over state‐owned urban land to the territorial government. Rather than settling the matter of power in the city, however, municipal leaders' granted authority is tested and defined by their political, regulatory, organizational, and moral authority in negotiations with those above, within, and below them. The municipal government's regulatory capacity is especially challenged by a fragmented real estate industry that includes players from state, non‐state, and hybrid sectors.
Martha Lampland
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780226314600
- eISBN:
- 9780226314747
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226314747.003.0008
- Subject:
- Anthropology, European Cultural Anthropology
This chapter provides an outline of the administrative apparatus of the party/state in its early years, and considers the process of collectivization in terms of the actual workings of cooperative ...
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This chapter provides an outline of the administrative apparatus of the party/state in its early years, and considers the process of collectivization in terms of the actual workings of cooperative farming rather than the usual focus on the expropriation of private land. Expanding responsibilities of planning and political oversight weigh heavily on government offices, especially at the lower levels of the bureaucracy, which were ill equipped and poorly staffed to deal with the onerous workload. Attempts to promote collectivization were largely rebuffed by self-sufficient landowners, but the poorest members of village communities opt to join cooperatives to pool their meager resources. The party/state devotes extensive efforts to explaining work units to villagers, and convince them that the new system is worth adopting. Labor competitions were organized as another means of increasing labor productivity though they were largely unsuccessful in doing so. Brutal and widespread violence was unleashed on villagers in the name of the class war, a struggle the Communist Party hoped to win by teaching party members and average folk how to recognize the enemies of socialism. The chapter ends with a discussion of the clashes between government agencies over opposing agendas.Less
This chapter provides an outline of the administrative apparatus of the party/state in its early years, and considers the process of collectivization in terms of the actual workings of cooperative farming rather than the usual focus on the expropriation of private land. Expanding responsibilities of planning and political oversight weigh heavily on government offices, especially at the lower levels of the bureaucracy, which were ill equipped and poorly staffed to deal with the onerous workload. Attempts to promote collectivization were largely rebuffed by self-sufficient landowners, but the poorest members of village communities opt to join cooperatives to pool their meager resources. The party/state devotes extensive efforts to explaining work units to villagers, and convince them that the new system is worth adopting. Labor competitions were organized as another means of increasing labor productivity though they were largely unsuccessful in doing so. Brutal and widespread violence was unleashed on villagers in the name of the class war, a struggle the Communist Party hoped to win by teaching party members and average folk how to recognize the enemies of socialism. The chapter ends with a discussion of the clashes between government agencies over opposing agendas.
Joel Andreas
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190052607
- eISBN:
- 9780190052645
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190052607.003.0003
- Subject:
- Sociology, Occupations, Professions, and Work, Comparative and Historical Sociology
Chapter 3 describes the institutional foundations of the Chinese work unit system and the practices of worker participation in the early 1960s, after the system was fully established and before the ...
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Chapter 3 describes the institutional foundations of the Chinese work unit system and the practices of worker participation in the early 1960s, after the system was fully established and before the onset of the Cultural Revolution. Participatory institutions included self-managing teams on the shop floor, technical innovation groups, factory elections, representative congresses, and other mechanisms designed to solicit suggestions from below, learn about and defuse employees’ grievances and concerns, and mobilize workers to monitor and criticize factory leaders. Despite high levels of participation, predicated on lifetime job tenure and relatively egalitarian distribution, industrial governance was democratic only in a very limited sense. The party insisted on maintaining a political monopoly and harshly suppressed any hint of independent political activity. Not only was the scope of workers’ influence restricted largely to the shop floor, but they also had little autonomy. Although participation was extensive, the system was more paternalistic than democratic.Less
Chapter 3 describes the institutional foundations of the Chinese work unit system and the practices of worker participation in the early 1960s, after the system was fully established and before the onset of the Cultural Revolution. Participatory institutions included self-managing teams on the shop floor, technical innovation groups, factory elections, representative congresses, and other mechanisms designed to solicit suggestions from below, learn about and defuse employees’ grievances and concerns, and mobilize workers to monitor and criticize factory leaders. Despite high levels of participation, predicated on lifetime job tenure and relatively egalitarian distribution, industrial governance was democratic only in a very limited sense. The party insisted on maintaining a political monopoly and harshly suppressed any hint of independent political activity. Not only was the scope of workers’ influence restricted largely to the shop floor, but they also had little autonomy. Although participation was extensive, the system was more paternalistic than democratic.
Andrew B. Kipnis
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780520289703
- eISBN:
- 9780520964273
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520289703.003.0003
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Asian Cultural Anthropology
This chapter depicts the evolution and growth of industry in Zouping from roughly 1985 to 2012. It pays particular attention to the histories of the two largest conglomerates in Zouping: the Weiqiao ...
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This chapter depicts the evolution and growth of industry in Zouping from roughly 1985 to 2012. It pays particular attention to the histories of the two largest conglomerates in Zouping: the Weiqiao Group and the Xiwang Group. It analyzes these two groups as instances of “local capital,” with the term local indicating that the groups were constrained by their social embeddedness in local communities and the term capital indicating the groups’ drive to constantly seek out higher rates of profit. The pressures of capital may be seen in the histories of privatization both groups experienced, while the social embeddedness comes through, in part, in the depictions of their “work-unit culture”—cultures in which workers are treated as relatively permanent members of the firms. The workers receive a wide range of benefits in addition to their wages, including housing.Less
This chapter depicts the evolution and growth of industry in Zouping from roughly 1985 to 2012. It pays particular attention to the histories of the two largest conglomerates in Zouping: the Weiqiao Group and the Xiwang Group. It analyzes these two groups as instances of “local capital,” with the term local indicating that the groups were constrained by their social embeddedness in local communities and the term capital indicating the groups’ drive to constantly seek out higher rates of profit. The pressures of capital may be seen in the histories of privatization both groups experienced, while the social embeddedness comes through, in part, in the depictions of their “work-unit culture”—cultures in which workers are treated as relatively permanent members of the firms. The workers receive a wide range of benefits in addition to their wages, including housing.
Joel Andreas
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190052607
- eISBN:
- 9780190052645
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190052607.003.0007
- Subject:
- Sociology, Occupations, Professions, and Work, Comparative and Historical Sociology
Chapter 7 looks at the impact on factory governance of the initial reforms carried out during the first decade and a half after Mao’s death in 1976. These reforms left the fundamental features of the ...
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Chapter 7 looks at the impact on factory governance of the initial reforms carried out during the first decade and a half after Mao’s death in 1976. These reforms left the fundamental features of the work unit system—public ownership and permanent job tenure—in place, and institutional forms of participation, including staff and workers congresses, were revived and enhanced. During the “long 1980s” workers enjoyed substantial influence, especially with regard to the distribution of wages and bonuses, housing, and other welfare entitlements. Although the Chinese Communist Party had by then renounced its original class-leveling mission, workers effectively resisted new distribution policies that violated the egalitarian ethos that had long prevailed under the work unit system. The latter years of this period, however, also marked the beginning of the erosion of industrial citizenship as temporary employment was expanded and the power of the factory director was reinforced in the second half of the decade.Less
Chapter 7 looks at the impact on factory governance of the initial reforms carried out during the first decade and a half after Mao’s death in 1976. These reforms left the fundamental features of the work unit system—public ownership and permanent job tenure—in place, and institutional forms of participation, including staff and workers congresses, were revived and enhanced. During the “long 1980s” workers enjoyed substantial influence, especially with regard to the distribution of wages and bonuses, housing, and other welfare entitlements. Although the Chinese Communist Party had by then renounced its original class-leveling mission, workers effectively resisted new distribution policies that violated the egalitarian ethos that had long prevailed under the work unit system. The latter years of this period, however, also marked the beginning of the erosion of industrial citizenship as temporary employment was expanded and the power of the factory director was reinforced in the second half of the decade.
Ka-ming Wu
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252039881
- eISBN:
- 9780252097997
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252039881.003.0005
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Asian Studies
This chapter examines folk storytelling performances staged in and by various government work units or state-owned enterprises for public relations purposes, with particular emphasis on how the ...
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This chapter examines folk storytelling performances staged in and by various government work units or state-owned enterprises for public relations purposes, with particular emphasis on how the production of folk cultural tradition became intertwined with danwei business promotion in Yan'an. Using the case of northern Shaanxi storytelling, the chapter considers how the practice of folk tradition is linked to work-unit messages and, sometimes, national ideology promotion. It discusses the ways in which folk cultural production today concerns complicated political, commercial, and social relations with work units. It shows how the production of folk tradition is increasingly adapted to danwei public relations events and campaigns, while, at the same time, danwei events also become the spaces wherein traditional folk art forms find new developments, audiences, and visibility in the age of urbanization and marketization.Less
This chapter examines folk storytelling performances staged in and by various government work units or state-owned enterprises for public relations purposes, with particular emphasis on how the production of folk cultural tradition became intertwined with danwei business promotion in Yan'an. Using the case of northern Shaanxi storytelling, the chapter considers how the practice of folk tradition is linked to work-unit messages and, sometimes, national ideology promotion. It discusses the ways in which folk cultural production today concerns complicated political, commercial, and social relations with work units. It shows how the production of folk tradition is increasingly adapted to danwei public relations events and campaigns, while, at the same time, danwei events also become the spaces wherein traditional folk art forms find new developments, audiences, and visibility in the age of urbanization and marketization.
Joel Andreas
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190052607
- eISBN:
- 9780190052645
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190052607.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Occupations, Professions, and Work, Comparative and Historical Sociology
Disenfranchised recounts the tumultuous events that have shaped and reshaped factory politics in China since the 1949 Revolution. The book develops a theoretical framework consisting of two ...
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Disenfranchised recounts the tumultuous events that have shaped and reshaped factory politics in China since the 1949 Revolution. The book develops a theoretical framework consisting of two dimensions—industrial citizenship and autonomy—to explain changing authority relations in workplaces and uses interviews with workers and managers to provide a shop-floor perspective. Under the work unit system, in place from the 1950s to the 1980s, lifetime job tenure and participatory institutions gave workers a strong form of industrial citizenship, but constraints on autonomous collective action made the system more paternalistic than democratic. Called “masters of the factory,” workers were pressed to participate actively in self-managing teams and employee congresses but only under the all-encompassing control of the factory party committee. Concerned that party cadres were becoming a “bureaucratic class,” Mao experimented with means to mobilize criticism from below, even inciting—during the Cultural Revolution—a worker insurgency that overthrew factory party committees. Unwilling to allow workers to establish permanent autonomous organizations, however, Mao never came up with institutionalized means of making factory leaders accountable to their subordinates. The final chapters recount the process of industrial restructuring, which has transformed work units into profit-oriented enterprises, eliminating industrial citizenship and reducing workers to hired hands dependent on precarious employment and subject to highly coercive discipline. The book closes with an overview of parallel developments around the globe, chronicling the rise and fall of an era of industrial citizenship.Less
Disenfranchised recounts the tumultuous events that have shaped and reshaped factory politics in China since the 1949 Revolution. The book develops a theoretical framework consisting of two dimensions—industrial citizenship and autonomy—to explain changing authority relations in workplaces and uses interviews with workers and managers to provide a shop-floor perspective. Under the work unit system, in place from the 1950s to the 1980s, lifetime job tenure and participatory institutions gave workers a strong form of industrial citizenship, but constraints on autonomous collective action made the system more paternalistic than democratic. Called “masters of the factory,” workers were pressed to participate actively in self-managing teams and employee congresses but only under the all-encompassing control of the factory party committee. Concerned that party cadres were becoming a “bureaucratic class,” Mao experimented with means to mobilize criticism from below, even inciting—during the Cultural Revolution—a worker insurgency that overthrew factory party committees. Unwilling to allow workers to establish permanent autonomous organizations, however, Mao never came up with institutionalized means of making factory leaders accountable to their subordinates. The final chapters recount the process of industrial restructuring, which has transformed work units into profit-oriented enterprises, eliminating industrial citizenship and reducing workers to hired hands dependent on precarious employment and subject to highly coercive discipline. The book closes with an overview of parallel developments around the globe, chronicling the rise and fall of an era of industrial citizenship.
Xiaoqun Xu
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- August 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190060046
- eISBN:
- 9780190060077
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190060046.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, Asian History, Political History
Chapter 7 presents the Maoist theory of class struggle and its manifestation in dealing with common crimes and political offenses by legal (and extralegal) and judicial (and extrajudicial) means. ...
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Chapter 7 presents the Maoist theory of class struggle and its manifestation in dealing with common crimes and political offenses by legal (and extralegal) and judicial (and extrajudicial) means. Such practices originated in the pre-1949 revolutionary experiences and culminated in the disastrous Cultural Revolution (1966–1976). The chapter explains the reasons why the CCP did not find it necessary to have a criminal code and a criminal procedural law, and how the mechanisms of social engineering that the CCP designed and developed helped social control and crime prevention. It traces the rationales and practices of “reform through labor” and “reeducation through labor” during the Mao era and after. It describes the political campaigns of the 1950s and 1960s that reached the point of lawlessness in the Cultural Revolution.Less
Chapter 7 presents the Maoist theory of class struggle and its manifestation in dealing with common crimes and political offenses by legal (and extralegal) and judicial (and extrajudicial) means. Such practices originated in the pre-1949 revolutionary experiences and culminated in the disastrous Cultural Revolution (1966–1976). The chapter explains the reasons why the CCP did not find it necessary to have a criminal code and a criminal procedural law, and how the mechanisms of social engineering that the CCP designed and developed helped social control and crime prevention. It traces the rationales and practices of “reform through labor” and “reeducation through labor” during the Mao era and after. It describes the political campaigns of the 1950s and 1960s that reached the point of lawlessness in the Cultural Revolution.
Xiaoqun Xu
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- August 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190060046
- eISBN:
- 9780190060077
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190060046.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, Asian History, Political History
Chapter 8 turns to the Maoist practices of resolving civil disputes through mediation by courts, workplace leaders, and residents committees, guided by the notion that such disputes were ...
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Chapter 8 turns to the Maoist practices of resolving civil disputes through mediation by courts, workplace leaders, and residents committees, guided by the notion that such disputes were “contradictions among the people.” The focus is on the impact of the Marriage Law of 1950, since other kinds of civil disputes were rather rare under the Maoist Socialist system. The principle of gender and marital equality and the way marital disputes and divorces were handled by community and workplace leaders as well as courts were continuation of the same practices in the revolutionary years. The emphasis on mediation before adjudication in divorce cases was also similar to the earlier times, even though mediators were different.Less
Chapter 8 turns to the Maoist practices of resolving civil disputes through mediation by courts, workplace leaders, and residents committees, guided by the notion that such disputes were “contradictions among the people.” The focus is on the impact of the Marriage Law of 1950, since other kinds of civil disputes were rather rare under the Maoist Socialist system. The principle of gender and marital equality and the way marital disputes and divorces were handled by community and workplace leaders as well as courts were continuation of the same practices in the revolutionary years. The emphasis on mediation before adjudication in divorce cases was also similar to the earlier times, even though mediators were different.