Maxine Molyneux and Shahra Razavi
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199256457
- eISBN:
- 9780191601989
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199256454.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This introductory chapter opens with a discussion on the gains made the international human rights movement in the 1990s. It draws attention to and social and economic policies that have kept many ...
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This introductory chapter opens with a discussion on the gains made the international human rights movement in the 1990s. It draws attention to and social and economic policies that have kept many women in a state of poverty and deprivation. These policies serve as the backdrop to the studies in this volume, which are described in detail.Less
This introductory chapter opens with a discussion on the gains made the international human rights movement in the 1990s. It draws attention to and social and economic policies that have kept many women in a state of poverty and deprivation. These policies serve as the backdrop to the studies in this volume, which are described in detail.
Christine Chinkin
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295662
- eISBN:
- 9780191599521
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295669.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Begins with a survey of the realities of women's global inequality, asserting that attempts at legal regulation (notably the Women's Convention prepared for the UN's Second Conference on Women, held ...
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Begins with a survey of the realities of women's global inequality, asserting that attempts at legal regulation (notably the Women's Convention prepared for the UN's Second Conference on Women, held in Copenhagen in 1980) have fallen far short of the tasks of achieving gender equality. Explanations for this enormous disparity between promise and performance involve flaws in the legal framework, defects in the concept of equality used to promote the advancement of women, and the general inadequacy of law as an instrument for changing behaviours deeply rooted in tradition and culture, and supported moreover by global economic structures. For all these reasons, the chapter concludes by doubting whether legal regulation, particularly at the international level, can ever generate fundamental societal change.Less
Begins with a survey of the realities of women's global inequality, asserting that attempts at legal regulation (notably the Women's Convention prepared for the UN's Second Conference on Women, held in Copenhagen in 1980) have fallen far short of the tasks of achieving gender equality. Explanations for this enormous disparity between promise and performance involve flaws in the legal framework, defects in the concept of equality used to promote the advancement of women, and the general inadequacy of law as an instrument for changing behaviours deeply rooted in tradition and culture, and supported moreover by global economic structures. For all these reasons, the chapter concludes by doubting whether legal regulation, particularly at the international level, can ever generate fundamental societal change.
Parvin Paidar
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199256457
- eISBN:
- 9780191601989
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199256454.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter explores the interface between the women’s rights movement and the reform movement in the Islamic Republic of Iran. It begins with an overview of the nature of democratic rights and ...
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This chapter explores the interface between the women’s rights movement and the reform movement in the Islamic Republic of Iran. It begins with an overview of the nature of democratic rights and institutions in Iran, the ways women have played their citizenship role, and the recent social and political trends that have strengthened democratisation and women’s rights movements. It then analyses the gender emancipatory potential and limitations of the most influential current Islamist reformist strands, and the feminist contribution to Islamic reformism. Finally, recent debates within the feminist movements are described, presenting the two categories of secularist and Islamist feminisms and the emergence of pragmatic feminism.Less
This chapter explores the interface between the women’s rights movement and the reform movement in the Islamic Republic of Iran. It begins with an overview of the nature of democratic rights and institutions in Iran, the ways women have played their citizenship role, and the recent social and political trends that have strengthened democratisation and women’s rights movements. It then analyses the gender emancipatory potential and limitations of the most influential current Islamist reformist strands, and the feminist contribution to Islamic reformism. Finally, recent debates within the feminist movements are described, presenting the two categories of secularist and Islamist feminisms and the emergence of pragmatic feminism.
Jean C. Robinson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242665
- eISBN:
- 9780191600258
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242666.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The National Assembly in France tentatively reformed abortion law in 1975 and reaffirmed legal abortion in 1979. The women's movement campaigned on the issue but did not claim success for a policy ...
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The National Assembly in France tentatively reformed abortion law in 1975 and reaffirmed legal abortion in 1979. The women's movement campaigned on the issue but did not claim success for a policy they believed was still too restrictive. Their influence later increased under the leadership of activist women's policy agencies appointed by Socialist governments. In 1983, the Ministry of Woman's Rights initiated government funding of abortion costs. In the 1990s, a different agency fought anti‐abortion movement efforts to obstruct access to abortion clinics with an amendment to the criminal code.Less
The National Assembly in France tentatively reformed abortion law in 1975 and reaffirmed legal abortion in 1979. The women's movement campaigned on the issue but did not claim success for a policy they believed was still too restrictive. Their influence later increased under the leadership of activist women's policy agencies appointed by Socialist governments. In 1983, the Ministry of Woman's Rights initiated government funding of abortion costs. In the 1990s, a different agency fought anti‐abortion movement efforts to obstruct access to abortion clinics with an amendment to the criminal code.
Aili Mari Tripp
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199256457
- eISBN:
- 9780191601989
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199256454.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter examines the women’s movement in Uganda to illustrate how the debate over multiculturalism and women’s rights has created a false dichotomy between the North and South. Much the debate ...
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This chapter examines the women’s movement in Uganda to illustrate how the debate over multiculturalism and women’s rights has created a false dichotomy between the North and South. Much the debate focuses on culture, avoiding the material conditions that shape people’s lives and underpinning cultural justifications for women’s subordination. The debate should be viewed as a global struggle between those supporting women’s political, economic, and social advancement and those opposed to such change. It is argued that those who defend practices that are harmful to women in the name of preserving their religious, ethnic, or other cultural identity are also seeking to protect certain political and/or economic interests.Less
This chapter examines the women’s movement in Uganda to illustrate how the debate over multiculturalism and women’s rights has created a false dichotomy between the North and South. Much the debate focuses on culture, avoiding the material conditions that shape people’s lives and underpinning cultural justifications for women’s subordination. The debate should be viewed as a global struggle between those supporting women’s political, economic, and social advancement and those opposed to such change. It is argued that those who defend practices that are harmful to women in the name of preserving their religious, ethnic, or other cultural identity are also seeking to protect certain political and/or economic interests.
Allison L. Sneider
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195321166
- eISBN:
- 9780199869725
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195321166.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century, American History: 20th Century
By 1929, when the U.S. congress pushed the colonial legislature of Puerto Rico to adopt woman suffrage, votes for women had become a benchmark for measuring the expansion of democratic values ...
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By 1929, when the U.S. congress pushed the colonial legislature of Puerto Rico to adopt woman suffrage, votes for women had become a benchmark for measuring the expansion of democratic values overseas. Conversely, woman suffrage was also part and parcel of U.S. colonial rule. Into the 20th century, votes for women and women's rights are part of the negotiation of imperial power relations across the globe.Less
By 1929, when the U.S. congress pushed the colonial legislature of Puerto Rico to adopt woman suffrage, votes for women had become a benchmark for measuring the expansion of democratic values overseas. Conversely, woman suffrage was also part and parcel of U.S. colonial rule. Into the 20th century, votes for women and women's rights are part of the negotiation of imperial power relations across the globe.
Susan Tiefenbrun
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195385779
- eISBN:
- 9780199776061
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195385779.003.008
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
This chapter examines various types of coded sign systems that, when decoded contextually and from the point of view of cultural peculiarities known to Iranians, reveal hidden realities about women's ...
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This chapter examines various types of coded sign systems that, when decoded contextually and from the point of view of cultural peculiarities known to Iranians, reveal hidden realities about women's human rights in Iran. It determines how and the extent to which basic human rights are being denied to women in Iran today and whether there is hope for more justice and gender equality in Iran in the future. The chapter is organized as follows. Part I examines the historic and political contexts of women's human rights in Iran. Part II looks at the sign system of wearing women's Islamic garb known as the hejab or veil in an attempt to uncover the meaning of the many different messages this speech act conveys. Part III investigates cultural manifestations of women's human rights abuses in Iran through a study of the memoirs and films of four Iranian women. Part IV investigates the Iranian family laws as a sign system that reflects the culture in Iran and conditions the status of women's rights today in that country. Part V examines some of the international human rights laws and instruments that protect gender equality. Finally, this chapter concludes by looking at the future of women's rights in Iran.Less
This chapter examines various types of coded sign systems that, when decoded contextually and from the point of view of cultural peculiarities known to Iranians, reveal hidden realities about women's human rights in Iran. It determines how and the extent to which basic human rights are being denied to women in Iran today and whether there is hope for more justice and gender equality in Iran in the future. The chapter is organized as follows. Part I examines the historic and political contexts of women's human rights in Iran. Part II looks at the sign system of wearing women's Islamic garb known as the hejab or veil in an attempt to uncover the meaning of the many different messages this speech act conveys. Part III investigates cultural manifestations of women's human rights abuses in Iran through a study of the memoirs and films of four Iranian women. Part IV investigates the Iranian family laws as a sign system that reflects the culture in Iran and conditions the status of women's rights today in that country. Part V examines some of the international human rights laws and instruments that protect gender equality. Finally, this chapter concludes by looking at the future of women's rights in Iran.
Maxine Molyneux and Shahra Razavi (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199256457
- eISBN:
- 9780191601989
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199256454.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This book features a collection of empirical and theoretical studies on developments in women’s rights in the 1990s. It is divided into four parts. Part I focuses on the different aspects of ...
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This book features a collection of empirical and theoretical studies on developments in women’s rights in the 1990s. It is divided into four parts. Part I focuses on the different aspects of liberalism and the challenges to its neo-liberal or contractarian form. Part II examines the gender implications of the tensions between orthodox macroeconomic agendas, social rights, and welfare delivery. Part III centres on the place of women’s movements in states and social movements that claim democracy as a legitimising principle. Part IV studies the conflicts between universalism and multiculturalism.Less
This book features a collection of empirical and theoretical studies on developments in women’s rights in the 1990s. It is divided into four parts. Part I focuses on the different aspects of liberalism and the challenges to its neo-liberal or contractarian form. Part II examines the gender implications of the tensions between orthodox macroeconomic agendas, social rights, and welfare delivery. Part III centres on the place of women’s movements in states and social movements that claim democracy as a legitimising principle. Part IV studies the conflicts between universalism and multiculturalism.
William Talbott
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780195173475
- eISBN:
- 9780199835331
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195173473.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, General
In this book, William Talbott builds on the work of J.S. Mill, John Rawls, and Jürgen Habermas to develop a new equilibrium model for moral reasoning, in which moral reasoning is primarily bottom-up, ...
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In this book, William Talbott builds on the work of J.S. Mill, John Rawls, and Jürgen Habermas to develop a new equilibrium model for moral reasoning, in which moral reasoning is primarily bottom-up, from judgments about particular actual and hypothetical cases to norms or principles that best explain the particular judgments. Employing the equilibrium model, Talbott builds on the work of John Rawls, Amartya Sen, and Henry Shue to explain how, over the course of history, human beings have learned to adopt a distinctively moral standpoint from which it is possible to make reliable, though not infallible, universal judgments of right and wrong. He explains how this distinctively moral standpoint has led to the discovery of the moral importance of nine basic human rights. The book is constructed around pivotal examples. Talbott uses the example of Bartolomé de Las Casas and his opposition to the Spanish colonists’ treatment of the American natives in the 16th century to illustrate the possibility of attaining a universal moral standpoint. He uses the example of the development of women's rights as a microcosm of the development of basic human rights. He argues that assertions of basic human rights are almost always a response to oppressive norms justified by self-reinforcing paternalism. Talbott uses examples from Marxist dictatorships to show the importance of basic human rights in solving what he refers to as the reliable feedback problem and the appropriate responsiveness problem for governments. He uses Sen’s research on famines and psychological research on the ultimatum game and other related games to explain how individual fairness judgments from the moral standpoint make rights-respecting democracies self-improving self-regulating systems that become more just over time. Undoubtedly, the most controversial issue raised by the claim of universal human rights is the issue of moral relativism. How can the advocate of universal rights avoid being a moral imperialist? In this book, Talbott shows how to defend basic individual rights from a universal moral point of view that is not imperialistic. Talbott avoids moral imperialism, first, by insisting that all of us, himself included, have moral blindspots and that we usually depend on others to help us to identify those blindspots; second, by emphasizing the importance of avoiding moral paternalism. In the book, Talbott develops a new consequentialist account of the importance of the basic human rights, which he employs to augment the more familiar nonconsequentialist accounts.Less
In this book, William Talbott builds on the work of J.S. Mill, John Rawls, and Jürgen Habermas to develop a new equilibrium model for moral reasoning, in which moral reasoning is primarily bottom-up, from judgments about particular actual and hypothetical cases to norms or principles that best explain the particular judgments. Employing the equilibrium model, Talbott builds on the work of John Rawls, Amartya Sen, and Henry Shue to explain how, over the course of history, human beings have learned to adopt a distinctively moral standpoint from which it is possible to make reliable, though not infallible, universal judgments of right and wrong. He explains how this distinctively moral standpoint has led to the discovery of the moral importance of nine basic human rights. The book is constructed around pivotal examples. Talbott uses the example of Bartolomé de Las Casas and his opposition to the Spanish colonists’ treatment of the American natives in the 16th century to illustrate the possibility of attaining a universal moral standpoint. He uses the example of the development of women's rights as a microcosm of the development of basic human rights. He argues that assertions of basic human rights are almost always a response to oppressive norms justified by self-reinforcing paternalism. Talbott uses examples from Marxist dictatorships to show the importance of basic human rights in solving what he refers to as the reliable feedback problem and the appropriate responsiveness problem for governments. He uses Sen’s research on famines and psychological research on the ultimatum game and other related games to explain how individual fairness judgments from the moral standpoint make rights-respecting democracies self-improving self-regulating systems that become more just over time. Undoubtedly, the most controversial issue raised by the claim of universal human rights is the issue of moral relativism. How can the advocate of universal rights avoid being a moral imperialist? In this book, Talbott shows how to defend basic individual rights from a universal moral point of view that is not imperialistic. Talbott avoids moral imperialism, first, by insisting that all of us, himself included, have moral blindspots and that we usually depend on others to help us to identify those blindspots; second, by emphasizing the importance of avoiding moral paternalism. In the book, Talbott develops a new consequentialist account of the importance of the basic human rights, which he employs to augment the more familiar nonconsequentialist accounts.
Manisuli Ssenyonjo
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199578986
- eISBN:
- 9780191595202
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199578986.003.0009
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration, Public International Law
This chapter examines the relationship between culture and the realization of the human rights of women in Africa. The chapter is organized a follows: Section 2 provides an overview of human rights ...
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This chapter examines the relationship between culture and the realization of the human rights of women in Africa. The chapter is organized a follows: Section 2 provides an overview of human rights of women in Africa, Section 3 examines prejudicial cultural practices as an obstacle to the realization of the human rights of women, and Section 4 provides some concluding observations, noting that the promotion of women's human rights advances society as a whole and contributes to attaining human security.Less
This chapter examines the relationship between culture and the realization of the human rights of women in Africa. The chapter is organized a follows: Section 2 provides an overview of human rights of women in Africa, Section 3 examines prejudicial cultural practices as an obstacle to the realization of the human rights of women, and Section 4 provides some concluding observations, noting that the promotion of women's human rights advances society as a whole and contributes to attaining human security.
Jacqueline Heinen and Stéphane Portet
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199256457
- eISBN:
- 9780191601989
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199256454.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter examines the difference in the status of men and women in Poland, based on the legal changes affecting employment, reproduction, and political representation. It covers the different ...
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This chapter examines the difference in the status of men and women in Poland, based on the legal changes affecting employment, reproduction, and political representation. It covers the different types of rights, the continuity/restructuring of the public-private relationship, new citizenship opportunities and increased marginalization of women, inequalities in the right to work, unemployment and limitations on social rights, prohibition of abortion, and the impact of European integration on equal rights between men and women.Less
This chapter examines the difference in the status of men and women in Poland, based on the legal changes affecting employment, reproduction, and political representation. It covers the different types of rights, the continuity/restructuring of the public-private relationship, new citizenship opportunities and increased marginalization of women, inequalities in the right to work, unemployment and limitations on social rights, prohibition of abortion, and the impact of European integration on equal rights between men and women.
Verónica Schild
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199256457
- eISBN:
- 9780191601989
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199256454.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter analyses NGO participation in social provisioning in Chile for the advancement of gender equality. It presents an overview of the social development strategy of the two Concertación ...
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This chapter analyses NGO participation in social provisioning in Chile for the advancement of gender equality. It presents an overview of the social development strategy of the two Concertación governments since 1990, focusing on the social programmes involving partnerships between NGOs and government agencies. The gendered impact of global economic integration on people’s working lives and communities are discussed. It then outlines the implications of a gender equity agenda, which aims to integrate women as subjects of rights into the development process but does so by relying on the volunteer-like work of women, and which targets only the poorest of the poor.Less
This chapter analyses NGO participation in social provisioning in Chile for the advancement of gender equality. It presents an overview of the social development strategy of the two Concertación governments since 1990, focusing on the social programmes involving partnerships between NGOs and government agencies. The gendered impact of global economic integration on people’s working lives and communities are discussed. It then outlines the implications of a gender equity agenda, which aims to integrate women as subjects of rights into the development process but does so by relying on the volunteer-like work of women, and which targets only the poorest of the poor.
R. Aída Hernández Castillo
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199256457
- eISBN:
- 9780191601989
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199256454.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter examines the ways national law and indigenous customary law respond to the struggle of indigenous women in Chiapas, Mexico for rights within the new macro-political context of ...
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This chapter examines the ways national law and indigenous customary law respond to the struggle of indigenous women in Chiapas, Mexico for rights within the new macro-political context of multiculturalism. It is argued that certain academic paradigms used to analyse indigenous normative systems have contributed to creating an image of customary law as a harmonious space free of contradiction, and in isolation from national law. This is an image that can impede the development of proposals for reform aimed at increasing access to justice for indigenous women.Less
This chapter examines the ways national law and indigenous customary law respond to the struggle of indigenous women in Chiapas, Mexico for rights within the new macro-political context of multiculturalism. It is argued that certain academic paradigms used to analyse indigenous normative systems have contributed to creating an image of customary law as a harmonious space free of contradiction, and in isolation from national law. This is an image that can impede the development of proposals for reform aimed at increasing access to justice for indigenous women.
Ayelet Shachar
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780198297703
- eISBN:
- 9780191602948
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829770X.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The first section of this chapter (Women and family law) demonstrates why women living in minority groups are more vulnerable than men to maltreatment in the family‐law context. In the second ...
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The first section of this chapter (Women and family law) demonstrates why women living in minority groups are more vulnerable than men to maltreatment in the family‐law context. In the second section, two extant approaches to family‐law accommodation (the ‘secular absolutist’ model, and the ‘religious particularist’ model) are discussed that exemplify the family‐law arrangements adopted in numerous legal democracies. In the last section, a new alternative multicultural approach is developed to family‐law accommodation. This is called the ‘joint‐governance’ model, and while it respects the crucial identity‐preserving function of family law, it also seeks to provide women living in close‐knit religious or cultural groups with the legal protection guaranteed to them as state citizenship.Less
The first section of this chapter (Women and family law) demonstrates why women living in minority groups are more vulnerable than men to maltreatment in the family‐law context. In the second section, two extant approaches to family‐law accommodation (the ‘secular absolutist’ model, and the ‘religious particularist’ model) are discussed that exemplify the family‐law arrangements adopted in numerous legal democracies. In the last section, a new alternative multicultural approach is developed to family‐law accommodation. This is called the ‘joint‐governance’ model, and while it respects the crucial identity‐preserving function of family law, it also seeks to provide women living in close‐knit religious or cultural groups with the legal protection guaranteed to them as state citizenship.
Lucie White
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195141177
- eISBN:
- 9780199871391
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195141172.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines two key areas in which cause lawyers are active in Ghana – womens’ rights and economic development policy. The analysis is based on interviews with mid‐level professionals, and ...
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This chapter examines two key areas in which cause lawyers are active in Ghana – womens’ rights and economic development policy. The analysis is based on interviews with mid‐level professionals, and details what their objectives and outlooks have in common.Less
This chapter examines two key areas in which cause lawyers are active in Ghana – womens’ rights and economic development policy. The analysis is based on interviews with mid‐level professionals, and details what their objectives and outlooks have in common.
Carolyn Merchant
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295099
- eISBN:
- 9780191599262
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829509X.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
An important aspect of the ‘Earth Summit’ conference held at Rio de Janeiro in 1992 was the extent to which it shifted environmental discourse beyond mere recognition of the environmental crisis ...
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An important aspect of the ‘Earth Summit’ conference held at Rio de Janeiro in 1992 was the extent to which it shifted environmental discourse beyond mere recognition of the environmental crisis towards the basic issue of restructuring society to create an enduring relationship with nature and the non‐human world. One of the important products of the Rio conference was the emergence of a new democratic concept encompassing the rights of women, environmental justice, multiculturalism, and North–South conflicts. This chapter explores the linkages between women's rights and a new concept of human partnership with the natural world. The smaller issue of human partnership opens the door to the larger issue of partnership between mankind and nature, and to a new form of environmental ethics.Less
An important aspect of the ‘Earth Summit’ conference held at Rio de Janeiro in 1992 was the extent to which it shifted environmental discourse beyond mere recognition of the environmental crisis towards the basic issue of restructuring society to create an enduring relationship with nature and the non‐human world. One of the important products of the Rio conference was the emergence of a new democratic concept encompassing the rights of women, environmental justice, multiculturalism, and North–South conflicts. This chapter explores the linkages between women's rights and a new concept of human partnership with the natural world. The smaller issue of human partnership opens the door to the larger issue of partnership between mankind and nature, and to a new form of environmental ethics.
Allison L. Sneider
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195321166
- eISBN:
- 9780199869725
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195321166.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century, American History: 20th Century
In 1899, Carrie Chapman Catt, who succeeded Susan B. Anthony as head of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, argued that it was the “duty” of U.S. women to help lift the inhabitants of ...
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In 1899, Carrie Chapman Catt, who succeeded Susan B. Anthony as head of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, argued that it was the “duty” of U.S. women to help lift the inhabitants of new island possessions in the Philippines, Puerto Rico, and Hawaii up from “barbarism” to “civilization,” a project that would presumably demonstrate the capacity of U.S. women for full citizenship and political rights. Catt, like many suffragists in her day, was well versed in the language of empire and infused the cause of suffrage with imperialist zeal in public debate. Unlike their predecessors, who were working for votes for women within the context of slavery and abolition, the next generation of suffragists argued their case against the backdrop of U.S. expansionism in Indian and Mormon territory at home as well as overseas in the Philippines, Puerto Rico, and Hawaii. This book examines these simultaneous political movements—woman suffrage and American imperialism—as inextricably intertwined phenomena, instructively complicating the histories of both.Less
In 1899, Carrie Chapman Catt, who succeeded Susan B. Anthony as head of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, argued that it was the “duty” of U.S. women to help lift the inhabitants of new island possessions in the Philippines, Puerto Rico, and Hawaii up from “barbarism” to “civilization,” a project that would presumably demonstrate the capacity of U.S. women for full citizenship and political rights. Catt, like many suffragists in her day, was well versed in the language of empire and infused the cause of suffrage with imperialist zeal in public debate. Unlike their predecessors, who were working for votes for women within the context of slavery and abolition, the next generation of suffragists argued their case against the backdrop of U.S. expansionism in Indian and Mormon territory at home as well as overseas in the Philippines, Puerto Rico, and Hawaii. This book examines these simultaneous political movements—woman suffrage and American imperialism—as inextricably intertwined phenomena, instructively complicating the histories of both.
Shari L. Dworkin
- Published in print:
- 1942
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781479806454
- eISBN:
- 9781479819683
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479806454.003.0004
- Subject:
- Sociology, Health, Illness, and Medicine
Chapter 4 draws on qualitative interview data derived from a research collaboration between UCSF, the University of Cape Town, and Sonke Gender Justice, a non-governmental organization in South ...
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Chapter 4 draws on qualitative interview data derived from a research collaboration between UCSF, the University of Cape Town, and Sonke Gender Justice, a non-governmental organization in South Africa that seeks to reduce the spread and impact of HIV. This chapter analyses how men in several provinces of South Africa who participated in a gender-transformative HIV and anti-violence program shifted their views of masculinities, gender relations, and women’s rights. Chapter 3 also analyzes how men modified their alcohol use, violence, and HIV risks as a result of this innovative gender transformative program. The chapter situates gender transformative health interventions as combining dynamic social science thinking on masculinities, collective action and gendered power relations with public health behaviour change strategis. The data analysis also highlights how gender-transformative programming can reify discourses of healthism, individual blame, and individualized notions of masculinities that can limit the effectiveness of such programs.Less
Chapter 4 draws on qualitative interview data derived from a research collaboration between UCSF, the University of Cape Town, and Sonke Gender Justice, a non-governmental organization in South Africa that seeks to reduce the spread and impact of HIV. This chapter analyses how men in several provinces of South Africa who participated in a gender-transformative HIV and anti-violence program shifted their views of masculinities, gender relations, and women’s rights. Chapter 3 also analyzes how men modified their alcohol use, violence, and HIV risks as a result of this innovative gender transformative program. The chapter situates gender transformative health interventions as combining dynamic social science thinking on masculinities, collective action and gendered power relations with public health behaviour change strategis. The data analysis also highlights how gender-transformative programming can reify discourses of healthism, individual blame, and individualized notions of masculinities that can limit the effectiveness of such programs.
Amy G. Mazur
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199246724
- eISBN:
- 9780191599859
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246726.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Shows how the FCP approach is put into action in the rest of the book through the systematic study of 8 sub‐sectors of feminist policy in 13 post‐industrial democracies. It first presents the ...
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Shows how the FCP approach is put into action in the rest of the book through the systematic study of 8 sub‐sectors of feminist policy in 13 post‐industrial democracies. It first presents the operational definition of feminist policy as purposeful government action that promotes women's status, conditions, or rights and strikes down gender‐based hierarchy and as a new sector of public policy with eight sub areas. Next, the chapter presents the framework and methods that are used to analyse 27 different cases of feminist policy formation across the 8 sub‐sectors of policy and the 13 western post‐industrial democracies in Chs. 3 through 9. In addition to outlining how feminist policy success is measured in terms of women's descriptive and substantive representation, the chapter presents the 13 hypotheses scrutinized in a comparative analysis of the 27 policy cases conducted in the concluding chapter.Less
Shows how the FCP approach is put into action in the rest of the book through the systematic study of 8 sub‐sectors of feminist policy in 13 post‐industrial democracies. It first presents the operational definition of feminist policy as purposeful government action that promotes women's status, conditions, or rights and strikes down gender‐based hierarchy and as a new sector of public policy with eight sub areas. Next, the chapter presents the framework and methods that are used to analyse 27 different cases of feminist policy formation across the 8 sub‐sectors of policy and the 13 western post‐industrial democracies in Chs. 3 through 9. In addition to outlining how feminist policy success is measured in terms of women's descriptive and substantive representation, the chapter presents the 13 hypotheses scrutinized in a comparative analysis of the 27 policy cases conducted in the concluding chapter.
Terence Ball
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198279952
- eISBN:
- 9780191598753
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198279957.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Here, I re‐examine the sources of John Stuart Mill's feminist sympathies. After looking closely at two oft‐touted candidates—Jeremy Bentham and Harriet Taylor Mill—I conclude that neither played the ...
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Here, I re‐examine the sources of John Stuart Mill's feminist sympathies. After looking closely at two oft‐touted candidates—Jeremy Bentham and Harriet Taylor Mill—I conclude that neither played the role attributed to them by some modern feminists. A third and heretofore unsuspected thinker—namely his own father, James Mill—proves to be a much more plausible and probable source of the younger Mill's feminist views.Less
Here, I re‐examine the sources of John Stuart Mill's feminist sympathies. After looking closely at two oft‐touted candidates—Jeremy Bentham and Harriet Taylor Mill—I conclude that neither played the role attributed to them by some modern feminists. A third and heretofore unsuspected thinker—namely his own father, James Mill—proves to be a much more plausible and probable source of the younger Mill's feminist views.
