Dorothy McBride Stetson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242665
- eISBN:
- 9780191600258
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242666.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter summarizes and analyses the findings from the comparative analysis of abortion policy debates in 11 countries. The first section describes similarities and differences in abortion ...
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This chapter summarizes and analyses the findings from the comparative analysis of abortion policy debates in 11 countries. The first section describes similarities and differences in abortion politics, including how abortion reform came to the public agenda, which institutions are responsible for abortion policy, and the pattern of conflict. In the second section, the summary of frames of the abortion debates show policy makers eventually incorporating gendered ideas that promote the status, rights, and autonomy of women, leading in most cases to increased substantive and descriptive representation of women. The third section shows that most women's movements have been unified in support of women's abortion rights, but have not achieved their full demands. The fourth section reports comparative findings testing the five hypotheses of the state feminist theory, and showing conditions under which states’ women's policy agencies have helped women's movement activists achieve feminist policy and participation goals.Less
This chapter summarizes and analyses the findings from the comparative analysis of abortion policy debates in 11 countries. The first section describes similarities and differences in abortion politics, including how abortion reform came to the public agenda, which institutions are responsible for abortion policy, and the pattern of conflict. In the second section, the summary of frames of the abortion debates show policy makers eventually incorporating gendered ideas that promote the status, rights, and autonomy of women, leading in most cases to increased substantive and descriptive representation of women. The third section shows that most women's movements have been unified in support of women's abortion rights, but have not achieved their full demands. The fourth section reports comparative findings testing the five hypotheses of the state feminist theory, and showing conditions under which states’ women's policy agencies have helped women's movement activists achieve feminist policy and participation goals.
Dorothy McBride Stetson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242665
- eISBN:
- 9780191600258
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242666.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The introduction describes in full the comparative politics research design developed by the Research Network on Gender Politics and the State and used to study the role of women's policy agencies as ...
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The introduction describes in full the comparative politics research design developed by the Research Network on Gender Politics and the State and used to study the role of women's policy agencies as allies or adversaries of women's movement activists in influencing abortion policy and politics. The theoretical foundation integrates several theoretical strands: democratic representation, new institutionalism, and social movement impact. The chapter describes the network's theory of state feminism and provides a primer on the comparative method in policy research.Less
The introduction describes in full the comparative politics research design developed by the Research Network on Gender Politics and the State and used to study the role of women's policy agencies as allies or adversaries of women's movement activists in influencing abortion policy and politics. The theoretical foundation integrates several theoretical strands: democratic representation, new institutionalism, and social movement impact. The chapter describes the network's theory of state feminism and provides a primer on the comparative method in policy research.
Jean C. Robinson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242665
- eISBN:
- 9780191600258
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242666.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The National Assembly in France tentatively reformed abortion law in 1975 and reaffirmed legal abortion in 1979. The women's movement campaigned on the issue but did not claim success for a policy ...
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The National Assembly in France tentatively reformed abortion law in 1975 and reaffirmed legal abortion in 1979. The women's movement campaigned on the issue but did not claim success for a policy they believed was still too restrictive. Their influence later increased under the leadership of activist women's policy agencies appointed by Socialist governments. In 1983, the Ministry of Woman's Rights initiated government funding of abortion costs. In the 1990s, a different agency fought anti‐abortion movement efforts to obstruct access to abortion clinics with an amendment to the criminal code.Less
The National Assembly in France tentatively reformed abortion law in 1975 and reaffirmed legal abortion in 1979. The women's movement campaigned on the issue but did not claim success for a policy they believed was still too restrictive. Their influence later increased under the leadership of activist women's policy agencies appointed by Socialist governments. In 1983, the Ministry of Woman's Rights initiated government funding of abortion costs. In the 1990s, a different agency fought anti‐abortion movement efforts to obstruct access to abortion clinics with an amendment to the criminal code.
Regina Köpl
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242665
- eISBN:
- 9780191600258
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242666.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The author describes three policy debates in Austria: initial legalization in the early 1970s, the defeat of an anti‐abortion referendum initiative in 1978, and the authorization of Mifegyne—the ...
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The author describes three policy debates in Austria: initial legalization in the early 1970s, the defeat of an anti‐abortion referendum initiative in 1978, and the authorization of Mifegyne—the ‘abortion pill’—in the late 1990s. The women's movement has been very influential in all abortion debates through their activism in the left‐wing Austrian Social Democratic party and the long‐term commitment of that party to women's right to self‐determination. In all debates as well, the women's policy agencies acted for the movement inside the state policy‐making processes. Austrian abortion politics is an example of movement success in part through state feminism.Less
The author describes three policy debates in Austria: initial legalization in the early 1970s, the defeat of an anti‐abortion referendum initiative in 1978, and the authorization of Mifegyne—the ‘abortion pill’—in the late 1990s. The women's movement has been very influential in all abortion debates through their activism in the left‐wing Austrian Social Democratic party and the long‐term commitment of that party to women's right to self‐determination. In all debates as well, the women's policy agencies acted for the movement inside the state policy‐making processes. Austrian abortion politics is an example of movement success in part through state feminism.
Karen Celis
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242665
- eISBN:
- 9780191600258
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242666.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
It took 15 years and many debates before women's movement activists persuaded the Belgian politicians to liberalize the old abortion law dating from the Napoleonic Penal code of 1910. In this ...
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It took 15 years and many debates before women's movement activists persuaded the Belgian politicians to liberalize the old abortion law dating from the Napoleonic Penal code of 1910. In this ‘partyocracy’ the issue produced an unbridgeable division between the left‐wing socialists and the right‐wing Christian Democratic parties, finally bridged only when the Socialists worked out a compromise with the third party power—the Liberals. When the new law was finally passed in 1990, it authorized women's self‐determination regarding abortion with oversight from doctors in the first 12 weeks of pregnancy. This movement success was not due to any involvement of women's policy agencies which, dominated by Christian Democrats, refused to push what the movement actors agreed was a top priority for women's status.Less
It took 15 years and many debates before women's movement activists persuaded the Belgian politicians to liberalize the old abortion law dating from the Napoleonic Penal code of 1910. In this ‘partyocracy’ the issue produced an unbridgeable division between the left‐wing socialists and the right‐wing Christian Democratic parties, finally bridged only when the Socialists worked out a compromise with the third party power—the Liberals. When the new law was finally passed in 1990, it authorized women's self‐determination regarding abortion with oversight from doctors in the first 12 weeks of pregnancy. This movement success was not due to any involvement of women's policy agencies which, dominated by Christian Democrats, refused to push what the movement actors agreed was a top priority for women's status.
Melissa Haussman
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242665
- eISBN:
- 9780191600258
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242666.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Canada's government gained constitutional autonomy from Britain in the 1960s and decriminalized abortion for a few women under the strict control of doctors and hospitals. When the Supreme Court ...
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Canada's government gained constitutional autonomy from Britain in the 1960s and decriminalized abortion for a few women under the strict control of doctors and hospitals. When the Supreme Court ruled this law unconstitutional in 1988, it marked a complete success for the women's movement activists. They were able to seal this victory by stopping, barely, the attempts by the Conservative government to return abortion law to the criminal code. The movement developed its political clout without the help of numerous women's policy agencies that, although sympathetic to feminist goals and well‐funded, were silenced by the policy environment.Less
Canada's government gained constitutional autonomy from Britain in the 1960s and decriminalized abortion for a few women under the strict control of doctors and hospitals. When the Supreme Court ruled this law unconstitutional in 1988, it marked a complete success for the women's movement activists. They were able to seal this victory by stopping, barely, the attempts by the Conservative government to return abortion law to the criminal code. The movement developed its political clout without the help of numerous women's policy agencies that, although sympathetic to feminist goals and well‐funded, were silenced by the policy environment.
Lynn Kamenitsa
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242665
- eISBN:
- 9780191600258
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242666.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Abortion law reform was a mobilizing issue for the women's movement actors in Germany. Despite their activism, abortion debates returned again and again to the goal of protecting unborn fetal life. ...
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Abortion law reform was a mobilizing issue for the women's movement actors in Germany. Despite their activism, abortion debates returned again and again to the goal of protecting unborn fetal life. Thus, despite two reforms that decriminalize abortion in the first 12 weeks of pregnancy, the women's movement has not been successful in gaining its demands. Their primary adversary is the Constitutional Court, which has required that the law put the rights of the foetus first. Today, abortions are criminalized but not prosecuted if the woman gets extensive mandatory pro‐birth counselling. Women's policy agencies were active in the 1990s, but largely symbolic with respect to movement goals on the abortion issue.Less
Abortion law reform was a mobilizing issue for the women's movement actors in Germany. Despite their activism, abortion debates returned again and again to the goal of protecting unborn fetal life. Thus, despite two reforms that decriminalize abortion in the first 12 weeks of pregnancy, the women's movement has not been successful in gaining its demands. Their primary adversary is the Constitutional Court, which has required that the law put the rights of the foetus first. Today, abortions are criminalized but not prosecuted if the woman gets extensive mandatory pro‐birth counselling. Women's policy agencies were active in the 1990s, but largely symbolic with respect to movement goals on the abortion issue.
Dorothy McBride Stetson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242665
- eISBN:
- 9780191600258
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242666.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The first major abortion debates in the United States—in Roe vs. Wade legalizing abortion in the first 24 weeks and the Hyde Amendment denying funding—established the terms of conflict over the ...
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The first major abortion debates in the United States—in Roe vs. Wade legalizing abortion in the first 24 weeks and the Hyde Amendment denying funding—established the terms of conflict over the issue: right to life of the foetus versus women's right to seek and choose abortion services. These debates also constructed two great social movements which have confronted each other ever since. Although women's movement and pro‐choice forces form an alliance that has successfully maintained access to legal abortion, the pro‐life movement has robbed them of energy and time to achieve full reproductive rights for women. In the latest skirmish over the ‘partial birth’ abortion ban, women's movement actors would have failed without the assistance of a Democratic president and his women's policy agency. Even so, their frame of activism has been narrowed to women's health.Less
The first major abortion debates in the United States—in Roe vs. Wade legalizing abortion in the first 24 weeks and the Hyde Amendment denying funding—established the terms of conflict over the issue: right to life of the foetus versus women's right to seek and choose abortion services. These debates also constructed two great social movements which have confronted each other ever since. Although women's movement and pro‐choice forces form an alliance that has successfully maintained access to legal abortion, the pro‐life movement has robbed them of energy and time to achieve full reproductive rights for women. In the latest skirmish over the ‘partial birth’ abortion ban, women's movement actors would have failed without the assistance of a Democratic president and his women's policy agency. Even so, their frame of activism has been narrowed to women's health.
Dorothy McBride Stetson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242665
- eISBN:
- 9780191600258
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242666.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Great Britain was the first country to reform its criminal abortion law with the Abortion Act of 1967, a law that was strict in form but liberal in practice. Active anti‐abortion forces sought to ...
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Great Britain was the first country to reform its criminal abortion law with the Abortion Act of 1967, a law that was strict in form but liberal in practice. Active anti‐abortion forces sought to turn back the 1967 reform, putting movement activists in a position to defend the law on the books, and little opportunity to seek greater rights for women with respect to the abortion decisions. With occasional help of women's policy agencies, the women's movement actors were successful in defending legal abortion through the 1990s. The key to their success was the openness of the policy process through private member bills in parliament and commitment of feminist MPs in the Labour party.Less
Great Britain was the first country to reform its criminal abortion law with the Abortion Act of 1967, a law that was strict in form but liberal in practice. Active anti‐abortion forces sought to turn back the 1967 reform, putting movement activists in a position to defend the law on the books, and little opportunity to seek greater rights for women with respect to the abortion decisions. With occasional help of women's policy agencies, the women's movement actors were successful in defending legal abortion through the 1990s. The key to their success was the openness of the policy process through private member bills in parliament and commitment of feminist MPs in the Labour party.
Joyce Outshoorn
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242665
- eISBN:
- 9780191600258
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242666.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The abortion issue rose to the agenda in the Netherlands at the same time as the rebirth of the women's movement, when doctors were performing illegal abortions on demand. Thus, at first, the frame ...
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The abortion issue rose to the agenda in the Netherlands at the same time as the rebirth of the women's movement, when doctors were performing illegal abortions on demand. Thus, at first, the frame of the debate focused on how much autonomy doctors should have in light of moral considerations. As the women's movement activism grew, so did the recognition of abortion as a matter of women's autonomy and control over reproduction. When the government legalized abortion in 1981, it was a victory for the movement although movement activists were not part of the decision‐making process. They did get access during the implementation process and, through an active insider women's policy agency, achieved unfettered access to abortion procedures for all women.Less
The abortion issue rose to the agenda in the Netherlands at the same time as the rebirth of the women's movement, when doctors were performing illegal abortions on demand. Thus, at first, the frame of the debate focused on how much autonomy doctors should have in light of moral considerations. As the women's movement activism grew, so did the recognition of abortion as a matter of women's autonomy and control over reproduction. When the government legalized abortion in 1981, it was a victory for the movement although movement activists were not part of the decision‐making process. They did get access during the implementation process and, through an active insider women's policy agency, achieved unfettered access to abortion procedures for all women.
Amy G. Mazur
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199246724
- eISBN:
- 9780191599859
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246726.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
In the first section, the analysis defines the general feminist aims and parameters of the sub‐area of Blueprint Policy. It then discusses the range and timing of policies found in the 13 countries ...
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In the first section, the analysis defines the general feminist aims and parameters of the sub‐area of Blueprint Policy. It then discusses the range and timing of policies found in the 13 countries and closes with a discussion of the criteria for selecting the four policy cases covered in the chapter. Blueprint policies consist of the range of constitutional provisions, legislation, equality plans, reports, and policy machineries that governments use to establish general principles, or a blueprint, for feminist state action at the national and sub‐national levels. In the second section, the results of the analysis of the policy case literature on the dynamics of feminist policy formation is presented for the following four cases: The 1982 Charter of Rights and Freedoms in Canada; The 1978 Equal Status Act in Norway; The 1985 Emancipation Program in the Netherlands; and The 1988 Equality Plan in Spain. The analysis concludes that the most important factors in determining feminist policy success in this particular sub‐area of feminist policy may be strategic partnerships between women's policy agencies, women's movement actors, and women in public office and non‐feminist allies.Less
In the first section, the analysis defines the general feminist aims and parameters of the sub‐area of Blueprint Policy. It then discusses the range and timing of policies found in the 13 countries and closes with a discussion of the criteria for selecting the four policy cases covered in the chapter. Blueprint policies consist of the range of constitutional provisions, legislation, equality plans, reports, and policy machineries that governments use to establish general principles, or a blueprint, for feminist state action at the national and sub‐national levels. In the second section, the results of the analysis of the policy case literature on the dynamics of feminist policy formation is presented for the following four cases: The 1982 Charter of Rights and Freedoms in Canada; The 1978 Equal Status Act in Norway; The 1985 Emancipation Program in the Netherlands; and The 1988 Equality Plan in Spain. The analysis concludes that the most important factors in determining feminist policy success in this particular sub‐area of feminist policy may be strategic partnerships between women's policy agencies, women's movement actors, and women in public office and non‐feminist allies.
Evelyn Mahon
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242665
- eISBN:
- 9780191600258
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242666.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The direction of abortion policy in Ireland began with criminal restrictions and proceeded towards constitutionally based prohibitions on legalized abortion. Pressure for reform has been eased ...
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The direction of abortion policy in Ireland began with criminal restrictions and proceeded towards constitutionally based prohibitions on legalized abortion. Pressure for reform has been eased because women can get legal abortions in Great Britain. For the women's movement, abortion law reform has not been a central issue and has divided activists. These factors, along with an exceptionally strong pro‐life movement based in the Conservative Catholic Church, help explain the exceptional case of abortion law in Ireland. Still, the movement has had some success, first in getting access to the policy‐making process and then limiting the extreme controls on women's lives, notably in the ‘X’ case, which secured the right to travel. The issue remains unresolved and weak women's policy agencies inside the state are symbolic with respect to movement demands.Less
The direction of abortion policy in Ireland began with criminal restrictions and proceeded towards constitutionally based prohibitions on legalized abortion. Pressure for reform has been eased because women can get legal abortions in Great Britain. For the women's movement, abortion law reform has not been a central issue and has divided activists. These factors, along with an exceptionally strong pro‐life movement based in the Conservative Catholic Church, help explain the exceptional case of abortion law in Ireland. Still, the movement has had some success, first in getting access to the policy‐making process and then limiting the extreme controls on women's lives, notably in the ‘X’ case, which secured the right to travel. The issue remains unresolved and weak women's policy agencies inside the state are symbolic with respect to movement demands.
Dorothy McBride Stetson (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242665
- eISBN:
- 9780191600258
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242666.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This work presents the results of a comprehensive and integrated research project in comparative abortion policy and politics in post‐industrial democracies. It focuses on the questions of state ...
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This work presents the results of a comprehensive and integrated research project in comparative abortion policy and politics in post‐industrial democracies. It focuses on the questions of state feminism—the extent to which women's policy agencies further goals of women's movements for descriptive and substantive representation. In 11 countries in Western Europe and North America, including Austria, Belgium, Canada, France, Germany, Great Britain, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands and the US, authors analyse the most significant debates on abortion policies from the 1970s through the 1990s. Following a common research design, individual researchers describe how each issue came to the public agenda, the goals of women's movement actors, the effectiveness of movement actors and women's policy agencies in inserting pro‐woman gendered perspectives into the issue frames, and the policy outcomes. They assess the success of the women's movement in gaining both access to the policy subsystem as well as favourable policy content. The comparative conclusion to the book examines several hypotheses in light of the descriptive information in the chapters. Have women's movement been successful in increasing their representation and thus making policy processes more democratic? To what extent have women's policy agencies been allies of movement activists? What explains patterns of movement success? In addition to state feminism theory, the conclusion assesses the explanatory power of theories of resource mobilization and political opportunity structure on women's movement effectiveness.Less
This work presents the results of a comprehensive and integrated research project in comparative abortion policy and politics in post‐industrial democracies. It focuses on the questions of state feminism—the extent to which women's policy agencies further goals of women's movements for descriptive and substantive representation. In 11 countries in Western Europe and North America, including Austria, Belgium, Canada, France, Germany, Great Britain, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands and the US, authors analyse the most significant debates on abortion policies from the 1970s through the 1990s. Following a common research design, individual researchers describe how each issue came to the public agenda, the goals of women's movement actors, the effectiveness of movement actors and women's policy agencies in inserting pro‐woman gendered perspectives into the issue frames, and the policy outcomes. They assess the success of the women's movement in gaining both access to the policy subsystem as well as favourable policy content. The comparative conclusion to the book examines several hypotheses in light of the descriptive information in the chapters. Have women's movement been successful in increasing their representation and thus making policy processes more democratic? To what extent have women's policy agencies been allies of movement activists? What explains patterns of movement success? In addition to state feminism theory, the conclusion assesses the explanatory power of theories of resource mobilization and political opportunity structure on women's movement effectiveness.
Celia Valiente
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242665
- eISBN:
- 9780191600258
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242666.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
After the establishment of a democratic constitution in Spain, the Socialist government included abortion law reform on its agenda to modernize Spanish policy in line with other European democracies. ...
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After the establishment of a democratic constitution in Spain, the Socialist government included abortion law reform on its agenda to modernize Spanish policy in line with other European democracies. Facing intense opposition, the government allowed abortions only for ethical, eugenic, and therapeutic conditions. For the women's movement, abortion reform was a top priority, but activists were not heard directly, and had to settle for this moderate legalization. When the Ministry of Health sought to add further restrictions through a cumbersome set of committees and regulations, the women's movement had a women's policy agency inside the bureaucracy as an ally. The agency intervened to facilitate women's access to abortion services and thus helped the movement gain a successful response from the state.Less
After the establishment of a democratic constitution in Spain, the Socialist government included abortion law reform on its agenda to modernize Spanish policy in line with other European democracies. Facing intense opposition, the government allowed abortions only for ethical, eugenic, and therapeutic conditions. For the women's movement, abortion reform was a top priority, but activists were not heard directly, and had to settle for this moderate legalization. When the Ministry of Health sought to add further restrictions through a cumbersome set of committees and regulations, the women's movement had a women's policy agency inside the bureaucracy as an ally. The agency intervened to facilitate women's access to abortion services and thus helped the movement gain a successful response from the state.
Marina Calloni
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242665
- eISBN:
- 9780191600258
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242666.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The debate over legalization of abortion dominated politics in Italy in the 1970s, part of a broader challenge to Catholic domination over families and women. Subsequent debates have revolved around ...
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The debate over legalization of abortion dominated politics in Italy in the 1970s, part of a broader challenge to Catholic domination over families and women. Subsequent debates have revolved around efforts to overturn legal abortion. Unlike other countries, the abortion issue split the radical feminists from the rest of the movement that had to turn to allies in the parties and unions of the left to promote women's rights to abortion. The early debates occurred before Italy had established women's policy agencies. Only in the 1990s, when the issue of in vitro fertilization stimulated pro‐life deputies to protect the foetus through restrictive laws, could the movement count on even marginal state support for keeping the 1978 compromise law on the books.Less
The debate over legalization of abortion dominated politics in Italy in the 1970s, part of a broader challenge to Catholic domination over families and women. Subsequent debates have revolved around efforts to overturn legal abortion. Unlike other countries, the abortion issue split the radical feminists from the rest of the movement that had to turn to allies in the parties and unions of the left to promote women's rights to abortion. The early debates occurred before Italy had established women's policy agencies. Only in the 1990s, when the issue of in vitro fertilization stimulated pro‐life deputies to protect the foetus through restrictive laws, could the movement count on even marginal state support for keeping the 1978 compromise law on the books.
Sally Engle Merry
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199580910
- eISBN:
- 9780191723025
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199580910.003.0015
- Subject:
- Law, Comparative Law
The notion of agency is deeply enshrined in human rights discourse. This chapter argues that human rights discourse, particularly with reference to women, relies on a particular understanding of ...
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The notion of agency is deeply enshrined in human rights discourse. This chapter argues that human rights discourse, particularly with reference to women, relies on a particular understanding of agency. It seeks to promote women's agency at the same time as it establishes borders beyond which consent is impossible. By discussing several empirical cases where agency is restricted because vulnerable victims must be protected, the chapter seeks to winnow out the subjectivity that is under construction. It does not argue that every society has the right to its own values, in a relativist way. Instead, it views human rights discourse as culturally productive, aiming to foster a certain kind of personhood through its practices of protection.Less
The notion of agency is deeply enshrined in human rights discourse. This chapter argues that human rights discourse, particularly with reference to women, relies on a particular understanding of agency. It seeks to promote women's agency at the same time as it establishes borders beyond which consent is impossible. By discussing several empirical cases where agency is restricted because vulnerable victims must be protected, the chapter seeks to winnow out the subjectivity that is under construction. It does not argue that every society has the right to its own values, in a relativist way. Instead, it views human rights discourse as culturally productive, aiming to foster a certain kind of personhood through its practices of protection.
Jean Drèze and Haris Gazdar
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198292043
- eISBN:
- 9780191684852
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198292043.003.0002
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, South and East Asia, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This chapter discusses the problem of economic and social backwardness in Uttar Pradesh and its causal antecedents. Among these are the disastrous functioning of public services in rural areas, the ...
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This chapter discusses the problem of economic and social backwardness in Uttar Pradesh and its causal antecedents. Among these are the disastrous functioning of public services in rural areas, the persistence of widespread illiteracy, and the suppression of women's agency in society. This chapter also talks about the social and political circumstances underlying these diverse failures.Less
This chapter discusses the problem of economic and social backwardness in Uttar Pradesh and its causal antecedents. Among these are the disastrous functioning of public services in rural areas, the persistence of widespread illiteracy, and the suppression of women's agency in society. This chapter also talks about the social and political circumstances underlying these diverse failures.
Jean Drèze and Amartya Sen
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199257492
- eISBN:
- 9780191717826
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199257492.003.0007
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This chapter discusses the inequality between men and women in India. Topics covered include: the female-male ratio; women's agency and child survival; fertility and women's emancipation; gender bias ...
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This chapter discusses the inequality between men and women in India. Topics covered include: the female-male ratio; women's agency and child survival; fertility and women's emancipation; gender bias in natality; widowhood and gender relations; and gender equality and social progress.Less
This chapter discusses the inequality between men and women in India. Topics covered include: the female-male ratio; women's agency and child survival; fertility and women's emancipation; gender bias in natality; widowhood and gender relations; and gender equality and social progress.
Mamta Murthi, Anne-Catherine Guio, and Jean Drèze
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198292043
- eISBN:
- 9780191684852
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198292043.003.0005
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, South and East Asia, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This chapter evaluates inter-district patterns of fertility, child mortality, and gender bias in India using data from the 1981 census. The findings highlight the powerful effects of variables ...
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This chapter evaluates inter-district patterns of fertility, child mortality, and gender bias in India using data from the 1981 census. The findings highlight the powerful effects of variables relating to women's agency on mortality and fertility. Further, higher levels of female literacy and female labour-force participation are associated with significantly lower levels of female disadvantage in child survival. On the other hand, variables relating to the general level of development and modernization have relative weak effects on demographic outcomes.Less
This chapter evaluates inter-district patterns of fertility, child mortality, and gender bias in India using data from the 1981 census. The findings highlight the powerful effects of variables relating to women's agency on mortality and fertility. Further, higher levels of female literacy and female labour-force participation are associated with significantly lower levels of female disadvantage in child survival. On the other hand, variables relating to the general level of development and modernization have relative weak effects on demographic outcomes.
Nicola Lacey
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199812042
- eISBN:
- 9780199315888
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199812042.003.0009
- Subject:
- Literature, 19th-century and Victorian Literature
This chapter contends that there is a great deal to be learned from Trollope's novels about how women's agency and criminality were understood in the latter part of the nineteenth century. In ...
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This chapter contends that there is a great deal to be learned from Trollope's novels about how women's agency and criminality were understood in the latter part of the nineteenth century. In particular, it argues that, notwithstanding his lifelong literary preoccupation with independent-minded women, Trollope's novels are marked by two attitudes to female self-assertion—whether criminal or otherwise—that are the key to late Victorian understandings of female deviance. The first is a deep ambivalence about women who assert their (acknowledged) intellectual and practical capabilities through acts of independence from men. The second is a tendency to associate female criminal and moral transgressions with a deep-rooted capacity for deception associated with women as such, or with the female social role. Indeed, this image of female falseness provides an important counterpoint to the other, and more widely studied, Victorian tendency to associate female criminality with madness or sexual pathology. In making this argument, the chapter draws out links between the literary images of appropriate and inappropriate femininity under consideration, and both the social and political world that produced them, and the evolving position of women in the criminal and the civil courts.Less
This chapter contends that there is a great deal to be learned from Trollope's novels about how women's agency and criminality were understood in the latter part of the nineteenth century. In particular, it argues that, notwithstanding his lifelong literary preoccupation with independent-minded women, Trollope's novels are marked by two attitudes to female self-assertion—whether criminal or otherwise—that are the key to late Victorian understandings of female deviance. The first is a deep ambivalence about women who assert their (acknowledged) intellectual and practical capabilities through acts of independence from men. The second is a tendency to associate female criminal and moral transgressions with a deep-rooted capacity for deception associated with women as such, or with the female social role. Indeed, this image of female falseness provides an important counterpoint to the other, and more widely studied, Victorian tendency to associate female criminality with madness or sexual pathology. In making this argument, the chapter draws out links between the literary images of appropriate and inappropriate femininity under consideration, and both the social and political world that produced them, and the evolving position of women in the criminal and the civil courts.
