Elizabeth E. Prevost
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199570744
- eISBN:
- 9780191722097
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199570744.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
This chapter links mission Christianity to the more radical strains of the feminist movement in Britain, by showing how overseas evangelism worked to justify and to mobilize support for women's ...
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This chapter links mission Christianity to the more radical strains of the feminist movement in Britain, by showing how overseas evangelism worked to justify and to mobilize support for women's suffrage and women's ordination. Through the work of Dr Helen Hanson and the League of the Church Militant, Anglican feminists were able to use the missionary movement as a framework for arguing that women's political and religious authority was necessary to meet the domestic and international challenges of the day. The Anglican suffrage movement set the stage for subsequent activism around women's preaching and ordination by drawing on the professionalization of women's missionary labour and mobilizing transnational and trans‐colonial church and feminist networks. Both phases of the movement also struggled with how to construe the essential sameness versus difference of women and men.Less
This chapter links mission Christianity to the more radical strains of the feminist movement in Britain, by showing how overseas evangelism worked to justify and to mobilize support for women's suffrage and women's ordination. Through the work of Dr Helen Hanson and the League of the Church Militant, Anglican feminists were able to use the missionary movement as a framework for arguing that women's political and religious authority was necessary to meet the domestic and international challenges of the day. The Anglican suffrage movement set the stage for subsequent activism around women's preaching and ordination by drawing on the professionalization of women's missionary labour and mobilizing transnational and trans‐colonial church and feminist networks. Both phases of the movement also struggled with how to construe the essential sameness versus difference of women and men.
Julia Bush
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199248773
- eISBN:
- 9780191714689
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199248773.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Anti-suffrage women believed that their particular virtues and capacities would be needed more than ever during the First World War. Political campaigns were suspended, but an undercurrent of ...
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Anti-suffrage women believed that their particular virtues and capacities would be needed more than ever during the First World War. Political campaigns were suspended, but an undercurrent of suffrage debate flowed through the war relief efforts of suffragists and anti-suffragists alike. Anti-suffrage women were keen to demonstrate their superior patriotism, and to carry forward their gender beliefs into the new wartime debates over such issues as female employment, maternity, and childcare. In 1916, it became clear that franchise reform was inevitable, and supporters and opponents of votes for women resumed subdued levels of activism. The NLOWS was a much-weakened organization, but far from entirely quiescent as women's suffrage inexorably neared the statute book. Women continued to play a significant opposition role beyond Parliament, and were outraged by Lord Curzon's final capitulation. The NLOWS wake in April 1918 was a mainly female affair, emphasizing commitment to the future political education of women voters.Less
Anti-suffrage women believed that their particular virtues and capacities would be needed more than ever during the First World War. Political campaigns were suspended, but an undercurrent of suffrage debate flowed through the war relief efforts of suffragists and anti-suffragists alike. Anti-suffrage women were keen to demonstrate their superior patriotism, and to carry forward their gender beliefs into the new wartime debates over such issues as female employment, maternity, and childcare. In 1916, it became clear that franchise reform was inevitable, and supporters and opponents of votes for women resumed subdued levels of activism. The NLOWS was a much-weakened organization, but far from entirely quiescent as women's suffrage inexorably neared the statute book. Women continued to play a significant opposition role beyond Parliament, and were outraged by Lord Curzon's final capitulation. The NLOWS wake in April 1918 was a mainly female affair, emphasizing commitment to the future political education of women voters.
Dawn Langan Teele
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691180267
- eISBN:
- 9780691184272
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691180267.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter presents a case study of women's enfranchisement in the United States. It argues that the formation of a broad coalition of women, symbolized by growing membership in a large ...
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This chapter presents a case study of women's enfranchisement in the United States. It argues that the formation of a broad coalition of women, symbolized by growing membership in a large non-partisan suffrage organization, in combination with competitive conditions in state legislatures, was crucial to securing politicians' support for women's suffrage in the states. The chapter first gives a broad overview of the phases of the US suffrage movement, arguing that the salience of political cleavages related to race, ethnicity, nativity, and class influenced the type of movement suffragists sought to build. It then describes the political geography of the Gilded Age, showing how the diversity of political competition and party organization that characterized the several regions mirrors the pattern of women's enfranchisement across the states.Less
This chapter presents a case study of women's enfranchisement in the United States. It argues that the formation of a broad coalition of women, symbolized by growing membership in a large non-partisan suffrage organization, in combination with competitive conditions in state legislatures, was crucial to securing politicians' support for women's suffrage in the states. The chapter first gives a broad overview of the phases of the US suffrage movement, arguing that the salience of political cleavages related to race, ethnicity, nativity, and class influenced the type of movement suffragists sought to build. It then describes the political geography of the Gilded Age, showing how the diversity of political competition and party organization that characterized the several regions mirrors the pattern of women's enfranchisement across the states.
Iain McLean
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295297
- eISBN:
- 9780191599873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295294.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
A case study of the great Victorian electoral realignment. Corrects existing claims about landslide elections, and tabulates the bias and responsiveness of the UK electoral system from 1868 to 1918. ...
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A case study of the great Victorian electoral realignment. Corrects existing claims about landslide elections, and tabulates the bias and responsiveness of the UK electoral system from 1868 to 1918. Examines the opportunities and problems for politicians in two‐dimensional space. A new account of the reasons for Gladstone's failure to achieve Home Rule for Ireland in 1886 and 1893 is offered, as is a solution to the puzzle of why politicians whose interest lay in widening the franchise after 1900, especially by introducing women's suffrage, failed to do so.Less
A case study of the great Victorian electoral realignment. Corrects existing claims about landslide elections, and tabulates the bias and responsiveness of the UK electoral system from 1868 to 1918. Examines the opportunities and problems for politicians in two‐dimensional space. A new account of the reasons for Gladstone's failure to achieve Home Rule for Ireland in 1886 and 1893 is offered, as is a solution to the puzzle of why politicians whose interest lay in widening the franchise after 1900, especially by introducing women's suffrage, failed to do so.
Terence Ball
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198279952
- eISBN:
- 9780191598753
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198279957.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Here, I re‐examine the sources of John Stuart Mill's feminist sympathies. After looking closely at two oft‐touted candidates—Jeremy Bentham and Harriet Taylor Mill—I conclude that neither played the ...
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Here, I re‐examine the sources of John Stuart Mill's feminist sympathies. After looking closely at two oft‐touted candidates—Jeremy Bentham and Harriet Taylor Mill—I conclude that neither played the role attributed to them by some modern feminists. A third and heretofore unsuspected thinker—namely his own father, James Mill—proves to be a much more plausible and probable source of the younger Mill's feminist views.Less
Here, I re‐examine the sources of John Stuart Mill's feminist sympathies. After looking closely at two oft‐touted candidates—Jeremy Bentham and Harriet Taylor Mill—I conclude that neither played the role attributed to them by some modern feminists. A third and heretofore unsuspected thinker—namely his own father, James Mill—proves to be a much more plausible and probable source of the younger Mill's feminist views.
Tanya Cheadle
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781526125255
- eISBN:
- 9781526152060
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7765/9781526125262.00007
- Subject:
- History, Social History
This chapter examines the sexual progressivism of Bella and Charles Pearce, important figures within the Independent Labour Party (ILP) in 1890s Glasgow. Bella wrote as ‘Lily Bell’ for the Labour ...
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This chapter examines the sexual progressivism of Bella and Charles Pearce, important figures within the Independent Labour Party (ILP) in 1890s Glasgow. Bella wrote as ‘Lily Bell’ for the Labour Leader, her column ‘Matrons and Maidens’ providing a weekly feminist critique of contemporary sexual relations, addressing topics including the sexual double standard, prostitution and ‘free love’. Charles Pearce was equally committed to women’s rights, described as one of the era’s ‘new men’. Their route to radical politics was via Chartism and the Ruskin Society, and they initially believed ‘new life’ or ethical socialism held the potential to transform intimate relations. However, during this decade, the relationship between those campaigning for socialism and women’s suffrage was fraught, the chapter providing evidence of the sexualisation of female activists by male socialist writers and of James Keir Hardie’s elision of gender exploitation in his reading of an 1896 brothel scandal. Bella’s eventual denunciation of the ILP as a ‘man’s party’ in 1907, it is argued here, is reflective of the difficulties faced by those putting forward a feminist sexual politics within the masculinist rhetoric and practice of late Victorian socialism.Less
This chapter examines the sexual progressivism of Bella and Charles Pearce, important figures within the Independent Labour Party (ILP) in 1890s Glasgow. Bella wrote as ‘Lily Bell’ for the Labour Leader, her column ‘Matrons and Maidens’ providing a weekly feminist critique of contemporary sexual relations, addressing topics including the sexual double standard, prostitution and ‘free love’. Charles Pearce was equally committed to women’s rights, described as one of the era’s ‘new men’. Their route to radical politics was via Chartism and the Ruskin Society, and they initially believed ‘new life’ or ethical socialism held the potential to transform intimate relations. However, during this decade, the relationship between those campaigning for socialism and women’s suffrage was fraught, the chapter providing evidence of the sexualisation of female activists by male socialist writers and of James Keir Hardie’s elision of gender exploitation in his reading of an 1896 brothel scandal. Bella’s eventual denunciation of the ILP as a ‘man’s party’ in 1907, it is argued here, is reflective of the difficulties faced by those putting forward a feminist sexual politics within the masculinist rhetoric and practice of late Victorian socialism.
Joe L. Coker
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813124711
- eISBN:
- 9780813134727
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813124711.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Central to the southern evangelicals' prohibition campaign during the late nineteenth and early twentieth century was the threat posed by liquor to southern white womanhood. Women were viewed as the ...
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Central to the southern evangelicals' prohibition campaign during the late nineteenth and early twentieth century was the threat posed by liquor to southern white womanhood. Women were viewed as the most vulnerable victims of intemperance and served as the key justification for prohibition. However, women's participation in the movement extended beyond merely being vulnerable objects of pity used to manipulate the passions of the male electorate. Women's groups, particularly the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, worked hard to change public opinion about prohibition and to accomplish electoral and legislative victories for the movement by organizing prayer meetings, parades, and other similar activities. Southern evangelical support for the WCTU declined during the 1890s, when the organization began pushing for more radical reforms, such as women's suffrage, female preachers, and increased ecclesiastical rights for women, that threatened male dominance. Not until after a change in leadership and the resumption of a less threatening agenda would denominational support for the group return.Less
Central to the southern evangelicals' prohibition campaign during the late nineteenth and early twentieth century was the threat posed by liquor to southern white womanhood. Women were viewed as the most vulnerable victims of intemperance and served as the key justification for prohibition. However, women's participation in the movement extended beyond merely being vulnerable objects of pity used to manipulate the passions of the male electorate. Women's groups, particularly the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, worked hard to change public opinion about prohibition and to accomplish electoral and legislative victories for the movement by organizing prayer meetings, parades, and other similar activities. Southern evangelical support for the WCTU declined during the 1890s, when the organization began pushing for more radical reforms, such as women's suffrage, female preachers, and increased ecclesiastical rights for women, that threatened male dominance. Not until after a change in leadership and the resumption of a less threatening agenda would denominational support for the group return.
Maureen Wright
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719081095
- eISBN:
- 9781781700037
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719081095.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, Political History
Though Elizabeth Wolstenholme Elmy privately lamented the loss of her husband, she seldom reflected on their lives together in her correspondence after 1906. As always, she resolutely overcame ...
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Though Elizabeth Wolstenholme Elmy privately lamented the loss of her husband, she seldom reflected on their lives together in her correspondence after 1906. As always, she resolutely overcame distress and looked to the future. Elizabeth journeyed to Manchester for two days of energetic campaigning and discussion regarding the planned ‘women's month’ in London, where both the National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies (NUWSS) and the Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU) had organised mass public demonstrations. She had wholeheartedly praised Mrs Emmeline Pankhurst's determination to take direct, disruptive action in seeking the adoption of a government women's suffrage bill, but the escalation of the methods of militancy used during 1908–12 brought her increasing unease. The Equal Franchise Act gave women the vote on the same terms as men.Less
Though Elizabeth Wolstenholme Elmy privately lamented the loss of her husband, she seldom reflected on their lives together in her correspondence after 1906. As always, she resolutely overcame distress and looked to the future. Elizabeth journeyed to Manchester for two days of energetic campaigning and discussion regarding the planned ‘women's month’ in London, where both the National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies (NUWSS) and the Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU) had organised mass public demonstrations. She had wholeheartedly praised Mrs Emmeline Pankhurst's determination to take direct, disruptive action in seeking the adoption of a government women's suffrage bill, but the escalation of the methods of militancy used during 1908–12 brought her increasing unease. The Equal Franchise Act gave women the vote on the same terms as men.
Mary Chapman and Victoria Lamont
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199234066
- eISBN:
- 9780191803352
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199234066.003.0013
- Subject:
- Literature, American, 19th Century Literature
This chapter examines the relationship between the women’s suffrage movement and popular print culture in the United States from the nineteenth century to the turn of the twentieth century. In ...
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This chapter examines the relationship between the women’s suffrage movement and popular print culture in the United States from the nineteenth century to the turn of the twentieth century. In particular, it considers the status of oratory as the privileged sign of political agency and how suffrage campaigners resorted to a variety of print form such as periodicals, pamphlets, creative literature, and print cultural publicity stunts to influence government policy and expand women’s role in the public sphere.Less
This chapter examines the relationship between the women’s suffrage movement and popular print culture in the United States from the nineteenth century to the turn of the twentieth century. In particular, it considers the status of oratory as the privileged sign of political agency and how suffrage campaigners resorted to a variety of print form such as periodicals, pamphlets, creative literature, and print cultural publicity stunts to influence government policy and expand women’s role in the public sphere.
Jessica Ellen Sewell
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- August 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780816669738
- eISBN:
- 9781452947150
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816669738.001.0001
- Subject:
- Architecture, Architectural History
This book explores the lives of women in turn-of-the-century San Francisco. A period of transformation of both gender roles and American cities, it shows how changes in the city affected women’s ...
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This book explores the lives of women in turn-of-the-century San Francisco. A period of transformation of both gender roles and American cities, it shows how changes in the city affected women’s ability to negotiate shifting gender norms as well as how women’s increasing use of the city played a critical role in the campaign for women’s suffrage. Focusing on women’s everyday use of streetcars, shops, restaurants, and theaters, the book reveals the impact of women on these public places—what women did there, which women went there, and how these places were changed in response to women’s presence. Using the diaries of three women in San Francisco (Annie Haskell, Ella Lees Leigh, and Mary Eugenia Pierce, who wrote extensively about their everyday experiences), the book studies their accounts of day trips to the city and combines them with memoirs, newspapers, maps, photographs, and her own observations of the buildings that exist today to build a sense of life in San Francisco at this pivotal point in history.Less
This book explores the lives of women in turn-of-the-century San Francisco. A period of transformation of both gender roles and American cities, it shows how changes in the city affected women’s ability to negotiate shifting gender norms as well as how women’s increasing use of the city played a critical role in the campaign for women’s suffrage. Focusing on women’s everyday use of streetcars, shops, restaurants, and theaters, the book reveals the impact of women on these public places—what women did there, which women went there, and how these places were changed in response to women’s presence. Using the diaries of three women in San Francisco (Annie Haskell, Ella Lees Leigh, and Mary Eugenia Pierce, who wrote extensively about their everyday experiences), the book studies their accounts of day trips to the city and combines them with memoirs, newspapers, maps, photographs, and her own observations of the buildings that exist today to build a sense of life in San Francisco at this pivotal point in history.
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780853237389
- eISBN:
- 9781846313608
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9780853237389.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter examines some of the minor women's suffrage organisations in Liverpool during the period from 1890 to 1920. It explains that by 1914 there were about 53 national organisations where ...
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This chapter examines some of the minor women's suffrage organisations in Liverpool during the period from 1890 to 1920. It explains that by 1914 there were about 53 national organisations where women could proclaim their identity as suffragists and this indicates that it was suffrage that persuaded many previously apolitical women to leave the private sphere and adopt a public identity as political actors. This chapter describes the activities and accomplishments of these organisations which include the Women's Freedom League (WFL), The Church League for Women's Suffrage (CLWS), and the Catholic Women's Suffrage Society (CWSS).Less
This chapter examines some of the minor women's suffrage organisations in Liverpool during the period from 1890 to 1920. It explains that by 1914 there were about 53 national organisations where women could proclaim their identity as suffragists and this indicates that it was suffrage that persuaded many previously apolitical women to leave the private sphere and adopt a public identity as political actors. This chapter describes the activities and accomplishments of these organisations which include the Women's Freedom League (WFL), The Church League for Women's Suffrage (CLWS), and the Catholic Women's Suffrage Society (CWSS).
Deborah Cohler
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- August 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780816649754
- eISBN:
- 9781452946009
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816649754.003.0002
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Gay and Lesbian Studies
This chapter analyzes the rhetoric of debates over women’s suffrage from the 1890s through 1918, when some women were granted the parliamentary franchise in England. Shifts in women’s public roles ...
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This chapter analyzes the rhetoric of debates over women’s suffrage from the 1890s through 1918, when some women were granted the parliamentary franchise in England. Shifts in women’s public roles corresponded to the changing representations of female sexuality and women’s gender roles in the early twentieth century. The chapter focuses on various groups of suffrage agitators, and the ramifications of their rhetoric and actions on constructions of female gender or sexuality. Beginning with antisuffrage representations, it next examines moderate suffragists and then radical suffragettes, and concludes with a reading of Virginia Woolf’s novel of Edwardian struggle, Night and Day. It argues that debates over women’s suffrage produced complexly feminine and masculine “public women”; that the “domestic” of the public/private dualism is always produced in reference or relation to that other dualism of domestic/imperial; and, finally, that such debates illustrate the historic and representational stakes of contests over citizenship, gender, and sexuality in the British public sphere.Less
This chapter analyzes the rhetoric of debates over women’s suffrage from the 1890s through 1918, when some women were granted the parliamentary franchise in England. Shifts in women’s public roles corresponded to the changing representations of female sexuality and women’s gender roles in the early twentieth century. The chapter focuses on various groups of suffrage agitators, and the ramifications of their rhetoric and actions on constructions of female gender or sexuality. Beginning with antisuffrage representations, it next examines moderate suffragists and then radical suffragettes, and concludes with a reading of Virginia Woolf’s novel of Edwardian struggle, Night and Day. It argues that debates over women’s suffrage produced complexly feminine and masculine “public women”; that the “domestic” of the public/private dualism is always produced in reference or relation to that other dualism of domestic/imperial; and, finally, that such debates illustrate the historic and representational stakes of contests over citizenship, gender, and sexuality in the British public sphere.
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804753173
- eISBN:
- 9780804767873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804753173.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The Ligue des droits de l'homme (League of the Rights of Man) leaned towards the Left for its commitment to civil liberties, which was evident in the Dreyfus affair that brought the League to its ...
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The Ligue des droits de l'homme (League of the Rights of Man) leaned towards the Left for its commitment to civil liberties, which was evident in the Dreyfus affair that brought the League to its existence. In reality, the League realized that it was difficult to reconcile its stand on civil liberties with its more general political goals. Based on its doctrine, politics should give way to principles. Throughout its existence, however, the League also had to deal with conflicts between the policies that must be dictated by liberal and civil libertarian theory and the more immediate political consequences of such policies. The League's dilemma in trying to balance its simultaneous commitment to civil liberties and left-wing politics was illustrated by the debates in France over freedom of the press, women's suffrage, and freedom of association for religious congregations.Less
The Ligue des droits de l'homme (League of the Rights of Man) leaned towards the Left for its commitment to civil liberties, which was evident in the Dreyfus affair that brought the League to its existence. In reality, the League realized that it was difficult to reconcile its stand on civil liberties with its more general political goals. Based on its doctrine, politics should give way to principles. Throughout its existence, however, the League also had to deal with conflicts between the policies that must be dictated by liberal and civil libertarian theory and the more immediate political consequences of such policies. The League's dilemma in trying to balance its simultaneous commitment to civil liberties and left-wing politics was illustrated by the debates in France over freedom of the press, women's suffrage, and freedom of association for religious congregations.
Laura E. Free
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801450860
- eISBN:
- 9781501701092
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801450860.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter examines the legislative processes by which the word “male” became a part of the Fourteenth Amendment’s text. It considers how Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony tried to ...
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This chapter examines the legislative processes by which the word “male” became a part of the Fourteenth Amendment’s text. It considers how Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony tried to prevent the introduction of “male” into the Constitution by means of petitioning. Stanton and Anthony’s women’s suffrage petitions alerted Congress that the whole political community no longer understood the long-held associations between gender and voting rights to be “natural.” Ironically, these petitions were partially responsible for creating the very outcome they sought to prevent—the introduction of that word “male” into the Constitution. This chapter argues that congressmen deliberately added gender-specific language to the Fourteenth Amendment in order to prevent the inadvertent enfranchisement of women.Less
This chapter examines the legislative processes by which the word “male” became a part of the Fourteenth Amendment’s text. It considers how Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony tried to prevent the introduction of “male” into the Constitution by means of petitioning. Stanton and Anthony’s women’s suffrage petitions alerted Congress that the whole political community no longer understood the long-held associations between gender and voting rights to be “natural.” Ironically, these petitions were partially responsible for creating the very outcome they sought to prevent—the introduction of that word “male” into the Constitution. This chapter argues that congressmen deliberately added gender-specific language to the Fourteenth Amendment in order to prevent the inadvertent enfranchisement of women.
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780853237389
- eISBN:
- 9781846313608
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9780853237389.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter examines the history of women's suffrage society in Liverpool. It evaluates the success of different organisations in politicising women and analyses how organisations function on the ...
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This chapter examines the history of women's suffrage society in Liverpool. It evaluates the success of different organisations in politicising women and analyses how organisations function on the ground and how are these experienced by individual members. It suggests that the first signs of suffrage agitation on Merseyside demonstrated close ties of personnel and politics to the radical Manchester circle. This chapter also provides an account of the history the Liverpool Women's Suffrage Society (LWSS) and Eleanor Rathbone and Nessie Stewart-Brown's Municipal Women's Association (MWA) and their activities.Less
This chapter examines the history of women's suffrage society in Liverpool. It evaluates the success of different organisations in politicising women and analyses how organisations function on the ground and how are these experienced by individual members. It suggests that the first signs of suffrage agitation on Merseyside demonstrated close ties of personnel and politics to the radical Manchester circle. This chapter also provides an account of the history the Liverpool Women's Suffrage Society (LWSS) and Eleanor Rathbone and Nessie Stewart-Brown's Municipal Women's Association (MWA) and their activities.
Robert Cassanello
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780813044194
- eISBN:
- 9780813046495
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813044194.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Unlike the labor movement, the Woman’s Suffrage Movement in Jacksonville was never racially integrated and, in fact, formed as a reaction to black suffrage. Black and white women created distinct ...
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Unlike the labor movement, the Woman’s Suffrage Movement in Jacksonville was never racially integrated and, in fact, formed as a reaction to black suffrage. Black and white women created distinct counterpublics that did not provide much room for interracial cooperation. As the white women’s counterpublic was distinct from the public sphere, the black women’s counterpublic acted and coordinated with the black counterpublic for the uplift of the race.Less
Unlike the labor movement, the Woman’s Suffrage Movement in Jacksonville was never racially integrated and, in fact, formed as a reaction to black suffrage. Black and white women created distinct counterpublics that did not provide much room for interracial cooperation. As the white women’s counterpublic was distinct from the public sphere, the black women’s counterpublic acted and coordinated with the black counterpublic for the uplift of the race.
Lucy Ella Rose
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781474421454
- eISBN:
- 9781474444934
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474421454.003.0002
- Subject:
- Literature, 20th-century Literature and Modernism
Chapters 1 and 2 explore the Wattses’ and the De Morgans’ progressive socio-political positions as suffragist artists who actively supported and promoted the women’s suffrage movement that gained ...
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Chapters 1 and 2 explore the Wattses’ and the De Morgans’ progressive socio-political positions as suffragist artists who actively supported and promoted the women’s suffrage movement that gained momentum over the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It shows how they achieved this through their anti-patriarchal conjugal creative partnerships; their professional creative practices; their involvement in suffrage societies and women’s culture; and their works privileging female struggle, power and freedom. Chapter 1 focuses on Mary and George Watts. It explores the feminist dynamics of the couple’s conjugal creative partnership, their professional creative practices, and the ways in which they supported the women’s suffrage movement and women’s liberation more generally. Most notably, Mary Watts convened suffrage meetings at the Wattses’ Surrey studio-home, while George Watts was close friends with – and his art was a source of inspiration for – early feminists.Less
Chapters 1 and 2 explore the Wattses’ and the De Morgans’ progressive socio-political positions as suffragist artists who actively supported and promoted the women’s suffrage movement that gained momentum over the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It shows how they achieved this through their anti-patriarchal conjugal creative partnerships; their professional creative practices; their involvement in suffrage societies and women’s culture; and their works privileging female struggle, power and freedom. Chapter 1 focuses on Mary and George Watts. It explores the feminist dynamics of the couple’s conjugal creative partnership, their professional creative practices, and the ways in which they supported the women’s suffrage movement and women’s liberation more generally. Most notably, Mary Watts convened suffrage meetings at the Wattses’ Surrey studio-home, while George Watts was close friends with – and his art was a source of inspiration for – early feminists.
Robyn Muncy
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691122731
- eISBN:
- 9781400852413
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691122731.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter details events in Josephine Roche's life from 1908 to 1912. Shortly after graduating from Vassar, Roche pursued graduate study at Columbia University in New York City. Her courses and ...
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This chapter details events in Josephine Roche's life from 1908 to 1912. Shortly after graduating from Vassar, Roche pursued graduate study at Columbia University in New York City. Her courses and life experiences in New York built directly on the foundation laid by her undergraduate education. Her studies deepened her understanding of the social sciences and gave her feminism more specific shape as she sought explanations for prostitution and what scholars would later call the “gender wage gap.” The longing to be part of the rough and tumble of electoral politics perhaps also gave greater urgency to Roche's work for women's suffrage in New York. On behalf of the cause, she made speeches on street corners, marched in parades, and organized debates at Greenwich House.Less
This chapter details events in Josephine Roche's life from 1908 to 1912. Shortly after graduating from Vassar, Roche pursued graduate study at Columbia University in New York City. Her courses and life experiences in New York built directly on the foundation laid by her undergraduate education. Her studies deepened her understanding of the social sciences and gave her feminism more specific shape as she sought explanations for prostitution and what scholars would later call the “gender wage gap.” The longing to be part of the rough and tumble of electoral politics perhaps also gave greater urgency to Roche's work for women's suffrage in New York. On behalf of the cause, she made speeches on street corners, marched in parades, and organized debates at Greenwich House.
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780853237389
- eISBN:
- 9781846313608
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9780853237389.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter examines the impact of the First World War on the women's suffrage movement in Liverpool. It explains that many large organisations ceased active suffrage campaigning during the war and ...
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This chapter examines the impact of the First World War on the women's suffrage movement in Liverpool. It explains that many large organisations ceased active suffrage campaigning during the war and there were a number of smaller organisations that attempted to re-situate feminist demands in a fresh context during the war. These include the Home Service Corp, the Civic Service League, and the Women's War Service Bureau (WWSB). This chapter also considers how feminists used the opportunities provided by the war to advance their cause and discusses the view that the enfranchisement of women was a ‘reward’ for their war work.Less
This chapter examines the impact of the First World War on the women's suffrage movement in Liverpool. It explains that many large organisations ceased active suffrage campaigning during the war and there were a number of smaller organisations that attempted to re-situate feminist demands in a fresh context during the war. These include the Home Service Corp, the Civic Service League, and the Women's War Service Bureau (WWSB). This chapter also considers how feminists used the opportunities provided by the war to advance their cause and discusses the view that the enfranchisement of women was a ‘reward’ for their war work.
Birgitta Bader-Zaar
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- November 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780198723059
- eISBN:
- 9780191789632
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198723059.003.0006
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law, Comparative Law
This chapter attempts to clarify the historical significance of limited suffrage for women in the context of constitutionalization and major socio-economic change in nineteenth-century Europe. ...
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This chapter attempts to clarify the historical significance of limited suffrage for women in the context of constitutionalization and major socio-economic change in nineteenth-century Europe. A shift in perspective, away from universal suffrage and its discourse, which generally linked the gradual individualization of the franchise to men, offers a new view of citizenship. Taking suffrage norms and electoral practices not only on the national but also on the local level into account reveals the significance of women’s local political rights. This case study of the Austrian half of the Habsburg monarchy in comparison with Sweden and the United Kingdom underlines the continuing emphasis on property rights in the field of suffrage in the nineteenth century, and the realization that women could be of use for party interests intent on upholding privileges in manifold ways.Less
This chapter attempts to clarify the historical significance of limited suffrage for women in the context of constitutionalization and major socio-economic change in nineteenth-century Europe. A shift in perspective, away from universal suffrage and its discourse, which generally linked the gradual individualization of the franchise to men, offers a new view of citizenship. Taking suffrage norms and electoral practices not only on the national but also on the local level into account reveals the significance of women’s local political rights. This case study of the Austrian half of the Habsburg monarchy in comparison with Sweden and the United Kingdom underlines the continuing emphasis on property rights in the field of suffrage in the nineteenth century, and the realization that women could be of use for party interests intent on upholding privileges in manifold ways.
