Georgina Waylen
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199248032
- eISBN:
- 9780191714894
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199248032.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Using the discussion of the gendered nature of institutions, such as political parties developed in Part One, as its starting point, Part Three concentrates on the electoral arena. To determine the ...
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Using the discussion of the gendered nature of institutions, such as political parties developed in Part One, as its starting point, Part Three concentrates on the electoral arena. To determine the extent of women's participation in this arena during transitions to democracy, this part analyses three major themes: the level of women's descriptive representation in the post-transition period, the roles that women have played in the conventional arena in various stages of transition, and the contribution that women active in the conventional arena have made to any improvements in women's descriptive and substantive representation. Part Three explains the marked differences seen in patterns of women's representation in different post-transition contexts in terms of electoral rules, political parties, ideology, women activists, and quotas. It also analyses how far women legislators ‘act for’ women and enhance women's substantive representation.Less
Using the discussion of the gendered nature of institutions, such as political parties developed in Part One, as its starting point, Part Three concentrates on the electoral arena. To determine the extent of women's participation in this arena during transitions to democracy, this part analyses three major themes: the level of women's descriptive representation in the post-transition period, the roles that women have played in the conventional arena in various stages of transition, and the contribution that women active in the conventional arena have made to any improvements in women's descriptive and substantive representation. Part Three explains the marked differences seen in patterns of women's representation in different post-transition contexts in terms of electoral rules, political parties, ideology, women activists, and quotas. It also analyses how far women legislators ‘act for’ women and enhance women's substantive representation.
Martha A. Ackelsberg
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293484
- eISBN:
- 9780191598944
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293488.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter reviews existing research on women's political participation outside electoral politics and traditional forms of participation. Ackelsberg suggests an agenda for future research that ...
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This chapter reviews existing research on women's political participation outside electoral politics and traditional forms of participation. Ackelsberg suggests an agenda for future research that includes a focus on: the mobilization of women activists, the changes in consciousness that activism brings, the effectiveness of various strategies employed by activists, and the possible contributions of activism to resolving theoretical dilemmas.Less
This chapter reviews existing research on women's political participation outside electoral politics and traditional forms of participation. Ackelsberg suggests an agenda for future research that includes a focus on: the mobilization of women activists, the changes in consciousness that activism brings, the effectiveness of various strategies employed by activists, and the possible contributions of activism to resolving theoretical dilemmas.
Alice J. Kang
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780816692170
- eISBN:
- 9781452952307
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816692170.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Chapter Two examines how, to no avail, women’s activists tried to reform Niger’s family laws from independence in 1960 through 2011. The rise of a conservative religious movement and its issuing of a ...
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Chapter Two examines how, to no avail, women’s activists tried to reform Niger’s family laws from independence in 1960 through 2011. The rise of a conservative religious movement and its issuing of a curse and the public burning of the draft law effectively silenced women’s activists.Less
Chapter Two examines how, to no avail, women’s activists tried to reform Niger’s family laws from independence in 1960 through 2011. The rise of a conservative religious movement and its issuing of a curse and the public burning of the draft law effectively silenced women’s activists.
Michelle M. Nickerson
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691121840
- eISBN:
- 9781400842209
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691121840.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter focuses on a series of educational battles in the early 1950s that reveal the step-by-step process of how political ideas germinated in the fabric of women's everyday lives. Starting ...
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This chapter focuses on a series of educational battles in the early 1950s that reveal the step-by-step process of how political ideas germinated in the fabric of women's everyday lives. Starting with the “Pasadena affair” of 1950, it shows how new ideas about “mind control” and “brainwashing” inspired political epiphanies among women otherwise busy with their children's homework and PTA duties. Parents, especially mothers, started to think they saw communism in action. For a few years, conservative women asserted themselves in school politics as activists and school board members in Southern California, forcing teachers to resign and blocking policies they deemed subversive.Less
This chapter focuses on a series of educational battles in the early 1950s that reveal the step-by-step process of how political ideas germinated in the fabric of women's everyday lives. Starting with the “Pasadena affair” of 1950, it shows how new ideas about “mind control” and “brainwashing” inspired political epiphanies among women otherwise busy with their children's homework and PTA duties. Parents, especially mothers, started to think they saw communism in action. For a few years, conservative women asserted themselves in school politics as activists and school board members in Southern California, forcing teachers to resign and blocking policies they deemed subversive.
Ellen Gruber Garvey
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780195390346
- eISBN:
- 9780199979240
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195390346.003.0006
- Subject:
- Literature, American, 19th Century Literature
This chapter shows that scrapbooks kept by Susan B. Anthony, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Alice Dunbar Nelson, and less-well-known suffragists such as Lillie Devereux Blake, Caroline Healey Dall, and ...
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This chapter shows that scrapbooks kept by Susan B. Anthony, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Alice Dunbar Nelson, and less-well-known suffragists such as Lillie Devereux Blake, Caroline Healey Dall, and Elizabeth Boynton Harbert, constitute a complex conversation about women's participation in the public realm. Scrapbooks both documented that participation and experimented with ways to present it to varied audiences; they were a training ground for impression management. Like other speakers, writers, and actors, women who wrote and spoke in public kept clipping books to document their talks and track their publications. Even the fact itself that suffragists looked to the press for personal history marks an extraordinary assertion of selfhood for women and a claim to act in the public arena. They passed along their understanding that the press was not a simple record, but a set of voices and conversations to be read critically.Less
This chapter shows that scrapbooks kept by Susan B. Anthony, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Alice Dunbar Nelson, and less-well-known suffragists such as Lillie Devereux Blake, Caroline Healey Dall, and Elizabeth Boynton Harbert, constitute a complex conversation about women's participation in the public realm. Scrapbooks both documented that participation and experimented with ways to present it to varied audiences; they were a training ground for impression management. Like other speakers, writers, and actors, women who wrote and spoke in public kept clipping books to document their talks and track their publications. Even the fact itself that suffragists looked to the press for personal history marks an extraordinary assertion of selfhood for women and a claim to act in the public arena. They passed along their understanding that the press was not a simple record, but a set of voices and conversations to be read critically.
Ellen Anne McLarney
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691158488
- eISBN:
- 9781400866441
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691158488.003.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Research and Statistics
This introductory chapter provides an overview of the book's main themes. This book is about the soft force of Islamic cultural production in the decades leading up to the 2011 revolution in Egypt. ...
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This introductory chapter provides an overview of the book's main themes. This book is about the soft force of Islamic cultural production in the decades leading up to the 2011 revolution in Egypt. It is about the role women play in articulating that revolution, in their writings, activism, and discursive transformation of Egypt's social, cultural, and political institutions. It is intended as an antidote to dominant representations of women as oppressed by Islamic politics, movements, and groups. The book details women's contribution to the emergence of an Islamic public sphere—one that has trenchantly critiqued successive dictatorships in Egypt, partly through a liberal ideology of rights, democracy, freedom, equality, and family values.Less
This introductory chapter provides an overview of the book's main themes. This book is about the soft force of Islamic cultural production in the decades leading up to the 2011 revolution in Egypt. It is about the role women play in articulating that revolution, in their writings, activism, and discursive transformation of Egypt's social, cultural, and political institutions. It is intended as an antidote to dominant representations of women as oppressed by Islamic politics, movements, and groups. The book details women's contribution to the emergence of an Islamic public sphere—one that has trenchantly critiqued successive dictatorships in Egypt, partly through a liberal ideology of rights, democracy, freedom, equality, and family values.
Denise Tse-Shang Tang
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9789888083015
- eISBN:
- 9789882209855
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888083015.003.0005
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Asian Studies
The term tongzhi is contested for its earlier primary definition to mean gay and middle class. It is used within LGBT activist communities and non-governmental organizations to denote politics that ...
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The term tongzhi is contested for its earlier primary definition to mean gay and middle class. It is used within LGBT activist communities and non-governmental organizations to denote politics that aim for equality and human rights. This chapter examines the role of prominent women activists in Hong Kong's tongzhi movement as a means of understanding how the overall political and sociocultural environment in Hong Kong affects one's perspectives on social justice, civic engagement, and sexual identities. The informants with activist backgrounds chose to use either their real names or pseudonyms used in the media. The chapter begins with a bold assumption that Hong Kong's tongzhi movement is a conflicted political site where recent gains have been made in regards to public visibility and issue-based demands due to heightened awareness on human rights, global inequalities, social justice, and corporate greed.Less
The term tongzhi is contested for its earlier primary definition to mean gay and middle class. It is used within LGBT activist communities and non-governmental organizations to denote politics that aim for equality and human rights. This chapter examines the role of prominent women activists in Hong Kong's tongzhi movement as a means of understanding how the overall political and sociocultural environment in Hong Kong affects one's perspectives on social justice, civic engagement, and sexual identities. The informants with activist backgrounds chose to use either their real names or pseudonyms used in the media. The chapter begins with a bold assumption that Hong Kong's tongzhi movement is a conflicted political site where recent gains have been made in regards to public visibility and issue-based demands due to heightened awareness on human rights, global inequalities, social justice, and corporate greed.
Bharathi Ray
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780198083818
- eISBN:
- 9780199082186
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198083818.003.0004
- Subject:
- Literature, Women's Literature
This chapter reports the story of Sarala Devi Chaudhurani’s and Begum Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain’s efforts at organizing women. Swarnakumari Devi was the first woman to have shaped a women’s samiti. She ...
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This chapter reports the story of Sarala Devi Chaudhurani’s and Begum Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain’s efforts at organizing women. Swarnakumari Devi was the first woman to have shaped a women’s samiti. She left her daughter, Sarala the foundation of an all India women’s organization, formed by women, for women, of women, and led by women. Sarala’s central focus was on woman-power. She was a political activist for the women’s cause. Rokeya’s focus was clearly gender. She believed that women were in a particularly abject condition and that this suited men’s interests. She also saw nothing but humiliation in a Muslim woman’s position in the family and in the larger society. Despite their limitations, both Sarala and Rokeya anticipated some of the crucial concerns of today’s women activists, and raised some important questions.Less
This chapter reports the story of Sarala Devi Chaudhurani’s and Begum Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain’s efforts at organizing women. Swarnakumari Devi was the first woman to have shaped a women’s samiti. She left her daughter, Sarala the foundation of an all India women’s organization, formed by women, for women, of women, and led by women. Sarala’s central focus was on woman-power. She was a political activist for the women’s cause. Rokeya’s focus was clearly gender. She believed that women were in a particularly abject condition and that this suited men’s interests. She also saw nothing but humiliation in a Muslim woman’s position in the family and in the larger society. Despite their limitations, both Sarala and Rokeya anticipated some of the crucial concerns of today’s women activists, and raised some important questions.
JONI LOVENDUSKI, PIPPA NORRIS, and CATRIONA BURNESS
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198202387
- eISBN:
- 9780191675317
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198202387.003.0016
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This chapter examines the role, organization, and influence of women in the party at all levels, and assesses the issue of Conservative attitudes and policies towards women's issues. It clarifies the ...
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This chapter examines the role, organization, and influence of women in the party at all levels, and assesses the issue of Conservative attitudes and policies towards women's issues. It clarifies the paradox that lies at the heart of the relationship between women and the Conservative Party: despite their crucial support as members and voters, few have achieved positions of power within the party. The chapter notes that ambivalence was the trademark of the Conservative Party's attitude towards women, and discusses that the fact that the domination of selection committees by women activists in recent decades has not only not changed this, but has often been a positive hindrance.Less
This chapter examines the role, organization, and influence of women in the party at all levels, and assesses the issue of Conservative attitudes and policies towards women's issues. It clarifies the paradox that lies at the heart of the relationship between women and the Conservative Party: despite their crucial support as members and voters, few have achieved positions of power within the party. The chapter notes that ambivalence was the trademark of the Conservative Party's attitude towards women, and discusses that the fact that the domination of selection committees by women activists in recent decades has not only not changed this, but has often been a positive hindrance.
Kia Lilly Caldwell
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780252040986
- eISBN:
- 9780252099533
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252040986.003.0003
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
This chapter examines black women health activists’ contributions to an intersectional reconceptualization of health that links gender health equity and racial health equity. The analysis explores ...
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This chapter examines black women health activists’ contributions to an intersectional reconceptualization of health that links gender health equity and racial health equity. The analysis explores the development of black women’s organizations in Brazil and their advocacy and policy work related to reproductive health, female sterilization, and HIV/AIDS. The analysis also focuses on black women’s local, national, and transnational activism, particularly related to the 2001 World Conference Against Racism. The chapter argues that black women’s efforts to promote the development of non-universalist health policies underscores the importance of activists, scholars, and the Brazilian state reconceptualizing health disparities in ways that acknowledge the interrelationship among racial, gender, and socio-economic inequalities.Less
This chapter examines black women health activists’ contributions to an intersectional reconceptualization of health that links gender health equity and racial health equity. The analysis explores the development of black women’s organizations in Brazil and their advocacy and policy work related to reproductive health, female sterilization, and HIV/AIDS. The analysis also focuses on black women’s local, national, and transnational activism, particularly related to the 2001 World Conference Against Racism. The chapter argues that black women’s efforts to promote the development of non-universalist health policies underscores the importance of activists, scholars, and the Brazilian state reconceptualizing health disparities in ways that acknowledge the interrelationship among racial, gender, and socio-economic inequalities.
Steven Fielding
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719043642
- eISBN:
- 9781781700327
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719043642.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter highlights Labour's attempts to draw younger women into the party and how it handled the issue of equal pay once in power. It first outlines the place of women in the party at the start ...
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This chapter highlights Labour's attempts to draw younger women into the party and how it handled the issue of equal pay once in power. It first outlines the place of women in the party at the start of the 1960s, to locate subsequent events in their proper context. It focuses on Labour's response to women's changing place in society by looking at how officials promoted a variety of organisational reforms designed to increase the number of younger female members. The chapter then discusses Labour's efforts to come to terms with the perceived need to address gender inequality in the later part of the decade. Labour's women activists were in other respects broadly content with the party's emphases. Furthermore, Labour's women also blamed members of their own sex as much as or more than men for inequalities feminists would subsequently deem to be the result of ‘patriarchy’.Less
This chapter highlights Labour's attempts to draw younger women into the party and how it handled the issue of equal pay once in power. It first outlines the place of women in the party at the start of the 1960s, to locate subsequent events in their proper context. It focuses on Labour's response to women's changing place in society by looking at how officials promoted a variety of organisational reforms designed to increase the number of younger female members. The chapter then discusses Labour's efforts to come to terms with the perceived need to address gender inequality in the later part of the decade. Labour's women activists were in other respects broadly content with the party's emphases. Furthermore, Labour's women also blamed members of their own sex as much as or more than men for inequalities feminists would subsequently deem to be the result of ‘patriarchy’.
Elizabeth Hayes Turner
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195086881
- eISBN:
- 9780199854578
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195086881.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This chapter focuses on the contribution of the Young Women's Christian Association to make earning wages possible for women. The YWCA was the last major white women's organization to emerge in the ...
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This chapter focuses on the contribution of the Young Women's Christian Association to make earning wages possible for women. The YWCA was the last major white women's organization to emerge in the Progressive Era. It carried women activists in a new direction: towards the need for young working women. It brought protection especially to single working women. It shielded working girls from the dangers of city life. It also offered a variety of social and cultural outlets for young women. However, it did not include blacks. Jews and Catholics were eligible for membership though they did not have the right to join the board of directors. But it is important to remember that the opening of the YWCA doors was accomplished by the women's progressive community. It offered services to all white women, focusing on them and their needs like no other association at that time had done.Less
This chapter focuses on the contribution of the Young Women's Christian Association to make earning wages possible for women. The YWCA was the last major white women's organization to emerge in the Progressive Era. It carried women activists in a new direction: towards the need for young working women. It brought protection especially to single working women. It shielded working girls from the dangers of city life. It also offered a variety of social and cultural outlets for young women. However, it did not include blacks. Jews and Catholics were eligible for membership though they did not have the right to join the board of directors. But it is important to remember that the opening of the YWCA doors was accomplished by the women's progressive community. It offered services to all white women, focusing on them and their needs like no other association at that time had done.
Robyn Muncy
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691122731
- eISBN:
- 9781400852413
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691122731.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Josephine Roche (1886–1976) was a progressive activist, New Deal policymaker, and businesswoman. As a pro-labor and feminist member of Franklin D. Roosevelt's administration, she shaped the founding ...
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Josephine Roche (1886–1976) was a progressive activist, New Deal policymaker, and businesswoman. As a pro-labor and feminist member of Franklin D. Roosevelt's administration, she shaped the founding legislation of the U.S. welfare state and generated the national conversation about health care policy that Americans are still having today. This book offers Roche's persistent progressivism as evidence for surprising continuities among the Progressive Era, the New Deal, and the Great Society. The book explains that Roche became the second-highest-ranking woman in the New Deal government after running a Colorado coal company in partnership with coal miners themselves. Once in office, Roche developed a national health plan that was stymied by World War II but enacted piecemeal during the postwar period, culminating in Medicare and Medicaid in the 1960s. By then, Roche directed the United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund, an initiative aimed at bolstering the labor movement, advancing managed health care, and reorganizing medicine to facilitate national health insurance, one of Roche's unrealized dreams. This book uses Roche's dramatic life story as a unique vantage point from which to examine the challenges that women have faced in public life and to reassess the meaning and trajectory of progressive reform.Less
Josephine Roche (1886–1976) was a progressive activist, New Deal policymaker, and businesswoman. As a pro-labor and feminist member of Franklin D. Roosevelt's administration, she shaped the founding legislation of the U.S. welfare state and generated the national conversation about health care policy that Americans are still having today. This book offers Roche's persistent progressivism as evidence for surprising continuities among the Progressive Era, the New Deal, and the Great Society. The book explains that Roche became the second-highest-ranking woman in the New Deal government after running a Colorado coal company in partnership with coal miners themselves. Once in office, Roche developed a national health plan that was stymied by World War II but enacted piecemeal during the postwar period, culminating in Medicare and Medicaid in the 1960s. By then, Roche directed the United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund, an initiative aimed at bolstering the labor movement, advancing managed health care, and reorganizing medicine to facilitate national health insurance, one of Roche's unrealized dreams. This book uses Roche's dramatic life story as a unique vantage point from which to examine the challenges that women have faced in public life and to reassess the meaning and trajectory of progressive reform.
Laura E. Free
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801450860
- eISBN:
- 9781501701092
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801450860.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter examines how northern free African Americans and women’s rights activists used the issue of gender and traditional American political rhetoric to challenge their own disfranchisement in ...
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This chapter examines how northern free African Americans and women’s rights activists used the issue of gender and traditional American political rhetoric to challenge their own disfranchisement in the antebellum white man’s government. More specifically, it considers how African Americans and women’s rights advocatess sought access to the rights granted to white men, aligned their claims for rights with mainstream political rhetoric, and re-imagined the legal relationship between gender, race, and suffrage. It also explores how woman suffrage contested the association between manhood and the franchise. It argues that abolitionist organizations transitioning into equal rights advocacy after the Civil War advocated women’s enfranchisement but undermined their primary rhetorical tool.Less
This chapter examines how northern free African Americans and women’s rights activists used the issue of gender and traditional American political rhetoric to challenge their own disfranchisement in the antebellum white man’s government. More specifically, it considers how African Americans and women’s rights advocatess sought access to the rights granted to white men, aligned their claims for rights with mainstream political rhetoric, and re-imagined the legal relationship between gender, race, and suffrage. It also explores how woman suffrage contested the association between manhood and the franchise. It argues that abolitionist organizations transitioning into equal rights advocacy after the Civil War advocated women’s enfranchisement but undermined their primary rhetorical tool.
AnneMarie Mingo
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781628462005
- eISBN:
- 9781626745094
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781628462005.003.0006
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
Both prior to and subsequent to the emergence of black liberation-oriented theological constructions in the mid-1960s, few black women were given access to the hallowed halls of academia in the ...
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Both prior to and subsequent to the emergence of black liberation-oriented theological constructions in the mid-1960s, few black women were given access to the hallowed halls of academia in the manner of professional theologians or to prominent pulpits, yet many women worked out a lived theology of justice and freedom within the Movement as they experienced unjust practices in their encounters with white Christians. As a result of personal revelations of God, which are known through daily living, a lived theology addresses concrete and practical aspects rather than distant theories and shapes ways of ethically engaging the world. In this chapter, as one component of the construction of a lived theology of justice and freedom, the lived experiences of both individuals and communities are considered through transformative on-the-ground encounters during the Civil Rights Movement.Less
Both prior to and subsequent to the emergence of black liberation-oriented theological constructions in the mid-1960s, few black women were given access to the hallowed halls of academia in the manner of professional theologians or to prominent pulpits, yet many women worked out a lived theology of justice and freedom within the Movement as they experienced unjust practices in their encounters with white Christians. As a result of personal revelations of God, which are known through daily living, a lived theology addresses concrete and practical aspects rather than distant theories and shapes ways of ethically engaging the world. In this chapter, as one component of the construction of a lived theology of justice and freedom, the lived experiences of both individuals and communities are considered through transformative on-the-ground encounters during the Civil Rights Movement.
Ellen Gruber Garvey
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780195390346
- eISBN:
- 9780199979240
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195390346.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, American, 19th Century Literature
Men and women 150 years ago grappled with information overload by making scrapbooks—the ancestors of Google and blogging. From Abraham Lincoln to Susan B. Anthony, African American janitors to ...
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Men and women 150 years ago grappled with information overload by making scrapbooks—the ancestors of Google and blogging. From Abraham Lincoln to Susan B. Anthony, African American janitors to farmwomen, abolitionists to Confederates, people cut out and pasted down their reading. This book opens a new window into the feelings and thoughts of ordinary and extraordinary Americans. Like us, nineteenth-century readers spoke back to the media, and treasured what mattered to them. The book reveals a previously unexplored layer of American popular culture, where the proliferating cheap press touched the lives of activists and mourning parents, and all who yearned for a place in history. Scrapbook makers documented their feelings about momentous public events such as living through the Civil War, mediated through the newspapers. African Americans and women's rights activists collected, concentrated, and critiqued accounts from a press that they did not control to create “unwritten histories” in books they wrote with scissors. Whether scrapbook makers pasted their clippings into blank books, sermon collections, or the pre-gummed scrapbook that Mark Twain invented, they claimed ownership of their reading. They created their own democratic archives. The book argues that people have long had a strong personal relationship to media. Like newspaper editors who enthusiastically “scissorized” and reprinted attractive items from other newspapers, scrapbook makers passed their reading along to family and community. This book explains how their scrapbooks underlie our present-day ways of thinking about information, news, and what we do with it.Less
Men and women 150 years ago grappled with information overload by making scrapbooks—the ancestors of Google and blogging. From Abraham Lincoln to Susan B. Anthony, African American janitors to farmwomen, abolitionists to Confederates, people cut out and pasted down their reading. This book opens a new window into the feelings and thoughts of ordinary and extraordinary Americans. Like us, nineteenth-century readers spoke back to the media, and treasured what mattered to them. The book reveals a previously unexplored layer of American popular culture, where the proliferating cheap press touched the lives of activists and mourning parents, and all who yearned for a place in history. Scrapbook makers documented their feelings about momentous public events such as living through the Civil War, mediated through the newspapers. African Americans and women's rights activists collected, concentrated, and critiqued accounts from a press that they did not control to create “unwritten histories” in books they wrote with scissors. Whether scrapbook makers pasted their clippings into blank books, sermon collections, or the pre-gummed scrapbook that Mark Twain invented, they claimed ownership of their reading. They created their own democratic archives. The book argues that people have long had a strong personal relationship to media. Like newspaper editors who enthusiastically “scissorized” and reprinted attractive items from other newspapers, scrapbook makers passed their reading along to family and community. This book explains how their scrapbooks underlie our present-day ways of thinking about information, news, and what we do with it.
Mina Roces
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- November 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780824834999
- eISBN:
- 9780824871581
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Hawai'i Press
- DOI:
- 10.21313/hawaii/9780824834999.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This chapter is devoted to the activities that involve the participation and indoctrination of potential followers. Oral testimonies, theater as advocacy, demonstrations, songs, and special rituals ...
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This chapter is devoted to the activities that involve the participation and indoctrination of potential followers. Oral testimonies, theater as advocacy, demonstrations, songs, and special rituals are practices in which former survivors become advocates or activists. Identities with particular feminist organizations are developed through participation in these activities, which often include the wearing of a particular “uniform.” Hence, this chapter focuses on both the content and performance of these practices insofar as they inform us about how women activists represented and fashioned women. It also concentrates on those organizations that aimed to transform women into feminist activists through specific practices.Less
This chapter is devoted to the activities that involve the participation and indoctrination of potential followers. Oral testimonies, theater as advocacy, demonstrations, songs, and special rituals are practices in which former survivors become advocates or activists. Identities with particular feminist organizations are developed through participation in these activities, which often include the wearing of a particular “uniform.” Hence, this chapter focuses on both the content and performance of these practices insofar as they inform us about how women activists represented and fashioned women. It also concentrates on those organizations that aimed to transform women into feminist activists through specific practices.
Noga Efrati
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231158145
- eISBN:
- 9780231530248
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231158145.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter delves deeper into the women's movement in Iraq during the Hashemite period. It suggests that there were two main reasons why the full scale of women's response against the ...
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This chapter delves deeper into the women's movement in Iraq during the Hashemite period. It suggests that there were two main reasons why the full scale of women's response against the constitutional monarchy was difficult to trace. The first is connected with circumstances of the time—that is, with the government's censoring of the women's movement. The second, however, is rooted in accounts portraying the history of the women's movement, provided by Iraqi women activists and their later reproduction in contemporary scholarly literature published in English. The chapter argues that the early history of the women's movement in Iraq remains little known because the two key organizations involved in the movement—the Iraqi Women's Union, which was harshly sanctioned by the regime, and the underground League for the Defense of Women's Rights, produced two competing narratives of the women's movement.Less
This chapter delves deeper into the women's movement in Iraq during the Hashemite period. It suggests that there were two main reasons why the full scale of women's response against the constitutional monarchy was difficult to trace. The first is connected with circumstances of the time—that is, with the government's censoring of the women's movement. The second, however, is rooted in accounts portraying the history of the women's movement, provided by Iraqi women activists and their later reproduction in contemporary scholarly literature published in English. The chapter argues that the early history of the women's movement in Iraq remains little known because the two key organizations involved in the movement—the Iraqi Women's Union, which was harshly sanctioned by the regime, and the underground League for the Defense of Women's Rights, produced two competing narratives of the women's movement.
Carol Giardina
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813034560
- eISBN:
- 9780813039329
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813034560.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Social History
This introductory chapter investigates how the pioneers of the Women's Liberation Movement gained the courage and consciousness to make a movement against male supremacy in the United States in the ...
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This introductory chapter investigates how the pioneers of the Women's Liberation Movement gained the courage and consciousness to make a movement against male supremacy in the United States in the 1960s. The Women's Liberation Movement (WLM) against male supremacy in the United States has been thought from time to time to be a result of frustrations at male chauvinism faced by women in past movements such as the Black Freedom Movement. In fact, the WLM was rather the consequence of experiences, ideas resources, and skills acquired by women activists during the movements prior to the existence of the WLM. The introductory chapter explains this fact quite thoroughly. The chapter also brings forth the sources instrumental to activists in such women's liberation movements. Feminist ideas and aspects responsible for the success of these movements are also an important part of this chapter.Less
This introductory chapter investigates how the pioneers of the Women's Liberation Movement gained the courage and consciousness to make a movement against male supremacy in the United States in the 1960s. The Women's Liberation Movement (WLM) against male supremacy in the United States has been thought from time to time to be a result of frustrations at male chauvinism faced by women in past movements such as the Black Freedom Movement. In fact, the WLM was rather the consequence of experiences, ideas resources, and skills acquired by women activists during the movements prior to the existence of the WLM. The introductory chapter explains this fact quite thoroughly. The chapter also brings forth the sources instrumental to activists in such women's liberation movements. Feminist ideas and aspects responsible for the success of these movements are also an important part of this chapter.
Fran Leeper Buss
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780252042003
- eISBN:
- 9780252050749
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5622/illinois/9780252042003.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Social History
Fran Leeper Buss began her career as an historian of poor and working-class women in July 1971 by recording the near homelessness of herself, her close friend, and their combined six children. ...
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Fran Leeper Buss began her career as an historian of poor and working-class women in July 1971 by recording the near homelessness of herself, her close friend, and their combined six children. Working as a founder of an early women’s crisis center, she learned the stories of other poor women. In 1976, she developed a technique for and recorded an oral history of the last of the traditional, licensed, Latina midwives in northern New Mexico. Specializing in lengthy oral histories of activist women, she then collected oral histories from over one hundred working-class women from multiple racial/ethnic groups throughout the country. A feminist, she received a PhD in American history, published the oral histories in six books, and placed them in six archives.Less
Fran Leeper Buss began her career as an historian of poor and working-class women in July 1971 by recording the near homelessness of herself, her close friend, and their combined six children. Working as a founder of an early women’s crisis center, she learned the stories of other poor women. In 1976, she developed a technique for and recorded an oral history of the last of the traditional, licensed, Latina midwives in northern New Mexico. Specializing in lengthy oral histories of activist women, she then collected oral histories from over one hundred working-class women from multiple racial/ethnic groups throughout the country. A feminist, she received a PhD in American history, published the oral histories in six books, and placed them in six archives.
