Terence Teo
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691172149
- eISBN:
- 9781400882984
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691172149.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter explores the interrelationships between inequality, economic development, and the so-called weak democracy syndrome. More specifically, it analyzes the effect of inequality on reversions ...
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This chapter explores the interrelationships between inequality, economic development, and the so-called weak democracy syndrome. More specifically, it analyzes the effect of inequality on reversions in general and on the distributive conflict cases in particular, as well as some theoretical alternatives, including modernization theories of democratic transitions. It first considers the elite-reaction model of reversion before proposing an alternative, which places greater weight on institutional and economic factors. It then examines the determinants of reversions to authoritarian rule more generally as well as those that might be uniquely associated with elite-reaction and populist reversions. It shows that despite differences in proximate causal processes, the possibility that cases of reversion to autocracy and elite-reaction reversions can be traced to common causal roots in the weak democracy syndrome. The chapter concludes by assessing underlying factors that distinguish “reverters” from “survivors,” including inequality, measures of political institutionalization, and economic performance.Less
This chapter explores the interrelationships between inequality, economic development, and the so-called weak democracy syndrome. More specifically, it analyzes the effect of inequality on reversions in general and on the distributive conflict cases in particular, as well as some theoretical alternatives, including modernization theories of democratic transitions. It first considers the elite-reaction model of reversion before proposing an alternative, which places greater weight on institutional and economic factors. It then examines the determinants of reversions to authoritarian rule more generally as well as those that might be uniquely associated with elite-reaction and populist reversions. It shows that despite differences in proximate causal processes, the possibility that cases of reversion to autocracy and elite-reaction reversions can be traced to common causal roots in the weak democracy syndrome. The chapter concludes by assessing underlying factors that distinguish “reverters” from “survivors,” including inequality, measures of political institutionalization, and economic performance.
Stephan Haggard and Robert R. Kaufman
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691172149
- eISBN:
- 9781400882984
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691172149.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter examines institutional weaknesses explaining reversion to autocracy, asking in particular whether the specific causal mechanisms that have been identified with the weak democracy ...
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This chapter examines institutional weaknesses explaining reversion to autocracy, asking in particular whether the specific causal mechanisms that have been identified with the weak democracy syndrome can also be used to explain elite-reaction reversions or populist reversions. It also asks whether praetorianism, weak institutions, and economic crisis in these cases generate opportunities and incentives for military coups or incumbent backsliding. The chapter first considers a cluster of civil war African cases and compares them with Niger. It then turns to cases in South and Southeast Asia (Pakistan) and Latin America (Peru), along with European examples, and proceeds with an analysis of the cases of Burundi and Thailand, both of which show evidence of the weak democracy syndrome. It concludes with a discussion of case studies of the seizures of power in Ghana and Haiti, both of which also show strong evidence of the weak democracy syndrome.Less
This chapter examines institutional weaknesses explaining reversion to autocracy, asking in particular whether the specific causal mechanisms that have been identified with the weak democracy syndrome can also be used to explain elite-reaction reversions or populist reversions. It also asks whether praetorianism, weak institutions, and economic crisis in these cases generate opportunities and incentives for military coups or incumbent backsliding. The chapter first considers a cluster of civil war African cases and compares them with Niger. It then turns to cases in South and Southeast Asia (Pakistan) and Latin America (Peru), along with European examples, and proceeds with an analysis of the cases of Burundi and Thailand, both of which show evidence of the weak democracy syndrome. It concludes with a discussion of case studies of the seizures of power in Ghana and Haiti, both of which also show strong evidence of the weak democracy syndrome.
Sarah Birch
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- January 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780691203621
- eISBN:
- 9780691203645
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691203621.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Throughout their history, political elections have been threatened by conflict, and the use of force has in the past several decades been an integral part of electoral processes in a significant ...
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Throughout their history, political elections have been threatened by conflict, and the use of force has in the past several decades been an integral part of electoral processes in a significant number of contemporary states. However, the study of elections has yet to produce a comprehensive account of electoral violence. Drawing on cross-national data sets together with fourteen detailed case studies from around the world, this book offers a global comparative analysis of violent electoral practices since the Second World War. The book shows that the way power is structured in society largely explains why elections are at risk of violence in some contexts but not in others. Countries with high levels of corruption and weak democratic institutions are especially vulnerable to disruptions of electoral peace. The book examines how corrupt actors use violence to back up other forms of electoral manipulation, including vote buying and ballot stuffing. In addition to investigating why electoral violence takes place, the book considers what can be done to prevent it in the future, arguing that electoral authority and the quality of electoral governance are more important than the formal design of electoral institutions. Delving into a deeply influential aspect of political malpractice, the book explores the circumstances in which individuals choose to employ violence as an electoral strategy.Less
Throughout their history, political elections have been threatened by conflict, and the use of force has in the past several decades been an integral part of electoral processes in a significant number of contemporary states. However, the study of elections has yet to produce a comprehensive account of electoral violence. Drawing on cross-national data sets together with fourteen detailed case studies from around the world, this book offers a global comparative analysis of violent electoral practices since the Second World War. The book shows that the way power is structured in society largely explains why elections are at risk of violence in some contexts but not in others. Countries with high levels of corruption and weak democratic institutions are especially vulnerable to disruptions of electoral peace. The book examines how corrupt actors use violence to back up other forms of electoral manipulation, including vote buying and ballot stuffing. In addition to investigating why electoral violence takes place, the book considers what can be done to prevent it in the future, arguing that electoral authority and the quality of electoral governance are more important than the formal design of electoral institutions. Delving into a deeply influential aspect of political malpractice, the book explores the circumstances in which individuals choose to employ violence as an electoral strategy.