- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804762694
- eISBN:
- 9780804772372
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804762694.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This chapter outlines the existing literature about war termination. It demonstrates that there is a causal connection between the difficulty of ending wars and the fact that they are started and ...
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This chapter outlines the existing literature about war termination. It demonstrates that there is a causal connection between the difficulty of ending wars and the fact that they are started and ended by politicians. Realpolitik, domestic politics, and bargaining models can be used to illustrate categories about war termination. Bayesian models of war termination theorized more explicitly about lags in the updating process that can result in protracted stalemates. These models showed that a lag in updating can delay war termination, they do not elaborate on how states get beyond this lag. Ending war needed settling with the enemy as well as at home. It is noted that policy stability can result governing coalitions being ineffective for altering the status quo, even when such changes are necessary or desirable. Furthermore, a coalition shift can overpower the obstacles to peace and thus allows a war to end.Less
This chapter outlines the existing literature about war termination. It demonstrates that there is a causal connection between the difficulty of ending wars and the fact that they are started and ended by politicians. Realpolitik, domestic politics, and bargaining models can be used to illustrate categories about war termination. Bayesian models of war termination theorized more explicitly about lags in the updating process that can result in protracted stalemates. These models showed that a lag in updating can delay war termination, they do not elaborate on how states get beyond this lag. Ending war needed settling with the enemy as well as at home. It is noted that policy stability can result governing coalitions being ineffective for altering the status quo, even when such changes are necessary or desirable. Furthermore, a coalition shift can overpower the obstacles to peace and thus allows a war to end.
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804762694
- eISBN:
- 9780804772372
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804762694.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This chapter investigates the domestic coalition shift theory using quantitative analysis of all interstate wars since 1862. The dataset of interstate wars after World War II is reviewed, which ...
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This chapter investigates the domestic coalition shift theory using quantitative analysis of all interstate wars since 1862. The dataset of interstate wars after World War II is reviewed, which includes all domestic coalition shifts observed on a daily basis, to increase the understanding of this alternative causal pathway. The evidence indicates that both mechanisms by which domestic coalition shifts can theoretically impact the development of an overlapping bargaining space seem to have empirical support. It also showed that the first mechanism is dominant, but they do not necessarily rule out the second (signaling) mechanism. Taken with the detailed process tracing of the causal mechanisms in the Korean War case studies, these data strongly reveal that the patterns predicted by the domestic coalition shift theory hold over a broad universe of cases and greatly enhance the understanding of war duration and war termination.Less
This chapter investigates the domestic coalition shift theory using quantitative analysis of all interstate wars since 1862. The dataset of interstate wars after World War II is reviewed, which includes all domestic coalition shifts observed on a daily basis, to increase the understanding of this alternative causal pathway. The evidence indicates that both mechanisms by which domestic coalition shifts can theoretically impact the development of an overlapping bargaining space seem to have empirical support. It also showed that the first mechanism is dominant, but they do not necessarily rule out the second (signaling) mechanism. Taken with the detailed process tracing of the causal mechanisms in the Korean War case studies, these data strongly reveal that the patterns predicted by the domestic coalition shift theory hold over a broad universe of cases and greatly enhance the understanding of war duration and war termination.
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804762694
- eISBN:
- 9780804772372
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804762694.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This chapter describes a new theory about shifts in domestic governing coalitions. It also analyzes this theory with detailed historical case studies of the Korean War and quantitative analysis of ...
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This chapter describes a new theory about shifts in domestic governing coalitions. It also analyzes this theory with detailed historical case studies of the Korean War and quantitative analysis of all interstate wars since 1862. Old Baldy is a mountain in central Korea that is currently sited within the demilitarized zone between North and South Korea. It earned its name during the Korean War, when intensive shelling obliterated all the trees and foliage on the hillside. It also changed hands eleven times during the Korean War, with units on both sides suffering massive casualties. Old Baldy can be regarded as the site of a series of battles that were senseless, irrational, and quite possibly inexplicable. The domestic coalition shift theory greatly enhanced the understanding of war duration and war termination in Korea. Finally, an overview of the chapters included in this book is given.Less
This chapter describes a new theory about shifts in domestic governing coalitions. It also analyzes this theory with detailed historical case studies of the Korean War and quantitative analysis of all interstate wars since 1862. Old Baldy is a mountain in central Korea that is currently sited within the demilitarized zone between North and South Korea. It earned its name during the Korean War, when intensive shelling obliterated all the trees and foliage on the hillside. It also changed hands eleven times during the Korean War, with units on both sides suffering massive casualties. Old Baldy can be regarded as the site of a series of battles that were senseless, irrational, and quite possibly inexplicable. The domestic coalition shift theory greatly enhanced the understanding of war duration and war termination in Korea. Finally, an overview of the chapters included in this book is given.
Elizabeth A. Stanley
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804762694
- eISBN:
- 9780804772372
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804762694.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This book begins by developing a theory about the domestic obstacles to making peace and the role played by shifts in states' governing coalitions in overcoming these obstacles. In particular, it ...
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This book begins by developing a theory about the domestic obstacles to making peace and the role played by shifts in states' governing coalitions in overcoming these obstacles. In particular, it explains how the longer the war, the harder it is to end, because domestic obstacles to peace become institutionalized over time. Next, it tests this theory with a mixed methods approach—through historical case studies and quantitative statistical analysis. Finally, it applies the theory to an in-depth analysis of the ending of the Korean War. By analyzing the domestic politics of the war's major combatants—the Soviet Union, the United States, China, and North and South Korea—it explains why the final armistice terms accepted in July 1953 were little different from those proposed at the start of negotiations in July 1951, some 294,000 additional battle-deaths later.Less
This book begins by developing a theory about the domestic obstacles to making peace and the role played by shifts in states' governing coalitions in overcoming these obstacles. In particular, it explains how the longer the war, the harder it is to end, because domestic obstacles to peace become institutionalized over time. Next, it tests this theory with a mixed methods approach—through historical case studies and quantitative statistical analysis. Finally, it applies the theory to an in-depth analysis of the ending of the Korean War. By analyzing the domestic politics of the war's major combatants—the Soviet Union, the United States, China, and North and South Korea—it explains why the final armistice terms accepted in July 1953 were little different from those proposed at the start of negotiations in July 1951, some 294,000 additional battle-deaths later.
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804762694
- eISBN:
- 9780804772372
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804762694.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This chapter addresses the timeline of the Korean War and explains why the Soviet Union, China, and the United States were the most significant belligerents in decisions about prosecuting and ending ...
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This chapter addresses the timeline of the Korean War and explains why the Soviet Union, China, and the United States were the most significant belligerents in decisions about prosecuting and ending it. Using mini-case studies, it shows North and South Korea's insignificance in their respective side's decisions about the war. It illustrates how their domestic coalition shifts were unimportant for explaining the war's ending. The Soviet Union was considered as a main belligerent in the war because it bankrolled the Communist war effort with materiel and advisory support. North and South Korea were powerless in their respective side's decisions and actions. Their powerlessness indicated that their domestic politics are less germane to war termination. In particular, the domestic coalition shifts in North and South Korea had no impact to end the war.Less
This chapter addresses the timeline of the Korean War and explains why the Soviet Union, China, and the United States were the most significant belligerents in decisions about prosecuting and ending it. Using mini-case studies, it shows North and South Korea's insignificance in their respective side's decisions about the war. It illustrates how their domestic coalition shifts were unimportant for explaining the war's ending. The Soviet Union was considered as a main belligerent in the war because it bankrolled the Communist war effort with materiel and advisory support. North and South Korea were powerless in their respective side's decisions and actions. Their powerlessness indicated that their domestic politics are less germane to war termination. In particular, the domestic coalition shifts in North and South Korea had no impact to end the war.
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804762694
- eISBN:
- 9780804772372
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804762694.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This chapter pays attention to the strategic interaction between the belligerents in the Korean War termination bargaining process. It argues that the timing of war termination depended upon the ...
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This chapter pays attention to the strategic interaction between the belligerents in the Korean War termination bargaining process. It argues that the timing of war termination depended upon the strategic interaction of all three domestic coalition shifts in the Soviet Union, the United States, and China. In the special case of interacting coalition shifts on opposing sides, it seemed that the two mechanisms for developing an overlapping bargaining space worked in tandem. The data does not confirm the argument that Dwight Eisenhower's nuclear threats significantly played in ending the war. The Eisenhower Administration was mindful that the Soviet dovish shift was causing the Communists to lower their demands in the armistice negotiations. The Communists clearly responded to Eisenhower's hawkish shift by lowering their demands.Less
This chapter pays attention to the strategic interaction between the belligerents in the Korean War termination bargaining process. It argues that the timing of war termination depended upon the strategic interaction of all three domestic coalition shifts in the Soviet Union, the United States, and China. In the special case of interacting coalition shifts on opposing sides, it seemed that the two mechanisms for developing an overlapping bargaining space worked in tandem. The data does not confirm the argument that Dwight Eisenhower's nuclear threats significantly played in ending the war. The Eisenhower Administration was mindful that the Soviet dovish shift was causing the Communists to lower their demands in the armistice negotiations. The Communists clearly responded to Eisenhower's hawkish shift by lowering their demands.
Hikari Hori
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781501714542
- eISBN:
- 9781501709524
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501714542.003.0006
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
The last chapter begins by briefly discussing postwar developments in dramatic, documentary and animated film. Discourses of nationalist and imperialist identity might no longer be overtly manifested ...
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The last chapter begins by briefly discussing postwar developments in dramatic, documentary and animated film. Discourses of nationalist and imperialist identity might no longer be overtly manifested in these genres and media in the early postwar era, but they did not dissolve with the termination of war in 1945. One of the best examples of continuity is the image of the emperor, which survived—and indeed continues today—to serve as one of the most important constituents of nation and nationalism in postwar Japanese media and visual culture. To reinforce this point, the chapter turns to the well-known double portrait of Emperor Hirohito and General Douglas MacArthur, which should be seen as a continuation of the wartime imperial portrait photograph. (120 words)Less
The last chapter begins by briefly discussing postwar developments in dramatic, documentary and animated film. Discourses of nationalist and imperialist identity might no longer be overtly manifested in these genres and media in the early postwar era, but they did not dissolve with the termination of war in 1945. One of the best examples of continuity is the image of the emperor, which survived—and indeed continues today—to serve as one of the most important constituents of nation and nationalism in postwar Japanese media and visual culture. To reinforce this point, the chapter turns to the well-known double portrait of Emperor Hirohito and General Douglas MacArthur, which should be seen as a continuation of the wartime imperial portrait photograph. (120 words)
George Perkovich and Toby Dalton
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780199467495
- eISBN:
- 9780199087112
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199467495.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This introductory chapter outlines the strategic dilemma India faces—managing the threat of terrorism emanating from Pakistan and motivating Pakistani actors to prevent cross-border terrorism—and ...
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This introductory chapter outlines the strategic dilemma India faces—managing the threat of terrorism emanating from Pakistan and motivating Pakistani actors to prevent cross-border terrorism—and examines the political and strategic goals of Indian decision makers in responding to this dilemma. It begins by detailing Indian responses to recent crises in order to provide insight into the ways in which Indians define the challenges and the imperatives of Indian policy. Drawing on interviews, the chapter also describes some of the perspectives and impulses that Indian military, diplomatic, and national security professionals bring to the current challenges. It then examines the classic theoretical framework of deterrence and compellence, as well as prominent international security theories of escalation dominance and war termination, in the context of the India-Pakistan conflict. The chapter concludes by laying out the strategic options available to policymakers, which are addressed in the subsequent chapters.Less
This introductory chapter outlines the strategic dilemma India faces—managing the threat of terrorism emanating from Pakistan and motivating Pakistani actors to prevent cross-border terrorism—and examines the political and strategic goals of Indian decision makers in responding to this dilemma. It begins by detailing Indian responses to recent crises in order to provide insight into the ways in which Indians define the challenges and the imperatives of Indian policy. Drawing on interviews, the chapter also describes some of the perspectives and impulses that Indian military, diplomatic, and national security professionals bring to the current challenges. It then examines the classic theoretical framework of deterrence and compellence, as well as prominent international security theories of escalation dominance and war termination, in the context of the India-Pakistan conflict. The chapter concludes by laying out the strategic options available to policymakers, which are addressed in the subsequent chapters.
