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This chapter shows how coalitions formed around different understandings of Germany in the early postwar period. Once decided upon a policy of rehabilitation toward Germany, the American government promoted a Cold War narrative of Germany that legitimized America's struggle against the Soviet Union. With the prestige and stature that the U.S. government enjoyed after victory in World War II, the dawning of a new ideological struggle with the Soviet Union, and a widespread fear of communist subversion, an era of consensus settled in that discouraged dissent. While some actors, such as the Federal Republic of Germany and the American Council on Germany, promoted the Cold War narrative based on their respective self-interests, major Jewish groups like the American Jewish Committee and the Anti-Defamation League offered their support, or at least refused to dissent, out of fear of being labeled anti-American or sympathetic to Bolshevism. The only organization that remained faithful to the world war narrative and resolved to stand against the power of the state was the Society for the Prevention of World War III. It was marginalized in the larger society and abandoned by its erstwhile allies.

The pivotal contention of this chapter is that the economic impact in war-torn societies of a large military, police, and international aid presence can bring patchy windfall gains for local populations, often overly concentrated in large cities and around military bases. Exits do not necessarily leave sustainable local political economies. The exit paths generally fail to protect populations from the economic stresses of neoliberalism introduced by donors, development agencies, and international financial institutions (IFIs) and do not forge the social contracts that liberal peacebuilding envisages for war-torn societies. While engagement by locals with postconflict state-building operations often involves coincidences of interest, war-torn economies face considerable strains in adopting imported economic models.

The chapter provide an introduction and context to the book and explores how the ‘war and society’ approach has often led to a focus on civilian society during wartime at the expense of studying the combatants themselves. The chapter argues that scholars can refocus on these individuals and think about their place within society by drawing upon techniques from social and cultural history. It sets the parameters of the collection, considering ‘soldiering’ as a lifecycle and the different types of soldiers that existed between 1740-1815, as well as defining what Britain meant in this period.

This chapter addresses the question of the “afterlife” of the German inflation. It suggests that the National Socialist vision of German culture represented the complete opposite of the culture of inflation and that the collective memory of the inflation continued to shape Germany's post-war society. It also discusses the ambivalence many Germans felt at the prospect of the surrender of Germany monetary fiscal control to the new European Central Bank with the introduction of the euro.

Strategic thought often developed in reaction to the experience of war, particularly in the case of the two World Wars. The two major British military thinkers in history emerged in the aftermath of the First World War and both wrote about grand strategy, drawing upon their wartime experiences. John Frederick Charles Fuller’s idea, the purpose of grand strategy was in constant flux, but its core purpose was to protect civilization by preventing wars from becoming too economically damaging, by limiting the conduct of war to certain preferred methods. Basil Liddell Hart’s thoughts on grand strategy were based on avoiding or minimizing loss of life and economic hardship during war, primarily by identifying and implementing methods of avoiding battle. During the Second World War, various other writers conceived of grand strategy as the connection between war and society.

Conflict before, during, and after the Indochinese Women’s Conferences (IWC) in Canada in 1971 forced women's liberationists invested in hosting the IWC to contemplate why war was an important feminist issue. Before the conference even began, white women's liberationists debated the relationship between sexism and imperialism and fostered a rethinking of war's relationship to women and society. Much of the literature on second-wave feminism overlooks the international context, but I argue that the circumstances of the Viet Nam war generated feminist perspectives on military actions.

This chapter aims to explain the ideas about slavery, rape, and commerce embedded in and produced by the passionate desires of Franklin and his partners. For years, historians interpreting the institutions and ideology of nineteenth-century southern slavery focused their attentions on explaining slaveholders' paternalist defenses of their planter institution. Like some of their sources, such histories have often explicitly or implicitly portrayed the domestic slave trade as a contradiction within an otherwise stable system. Recent works have returned the issue of that trade to the forefront, arguing that the commerce in human beings was an inescapable and essential feature of the region's pre-Civil War society and culture. Franklin, Ballard, and their associates reveal themselves as being so devoted to their picture of the slave trade as a fetishized commodification of human beings that it may be necessary to insist on mystification as one of the necessary bases of the economic expansion of the antebellum South.

This chapter investigates the cultural ideal of “man the warrior” to which all men in war-reliant societies are subjected, regardless of whether or not they function as actual warriors. The cultural ideal is premised within emotional toughness or the capacity of men to suppress or suspend their ability to care about the suffering of others or even themselves. When men lack emotional toughness, they will be perceived as womanly, the worst possible fate that could befall them. The cultural ideal then suggests the practice of misogyny—that is, avoiding being labeled as female-like. The chapter illustrates the intensity and range of emotional toughness and misogyny in a wide array of examples within militaristic cultures.

Crimea in War and Transformation is the first book in any language to examine the Crimean War from home front through demobilization, and in so doing it addresses a wide range of historical questions. The book argues that the Crimean War was a transitional conflict, ushering in not just modern technological warfare, but also new population policies characterized by fears of diversity. The war was transformative as well as transitional, as it completely changed Crimea’s population and physical environment. In generating the Great Reforms, it also produced change on an imperial scale. Finally, the book addresses the costs of war, and the fraught process of reconstruction. Areas of interest include military history; demobilization and reconstruction; Russian military-civilian policy; war and society; forced migrations/deportations; Russia’s religious policy; and Russia’s Great Reforms.

This chapter examines the exchange-based economy of heterosexual romantic relationships. On the one hand, this economy argues that to assure man's dominance, he is expected to protect and provide for his family, as well as to procreate. On the other hand, a woman is considered as a homemaker for both her children and her partner. This situation is known as transactionality, which exacerbates the antagonism of heterosexual romantic relationships. When the pressure to conform to this transactionality intensifies, both individuals in the relationship might end up exploiting one another. The chapter goes on to describe transactional heterosexuality in traditional war-reliant societies and their contemporary counterparts.

After explaining Evelyn’s interest in spiritual partnerships, the chapter details the broad documentary base for the two friendships chosen, the spiritual mentorship of Jeremy Taylor and the long friendship with Elizabeth Carey/Mordaunt, the subject of the next chapter. The Taylor friendship is traced from its inception to the challenges of spiritual advice and the growth of mutual services, including attempts to raise an income for Taylor during the Commonwealth years. The correspondence shows more and more shared activities in support of the disabled episcopalian church. This friendship blossomed at the same time that Taylor wrote his Discourse of Friendship for Katherine Philips. This popular little book put practical emphasis on ‘doing good’ and prescribed eirenically for a war-torn society. Evelyn adopted many of the recommendations of his friend, and in turn, in gratitude, Taylor declared in 1657 that his friend had in life exceeded the prescriptions of his little book.