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This chapter provides a brief summary of the main events of the Russian Civil War leading up to the evacuation of the Crimea in November 1920. It explains the origins of the White movement, especially of the units which constituted Wrangel’s Russian Army, namely the units of the Volunteer Army and of the various Cossack hosts. The chapter also examines the modes of thought of the Russian officer corps and explains that in rising up against the Bolsheviks, the White officers were seeking both revenge and the restoration of their own and Russia’s honour. These motivations provided them with unifying notions that held them together regardless of their political opinions and personal origins.

This chapter analyzes a diverse record of Korean responses to the opportunity and then demand for young men to become Japanese soldiers. It situates this record within the context of the expansion of the late colonial state and closely associated nongovernmental organizations and individuals as they increasingly incorporated the Korean people into the regime of governmentality. Such a regime operated not by physical and brutal force alone, but also through an explosion of bureaucrats, statistics, background checks, and technologies that sought to constitute individuals into self-reflexive subjects who would ideally regulate themselves and make normative choices. In this historical moment individuals within the aggregated colonial population made choices, but under conditions that were not of their own choosing. The chapter considers the various choices they made under such conditions, including those framed by communist and Korean ethnic nationalist ideologies whose rationality paralleled that of the colonial state.

One of the most striking aspects of Japanese American responses to registration and the campaign for army volunteers is the intensity and frequency with which they produced counterquestions. This chapter transcribes and clusters together examples of the major types of questions that internees asked at their many meetings with the War Department teams and WRA administrators. This cacophony of counterquestions produced conversations among the internees themselves, responses from the authorities, and further counterresponses, resulting in rather coherent discursive formations. The dominant discourses included two versions of Americanism called “unconditional loyalty” and “conditional loyalty.” These discourses shared many characteristics even as they produced and reflected conflicts among the internees. The common elements included, most importantly, valorization of the supposedly unique universal ideals of America: freedom, equality, security, and happiness. This overlapping made it possible and common for individuals to move from the logic of “conditional” to “unconditional” loyalty as a result of dialogues with or compulsion from other internees or the authorities. On the other hand, discourses that explicitly rejected the truthfulness of America's claims to embody these universal ideals existed as well and had the potential to radically sabotage the governors' reasoning.

This chapter analyzes the campaign for army volunteers and the linked political ritual called “registration,” together with the questionnaires that served as its key instruments, in order to demonstrate how they reflect rather than contradict the positive methods of liberal governmentality in managing rather than simply restricting freedom. It argues that the fundamental and new premise of the questionnaires—with their key questions asking for willingness to soldier and unqualified allegiance to the nation—required the active participation of internees as free subjects making rational decisions, not as slaves or nonhuman objects displaying passive obedience. This premise fundamentally contradicted the original assumption behind the evacuation, which was that the Japanese were like animals without subjectivity.

This chapter examines the escalation of violence across the former Russian Empire as the First World War drew to a close, analysing the origins and early operations of the anti-Bolshevik Volunteer Army (and that force's relations with the Don and Kuban Cossacks), the victory of Rightist forces in the Finnish Civil War, the emergence of the Baltic States, and the impact of Austro-German (and Ottoman) intervention in Ukraine and Transcaucasia. The chapter then shifts its focus to the opposition to Soviet rule that was raised by non-Bolshevik socialists in eastern Russia and elsewhere (the Democratic Counter-Revolution) in alliance with a peculiar outlier of the Allied intervention in Russia — the Czechoslovak Legion. It concludes with an account of the origins of the Red Army, noting the impact upon that process of events on the Volga Front in 1918 and the innovative solutions that the Red command introduced — especially the deployment of voenspetsy (former tsarist officers) and the ire this practise raised among Leftist elements of the Bolshevik party (and, during the so-called “Tsaritsyn Affair”, J.V. Stalin), as well as Trotsky's efforts to overcome problems of the recruitment and desertion of Red troops and officers.

This chapter traces the processes and contingencies by which the racist state's civil and military officers first determined that Japanese Americans should be excluded from military service, then by the fall of 1942 completely reversed this earlier decision, and in January 1943 began aggressively recruiting Japanese Americans to become soldiers. It focuses primarily on the question of soldiering, because this was the site through which not only the soldiers themselves but also the racialized communities that they represented passed most paradigmatically and dramatically from the outside to the inside of the national community. The complicity of the War Relocation Authority and the War Department in linking the recruitment drive for army volunteers to a general program to determine the loyalty of all adult internees, both male and female, calls attention to the overwhelming symbolic importance of the citizen-soldier as the normative citizen. The chapter pays considerable attention to how discussions and policies regarding Japanese American soldiering were always interlaced with the larger questions of how to govern the Japanese American population in general, the nation as a whole, and the world. As a consequence of these considerations, the regime would promise Japanese Americans the abundant benefits of citizenship while sending many of them off to die or to suffer injuries with a frequency out of all proportion to their numbers.

This chapter examines how the New Brahmins applied their college lessons about character and nationalism in deciding whether or not to volunteer in the Union war effort. The young men called upon their understanding of America’s destiny to argue for the Union’s defense. Additionally, they argued that men of character needed to lead the rest of northern society into battle. Many of the New Brahmins encountered opposition from their parents. The crisis of secession and the decision of whether to volunteer thus sparked a generational debate about the proper role of a gentleman in wartime. Additionally, the chapter notes how New Brahmins demanded military rank commensurate with their pre-war social positions.

This chapter focuses on two media forms that most dramatically and compellingly articulated the dominant discourse on Korean soldiers or Korean male youth volunteering to become soldiers—namely, literature and film. The purpose is to analyze the ways in which they utilized soldiering both to diagram ideal forms of Japanese national subjectivity for Koreans and to narrativize normative personal, social, and other relationships. The chapter pays special attention to the recurring themes of blood, adoption, and self-determination to make the argument that these cultural productions helped blur the boundaries between Koreans and metropolitan Japanese, as well as between colony and nation, sometimes emphasizing common ethnic origins but in other cases transcending the symbolism of blood altogether. Moreover, as in the case of Japanese Americans choosing to become American or as is seen within the doctrine of modern nationalism more generally, they consistently represented the formation of the national subject as ultimately an act of choice or self-determination.

In 1898 Feland gives up his architecture practice in New York City to command the Owensboro company of the Kentucky State Guard, which became part of the Third Kentucky Regiment in the U.S. Volunteer Army at the outbreak of the Spanish-American War. After postwar service in Cuba, Feland returns to Kentucky and in July 1899 receives a commission as a first lieutenant in the expanding U.S. Marine Corps. Several other future generals also join the Corps that summer, including James Carson Breckinridge and Smedley Darlington Butler.

This chapter lays out an analytical framework and outlines in detail the internal and external variables that affect the armed forces’ responses to revolutions. The army draws on four separate domains of input as it formulates its response to a revolution. In descending order of importance these are the military establishment, the state, society, and the external environment. The chapter also introduces six factors that can help analyst come up with a cohesive and concise report with the correct prediction—at least most of the time. In descending order of significance, these are: the military’s internal cohesion; the presence of a volunteer or conscript army; the regime’s treatment of the military; the generals’ view of the regime legitimacy; the size, composition, and nature of protests; and the potential for foreign intervention.

In terms of size, the Indian Army was much larger than its two sister services: the Royal Indian Navy and the Royal Indian Air Force. Besides ideological (martial race theory), several non-ideological factors such as the capacity of the military organization to house, feed, clothe, train, and equip large numbers of men at a time affected the volume of recruitment. Inadequate number of viceroy’s commissioned officers and non-commissioned officers also decelerated enlistment. The absence of homogeneity in India as regards race, religion, and language militated against mixing of classes indiscriminately in the training formations. Chapter 1 shows how the Raj could construct a multi-ethnic volunteer army without resorting to conscription. The British utilized the mercenary tradition inherent in the Indian society to raise 2.5 million men in wartime. The vast demographic resources of India and relatively underdeveloped agrarian economy also aided the Raj to acquire military manpower from the so-called martial as well as non-martial races.

This chapter examines the definition, scope, and functioning of disease environments. It combines both individual- and aggregate-level data and attempts to specify several of the correlates of disease mortality at a fine level of detail. An investigation of the incidence and timing of disease mortality among Union Army enlisted men in companies from New York state is placed in the context of a parallel study of mortality of regiments and other units of army volunteers that were organized in the Empire State.

This chapter examines the fiction of Frank R. Steward, an African American captain who served in the U.S. Volunteer Army in the Philippines during the Filipino-American War. His short stories feature a formal experiment in literary perspective: unraced narrators whom readers can choose to identify as black or white. The chapter links this choice to Steward's interests both in detaching race from nation in representations of black military service and in opposing conventional representations of black soldiers structured by the forms of local color and plantation; however, the effect of his stories is hardly to champion a raceless American self in opposition to a raced Filipino other. The stories graft a number of familiar colonial binaries onto the foundational dualism of self and other, such as civilized/savage, male/female, writing/speech, order/disorder, and yet they also fundamentally destabilize notions of white U.S. empire and create affiliations between Filipinos abroad and African Americans at home.

The chapter surveys, and places in current context, Friedman’s technical contributions and policy proposals in fiscal economics. These include: a seminal paper on consumption taxation written at the US Treasury during the Second World War; a proposal for a flat rate tax, which, in addition to efficiency advantages, he thought would reduce voting to expand government spending; a negative income tax as a replacement for in-kind and categorical welfare programs; and his permanent income hypothesis, the lynchpin of the limited efficacy of countercyclical fiscal policy. Friedman’s proposals to reform government include the all-volunteer army to replace the draft and school choice in education. Some of his proposals were adopted, others added onto programs he would replace, and others made limited progress. While less well known than his monetary theory and policy and his advocacy of limited government, his important influence on public finance and fiscal policy endures to this day.