Chris Millington
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719085505
- eISBN:
- 9781781702680
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719085505.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The most up-to-date and comprehensive English-language study of its kind, From victory to Vichy explores the political mobilisation of the two largest French veterans’ associations during the ...
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The most up-to-date and comprehensive English-language study of its kind, From victory to Vichy explores the political mobilisation of the two largest French veterans’ associations during the interwar years, the Union fédérale (UF) and the Union nationale des combattants (UNC). Drawing on extensive research into the associations’ organisation, policies and tactics, this study argues that French veterans were more of a threat to democracy than previous scholarship has allowed. As France descended into crisis, the UF and the UNC sought to extend their influence into the non-veteran milieu through public demonstrations, propaganda campaigns and the foundation of auxiliary groups. Despite shifting policies and independent initiatives, by the end of the 1930s the UF and the UNC had come together in a campaign for authoritarian political reform, leaving them perfectly placed to become the ‘eyes and ears’ of Marshal Pétain’s Vichy regime.Less
The most up-to-date and comprehensive English-language study of its kind, From victory to Vichy explores the political mobilisation of the two largest French veterans’ associations during the interwar years, the Union fédérale (UF) and the Union nationale des combattants (UNC). Drawing on extensive research into the associations’ organisation, policies and tactics, this study argues that French veterans were more of a threat to democracy than previous scholarship has allowed. As France descended into crisis, the UF and the UNC sought to extend their influence into the non-veteran milieu through public demonstrations, propaganda campaigns and the foundation of auxiliary groups. Despite shifting policies and independent initiatives, by the end of the 1930s the UF and the UNC had come together in a campaign for authoritarian political reform, leaving them perfectly placed to become the ‘eyes and ears’ of Marshal Pétain’s Vichy regime.
Robert Tracy McKenzie
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195182941
- eISBN:
- 9780199788897
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195182941.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter focuses on the conclusion of the Civil War in Knoxville and the first couple of years of the troubled peace that followed. The return of Confederate and Union veterans led to numerous ...
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This chapter focuses on the conclusion of the Civil War in Knoxville and the first couple of years of the troubled peace that followed. The return of Confederate and Union veterans led to numerous violent clashes, resulting in more violence between Confederates and Unionists in Knoxville after the war than during it. With Federal victory assured, Unionists debated the proper fate of the town's Confederate leaders, realizing that the outcome would do much to shape the social and political consequences of Union victory. Conservative Unionists called for rapid reconciliation, whereas more radical loyalists advocated severe retribution. Neither policy was implemented wholly. The chapter discusses persistent attitudes concerning slavery and the proper “place” of former slaves, then investigates the war's effects on the town's Confederate and Union populations. It is concluded that the town's inner civil war had minimal lasting effect on the structure of wealth and influence within the community.Less
This chapter focuses on the conclusion of the Civil War in Knoxville and the first couple of years of the troubled peace that followed. The return of Confederate and Union veterans led to numerous violent clashes, resulting in more violence between Confederates and Unionists in Knoxville after the war than during it. With Federal victory assured, Unionists debated the proper fate of the town's Confederate leaders, realizing that the outcome would do much to shape the social and political consequences of Union victory. Conservative Unionists called for rapid reconciliation, whereas more radical loyalists advocated severe retribution. Neither policy was implemented wholly. The chapter discusses persistent attitudes concerning slavery and the proper “place” of former slaves, then investigates the war's effects on the town's Confederate and Union populations. It is concluded that the town's inner civil war had minimal lasting effect on the structure of wealth and influence within the community.
Robert D. Schulzinger
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195365924
- eISBN:
- 9780199851966
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195365924.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
As Vietnam veterans struggled with a variety of physical, psychological, and social wounds, a public movement grew to honor them. The widespread public belief that veterans had been badly mistreated ...
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As Vietnam veterans struggled with a variety of physical, psychological, and social wounds, a public movement grew to honor them. The widespread public belief that veterans had been badly mistreated by the government and ignored by civilians who had not gone to Vietnam paved the way for the construction of the Vietnam Veterans Memorial in Washington, D.C. This memorial and others like it across the country became sacred sites of commemoration where veterans and non-veterans alike came together to heal the wounds of war. In the decades after the war ended, veterans found a variety of venues in which to publicly express their memories and current beliefs about their wartime experiences. The idea of a memorial to recognize the men and women who lost their lives in Vietnam came to Jan Scruggs, a Vietnam War veteran who led a campaign to raise money for the Vietnam Veterans Memorial Fund (VVMF). President Jimmy Carter signed the resolution authorizing the memorial. The design proposed by Maya Lin, a twenty-one-year-old Yale University undergraduate majoring in art, was chosen for the memorial.Less
As Vietnam veterans struggled with a variety of physical, psychological, and social wounds, a public movement grew to honor them. The widespread public belief that veterans had been badly mistreated by the government and ignored by civilians who had not gone to Vietnam paved the way for the construction of the Vietnam Veterans Memorial in Washington, D.C. This memorial and others like it across the country became sacred sites of commemoration where veterans and non-veterans alike came together to heal the wounds of war. In the decades after the war ended, veterans found a variety of venues in which to publicly express their memories and current beliefs about their wartime experiences. The idea of a memorial to recognize the men and women who lost their lives in Vietnam came to Jan Scruggs, a Vietnam War veteran who led a campaign to raise money for the Vietnam Veterans Memorial Fund (VVMF). President Jimmy Carter signed the resolution authorizing the memorial. The design proposed by Maya Lin, a twenty-one-year-old Yale University undergraduate majoring in art, was chosen for the memorial.
Mark Edele
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199237562
- eISBN:
- 9780191717185
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199237562.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This book explores the fate of the millions of Soviet soldiers who survived the Second World War and returned to Stalin's state after victory, tracing the veterans' story from the early post‐war ...
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This book explores the fate of the millions of Soviet soldiers who survived the Second World War and returned to Stalin's state after victory, tracing the veterans' story from the early post‐war years right through to the end of the Soviet Union in 1991. It describes in detail the problems they encountered during demobilization, the dysfunctional bureaucracy they had to deal with once back, and the way their reintegration into civilian life worked in practice in one of the most severely destroyed countries of Europe. It pays particular attention to groups with specific problems such as the disabled, former prisoners of war, women soldiers and youth. Using a wealth of archival documents as well as the recollections of veterans, contemporary movies, periodicals, and literature, this book analyses the old soldiers' long struggle for recognition and the eventual emergence of an organized movement in the years after the dictator's death. The Soviet state at first refused to recognize veterans as a group worth special privileges or as an organization. They were not a group conceived of in Marxist‐Leninist theory, there was suspicion about their political loyalty, and the leadership worried about the costs of a special status for such a large population group. And as the book shows, these preconceptions were overcome only after a long, hard struggle by a popular movement which slowly emerged within the strict confines of the authoritarian Soviet regime.Less
This book explores the fate of the millions of Soviet soldiers who survived the Second World War and returned to Stalin's state after victory, tracing the veterans' story from the early post‐war years right through to the end of the Soviet Union in 1991. It describes in detail the problems they encountered during demobilization, the dysfunctional bureaucracy they had to deal with once back, and the way their reintegration into civilian life worked in practice in one of the most severely destroyed countries of Europe. It pays particular attention to groups with specific problems such as the disabled, former prisoners of war, women soldiers and youth. Using a wealth of archival documents as well as the recollections of veterans, contemporary movies, periodicals, and literature, this book analyses the old soldiers' long struggle for recognition and the eventual emergence of an organized movement in the years after the dictator's death. The Soviet state at first refused to recognize veterans as a group worth special privileges or as an organization. They were not a group conceived of in Marxist‐Leninist theory, there was suspicion about their political loyalty, and the leadership worried about the costs of a special status for such a large population group. And as the book shows, these preconceptions were overcome only after a long, hard struggle by a popular movement which slowly emerged within the strict confines of the authoritarian Soviet regime.
LAWRENCE A. TRITLE
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780197264669
- eISBN:
- 9780191753985
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264669.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
Monument or memorial? Defeat or withdrawal? The Vietnam Veterans Memorial in Washington DC pays tribute to more than 58,000 Americans who died fighting an unpopular war. Yet today the ‘Wall’, as it ...
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Monument or memorial? Defeat or withdrawal? The Vietnam Veterans Memorial in Washington DC pays tribute to more than 58,000 Americans who died fighting an unpopular war. Yet today the ‘Wall’, as it is known to most Americans, is the most visited site managed by the US National Park Service. Weekend visitors will happen upon an almost festive place as thousands of people pass by looking at the names – what do they think, imagine? This chapter discusses not only the story and controversy behind the building of the ‘Wall’, but also how it reflects the collective memory of a society and its values, and how these are constructed.Less
Monument or memorial? Defeat or withdrawal? The Vietnam Veterans Memorial in Washington DC pays tribute to more than 58,000 Americans who died fighting an unpopular war. Yet today the ‘Wall’, as it is known to most Americans, is the most visited site managed by the US National Park Service. Weekend visitors will happen upon an almost festive place as thousands of people pass by looking at the names – what do they think, imagine? This chapter discusses not only the story and controversy behind the building of the ‘Wall’, but also how it reflects the collective memory of a society and its values, and how these are constructed.
Vanessa Northington Gamble
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195078893
- eISBN:
- 9780199853762
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195078893.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The demonstration that occurred on July 3, 1923, on the streets of Tuskegee, Alabama, would turn out to be one of the most explosive events of the black hospital movement. This battle over control of ...
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The demonstration that occurred on July 3, 1923, on the streets of Tuskegee, Alabama, would turn out to be one of the most explosive events of the black hospital movement. This battle over control of the Tuskegee Veterans Hospital struck a passionate chord in the black community. This chapter explores the factors underlying the decision of the federal government to establish a national black veterans hospital in Tuskegee, Alabama, and analyzes the successful struggle of the black community to place black physicians and nurses at the facility. Several initial issues and challenges were faced in establishing a national black veterans hospital. In particular, the appropriate location for such institution was one such challenge and this is explored here. The chapter looks at the actions undertaken by Moton and his colleagues that initiated the employment of black staff at the hospital.Less
The demonstration that occurred on July 3, 1923, on the streets of Tuskegee, Alabama, would turn out to be one of the most explosive events of the black hospital movement. This battle over control of the Tuskegee Veterans Hospital struck a passionate chord in the black community. This chapter explores the factors underlying the decision of the federal government to establish a national black veterans hospital in Tuskegee, Alabama, and analyzes the successful struggle of the black community to place black physicians and nurses at the facility. Several initial issues and challenges were faced in establishing a national black veterans hospital. In particular, the appropriate location for such institution was one such challenge and this is explored here. The chapter looks at the actions undertaken by Moton and his colleagues that initiated the employment of black staff at the hospital.
Mark Edele
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199237562
- eISBN:
- 9780191717185
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199237562.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Challenging basic assumptions in the scholarly literature, the history of Soviet veterans is set into the wider context of the history of Soviet society and the global history of veterans as well as ...
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Challenging basic assumptions in the scholarly literature, the history of Soviet veterans is set into the wider context of the history of Soviet society and the global history of veterans as well as the Soviet war cult. Veterans were important actors in nearly all postwar societies of the 20th century, usually organized as a movement or singled out by legislation. In the Soviet Union, despite the intense war cult, neither was the case for a long time. The political leadership refused to institute a lasting status and only reluctantly, from 1956 onwards, allowed severely circumscribed organization. Nevertheless and despite considerable disintegration of the group after demobilization was over, veterans continued to display a sense of special entitlement, which formed the basis of their continued social integration. Eventually, once their numbers had dwindled and only the youngest generation of war survivors remained by the 1970s, this sense of entitlement was recognized by the state and became a legal status.Less
Challenging basic assumptions in the scholarly literature, the history of Soviet veterans is set into the wider context of the history of Soviet society and the global history of veterans as well as the Soviet war cult. Veterans were important actors in nearly all postwar societies of the 20th century, usually organized as a movement or singled out by legislation. In the Soviet Union, despite the intense war cult, neither was the case for a long time. The political leadership refused to institute a lasting status and only reluctantly, from 1956 onwards, allowed severely circumscribed organization. Nevertheless and despite considerable disintegration of the group after demobilization was over, veterans continued to display a sense of special entitlement, which formed the basis of their continued social integration. Eventually, once their numbers had dwindled and only the youngest generation of war survivors remained by the 1970s, this sense of entitlement was recognized by the state and became a legal status.
Mark Edele
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199237562
- eISBN:
- 9780191717185
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199237562.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The idea of establishing institutions which would represent the interests of former soldiers had been popular ever since the First World War. However, official policy was strongly opposed to such ...
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The idea of establishing institutions which would represent the interests of former soldiers had been popular ever since the First World War. However, official policy was strongly opposed to such organizations, which were seen of dubious political loyalty and devoid of an ‘objective base’. Therefore, the humble beginnings of an organized movement during the war were soon undone by decree. Only in 1956, when the Soviet leadership attempted to join, for propaganda reasons, the World Veterans Federation, did an organization emerge. An official veterans' union was formed which was soon taken over by activists who continually misunderstood its reason for existence. From here on, the movement developed in a dynamic where local enthusiasm had to be curtailed constantly from above, as the political leadership was not ready to accept a mass movement of former soldiers. Only under Gorbachev did the regime finally give in to the wishes of the veterans.Less
The idea of establishing institutions which would represent the interests of former soldiers had been popular ever since the First World War. However, official policy was strongly opposed to such organizations, which were seen of dubious political loyalty and devoid of an ‘objective base’. Therefore, the humble beginnings of an organized movement during the war were soon undone by decree. Only in 1956, when the Soviet leadership attempted to join, for propaganda reasons, the World Veterans Federation, did an organization emerge. An official veterans' union was formed which was soon taken over by activists who continually misunderstood its reason for existence. From here on, the movement developed in a dynamic where local enthusiasm had to be curtailed constantly from above, as the political leadership was not ready to accept a mass movement of former soldiers. Only under Gorbachev did the regime finally give in to the wishes of the veterans.
Mark Edele
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199237562
- eISBN:
- 9780191717185
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199237562.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Like elsewhere, organized veterans were a minority among returned soldiers. The vast majority was not part of an organized veterans' movement and for most of the postwar years they did not have a ...
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Like elsewhere, organized veterans were a minority among returned soldiers. The vast majority was not part of an organized veterans' movement and for most of the postwar years they did not have a special legal status. This chapter challenges the notion that, therefore, veterans did not exist as a group. Indeed, most veterans shared a sense of entitlement, an expectation of special treatment, which they voiced frequently ever since the war. This shared sense of entitlement triggered similar behaviour in particular situations which makes it possible to talk of Soviet veterans as an ‘entitlement community’. This chapter traces the history of entitlement and privilege of former soldiers from the 19th century to the end of the 20th.Less
Like elsewhere, organized veterans were a minority among returned soldiers. The vast majority was not part of an organized veterans' movement and for most of the postwar years they did not have a special legal status. This chapter challenges the notion that, therefore, veterans did not exist as a group. Indeed, most veterans shared a sense of entitlement, an expectation of special treatment, which they voiced frequently ever since the war. This shared sense of entitlement triggered similar behaviour in particular situations which makes it possible to talk of Soviet veterans as an ‘entitlement community’. This chapter traces the history of entitlement and privilege of former soldiers from the 19th century to the end of the 20th.
Kimberly J. Morgan and Andrea Louise Campbell
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199730346
- eISBN:
- 9780199918447
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199730346.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines the creation of Medicare in 1965 and explains why a delegated administrative structure was chosen for this program. Debates over the program are examined through the lens of ...
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This chapter examines the creation of Medicare in 1965 and explains why a delegated administrative structure was chosen for this program. Debates over the program are examined through the lens of larger conflicts over state-building in the post-1945 period. The chapter also compares the creation of Medicare to the development of two directly administered programs—Social Security and the Veterans Administration health care system. In contrast to these programs, which were created in the 1920 and 1930s, Medicare was forged at a time when an array of health care interest groups was present on the political scene and could exploit latent public antipathy toward government. To build a coalition around the new program, direct federal administration of Medicare program was abandoned in favour of contracting out to non-state actors. This chapter briefly follows the post-passage trajectory of Medicare administration and discusses how decisions about its governance affected program cost and quality.Less
This chapter examines the creation of Medicare in 1965 and explains why a delegated administrative structure was chosen for this program. Debates over the program are examined through the lens of larger conflicts over state-building in the post-1945 period. The chapter also compares the creation of Medicare to the development of two directly administered programs—Social Security and the Veterans Administration health care system. In contrast to these programs, which were created in the 1920 and 1930s, Medicare was forged at a time when an array of health care interest groups was present on the political scene and could exploit latent public antipathy toward government. To build a coalition around the new program, direct federal administration of Medicare program was abandoned in favour of contracting out to non-state actors. This chapter briefly follows the post-passage trajectory of Medicare administration and discusses how decisions about its governance affected program cost and quality.
Peter J. Pecora, Ronald C. Kessler, Jason Williams, A. Chris Downs, Diana J. English, James White, and Kirk O'Brien
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195175912
- eISBN:
- 9780199865628
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195175912.003.0006
- Subject:
- Social Work, Children and Families
Based on alumni interviews, this chapter reports on the mental and physical health functioning of alumni, thus providing more empirical data about the short-term and long-term functioning of ...
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Based on alumni interviews, this chapter reports on the mental and physical health functioning of alumni, thus providing more empirical data about the short-term and long-term functioning of maltreated youth who were placed in foster care. The primary hypothesis was that alumni would exhibit mental and physical health difficulties that would be more severe than those of the general population.Less
Based on alumni interviews, this chapter reports on the mental and physical health functioning of alumni, thus providing more empirical data about the short-term and long-term functioning of maltreated youth who were placed in foster care. The primary hypothesis was that alumni would exhibit mental and physical health difficulties that would be more severe than those of the general population.
Diane Miller Sommerville
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781469643304
- eISBN:
- 9781469643588
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469643304.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
Aberration of Mind is a social history of suicide in the American South during the Civil War era. The book casts a wide net, focusing on Confederate soldiers and veterans and their families, and the ...
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Aberration of Mind is a social history of suicide in the American South during the Civil War era. The book casts a wide net, focusing on Confederate soldiers and veterans and their families, and the enslaved and newly freed. The central question is, how did the Civil War and the suffering it generated shape suicidal thoughts and behavior? The author seeks to understand how the suffering experienced by southerners living in a war zone contributed to psychological distress that, in extreme cases, led southerners to contemplate or act on suicidal thoughts. The unprecedented human toll the war took on southerners created a psychological crisis that has not been fully explored. Drawing on sources like letters, diaries, military service records, coroners’ reports, and asylum patient case histories, the work recovers myriad stories, previously hidden, of individuals exhibiting suicidal activity or aberrant psychological behavior linked to the war and its aftermath. In addition to expanding our understanding of the full human costs of the Civil War, the book concludes that southerners transformed the meaning of suicide from an act of cowardice to a heroic symbol of white southern identity. The book fills a neglected niche in an otherwise crowded field of Civil War scholarship – the psychological impact of war and defeat on southerners.Less
Aberration of Mind is a social history of suicide in the American South during the Civil War era. The book casts a wide net, focusing on Confederate soldiers and veterans and their families, and the enslaved and newly freed. The central question is, how did the Civil War and the suffering it generated shape suicidal thoughts and behavior? The author seeks to understand how the suffering experienced by southerners living in a war zone contributed to psychological distress that, in extreme cases, led southerners to contemplate or act on suicidal thoughts. The unprecedented human toll the war took on southerners created a psychological crisis that has not been fully explored. Drawing on sources like letters, diaries, military service records, coroners’ reports, and asylum patient case histories, the work recovers myriad stories, previously hidden, of individuals exhibiting suicidal activity or aberrant psychological behavior linked to the war and its aftermath. In addition to expanding our understanding of the full human costs of the Civil War, the book concludes that southerners transformed the meaning of suicide from an act of cowardice to a heroic symbol of white southern identity. The book fills a neglected niche in an otherwise crowded field of Civil War scholarship – the psychological impact of war and defeat on southerners.
ALLEN JONES and Mark Naison
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780823231027
- eISBN:
- 9780823240821
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823231027.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Social History
This book is Allen Jones's story, and it is also the story of thousands of young men and women who grew up in that particular time and place, many of whom were not lucky enough to be pulled away from ...
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This book is Allen Jones's story, and it is also the story of thousands of young men and women who grew up in that particular time and place, many of whom were not lucky enough to be pulled away from the window, to land on their feet, or even to live into middle age. The book also tells the story of a neighborhood in the Bronx. The Lester Patterson Houses is a public housing complex built for war veterans and their children in the heart of the South Bronx. However, by the time Jones was an adult, what was designed as an ideal community for people of different races and nationalities became a kind of war zone. Built in 1950, this was one of the first public housing projects in the South Bronx, part of a huge urban renewal project extending from 139th Street to 145th Street between 3rd and Morris Avenues.Less
This book is Allen Jones's story, and it is also the story of thousands of young men and women who grew up in that particular time and place, many of whom were not lucky enough to be pulled away from the window, to land on their feet, or even to live into middle age. The book also tells the story of a neighborhood in the Bronx. The Lester Patterson Houses is a public housing complex built for war veterans and their children in the heart of the South Bronx. However, by the time Jones was an adult, what was designed as an ideal community for people of different races and nationalities became a kind of war zone. Built in 1950, this was one of the first public housing projects in the South Bronx, part of a huge urban renewal project extending from 139th Street to 145th Street between 3rd and Morris Avenues.
Stephen R. Ortiz
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814762134
- eISBN:
- 9780814762561
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814762134.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The period between World Wars I and II was a time of turbulent political change, with suffragists, labor radicals, demagogues, and other voices clamoring to be heard. One group of activists that has ...
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The period between World Wars I and II was a time of turbulent political change, with suffragists, labor radicals, demagogues, and other voices clamoring to be heard. One group of activists that has yet to be closely examined by historians is World War I veterans. Mining the papers of the Veterans of Foreign Wars (VFW) and the American Legion (AL), the book reveals that veterans actively organized in the years following the war to claim state benefits (such as pensions and bonuses) and strove to articulate a role for themselves as a distinct political bloc during the New Deal era. The book is unique in its treatment of World War I veterans as significant political actors during the interwar period. It reinterprets the political origins of the “Second” New Deal and Roosevelt's electoral triumph of 1936, adding depth not only to our understanding of these events and the political climate surrounding them, but to common perceptions of veterans and their organizations. In describing veteran politics and the competitive dynamics between the AL and the VFW, the book details the rise of organized veterans as a powerful interest group in modern American politics.Less
The period between World Wars I and II was a time of turbulent political change, with suffragists, labor radicals, demagogues, and other voices clamoring to be heard. One group of activists that has yet to be closely examined by historians is World War I veterans. Mining the papers of the Veterans of Foreign Wars (VFW) and the American Legion (AL), the book reveals that veterans actively organized in the years following the war to claim state benefits (such as pensions and bonuses) and strove to articulate a role for themselves as a distinct political bloc during the New Deal era. The book is unique in its treatment of World War I veterans as significant political actors during the interwar period. It reinterprets the political origins of the “Second” New Deal and Roosevelt's electoral triumph of 1936, adding depth not only to our understanding of these events and the political climate surrounding them, but to common perceptions of veterans and their organizations. In describing veteran politics and the competitive dynamics between the AL and the VFW, the book details the rise of organized veterans as a powerful interest group in modern American politics.
Margot Minardi
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195379372
- eISBN:
- 9780199869152
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195379372.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
With a focus on early representations of the Boston Massacre and the Battle of Bunker Hill, this chapter argues that the individuals publicly honored as heroes of the Revolutionary War in the period ...
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With a focus on early representations of the Boston Massacre and the Battle of Bunker Hill, this chapter argues that the individuals publicly honored as heroes of the Revolutionary War in the period up to the War of 1812 were primarily those with recognized political, social, and cultural authority: elite white men. Early accounts of these pivotal Revolutionary events noted the presence, but not generally the political agency, of people of color. This chapter develops this argument by exploring the commemoration (or lack thereof) of the Revolutionary contributions of Crispus Attucks and black military veterans, including Primus Hall, Peter Salem, Salem Poor, and Edom London. The sources include both visual culture and print culture, including an analysis of John Trumbull's painting of Bunker Hill.Less
With a focus on early representations of the Boston Massacre and the Battle of Bunker Hill, this chapter argues that the individuals publicly honored as heroes of the Revolutionary War in the period up to the War of 1812 were primarily those with recognized political, social, and cultural authority: elite white men. Early accounts of these pivotal Revolutionary events noted the presence, but not generally the political agency, of people of color. This chapter develops this argument by exploring the commemoration (or lack thereof) of the Revolutionary contributions of Crispus Attucks and black military veterans, including Primus Hall, Peter Salem, Salem Poor, and Edom London. The sources include both visual culture and print culture, including an analysis of John Trumbull's painting of Bunker Hill.
Lindsay G. Robertson
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195148695
- eISBN:
- 9780199788941
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195148695.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter discusses how Chief Justice Marshall anticipated that questions might arise as to why he ventured so far beyond the minimum rationale necessary to support the Court's finding that the ...
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This chapter discusses how Chief Justice Marshall anticipated that questions might arise as to why he ventured so far beyond the minimum rationale necessary to support the Court's finding that the Illinois and Wabash purchases were invalid. To forestall such inquiry, he attributed the “degree of attention” that he “ bestowed upon this subject” to “the magnitude of the interest in litigation, and the able and elaborate arguments” advanced by Harper, Webster, Winder, and Murray. It is argued that Marshall's true motives were mixed. Like others of his generation, his interests were not entirely divorced from his politics. His decision in Johnson reflected his institutional concern for the power of the Supreme Court and his personal concern to secure land grants to Revolutionary War soldiers.Less
This chapter discusses how Chief Justice Marshall anticipated that questions might arise as to why he ventured so far beyond the minimum rationale necessary to support the Court's finding that the Illinois and Wabash purchases were invalid. To forestall such inquiry, he attributed the “degree of attention” that he “ bestowed upon this subject” to “the magnitude of the interest in litigation, and the able and elaborate arguments” advanced by Harper, Webster, Winder, and Murray. It is argued that Marshall's true motives were mixed. Like others of his generation, his interests were not entirely divorced from his politics. His decision in Johnson reflected his institutional concern for the power of the Supreme Court and his personal concern to secure land grants to Revolutionary War soldiers.
Roger B. Manning
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199261499
- eISBN:
- 9780191718625
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199261499.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
Because of lingering prejudices against soldiers of fortune at the beginning of the British and Irish civil wars, Scottish and English aristocrats believed that they possessed the best claim to ...
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Because of lingering prejudices against soldiers of fortune at the beginning of the British and Irish civil wars, Scottish and English aristocrats believed that they possessed the best claim to military command because of their superior social rank and the military exploits of their ancestors, despite evidence of the military experience and competence of the British and Irish veterans of the mainland European wars. The concept that military hierarchies were necessary for order and discipline still had not etched itself upon the English military mentality at home. It was thought that the king’s honour required that armies be commanded by men of noble birth, and this emphasis upon social hierarchy made some sense as long as noblemen could recruit their tenants or kinsmen to fill their regiments; the actual command of such units in the field could be entrusted to experienced professionals. This arrangement worked well in Scotland, parts of Ireland, and in Wales and northern England, but was a notable failure throughout the remainder of England where rents rather than loyalty had become the nexus between lord and smallholder. The Parliamentary New Model Army gained an advantage when the grandees, such as the third earl of Essex and the earl of Manchester, who belonged to the peace party which advocated limited war aims, were purged in favour of generals and officers who gained promotion by merit and seniority, and aimed at total victory.Less
Because of lingering prejudices against soldiers of fortune at the beginning of the British and Irish civil wars, Scottish and English aristocrats believed that they possessed the best claim to military command because of their superior social rank and the military exploits of their ancestors, despite evidence of the military experience and competence of the British and Irish veterans of the mainland European wars. The concept that military hierarchies were necessary for order and discipline still had not etched itself upon the English military mentality at home. It was thought that the king’s honour required that armies be commanded by men of noble birth, and this emphasis upon social hierarchy made some sense as long as noblemen could recruit their tenants or kinsmen to fill their regiments; the actual command of such units in the field could be entrusted to experienced professionals. This arrangement worked well in Scotland, parts of Ireland, and in Wales and northern England, but was a notable failure throughout the remainder of England where rents rather than loyalty had become the nexus between lord and smallholder. The Parliamentary New Model Army gained an advantage when the grandees, such as the third earl of Essex and the earl of Manchester, who belonged to the peace party which advocated limited war aims, were purged in favour of generals and officers who gained promotion by merit and seniority, and aimed at total victory.
Roger B. Manning
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199261499
- eISBN:
- 9780191718625
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199261499.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
At the Restoration, there were limited places for Cromwellian and Cavalier veterans in the standing armies of the Three Kingdoms. Consequently, there was a considerable exodus of professional ...
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At the Restoration, there were limited places for Cromwellian and Cavalier veterans in the standing armies of the Three Kingdoms. Consequently, there was a considerable exodus of professional soldiers and men who had grown up knowing none other than the military life. Once again, they served in the same armies they had before the civil wars, including Sweden, Denmark-Norway, Poland, Imperial Austria, France, Venice, and especially the Dutch Republic. They also served in the newly independent kingdom of Portugal and Muscovite Russia. Those who wished to pursue careers as officers continued to serve a military apprenticeship in the ranks as gentlemen volunteers, and volunteers who desired adventure were especially attracted to the campaigns and sieges of the Imperialist and Venetian forces in their struggles to drive the Ottoman Turks from Europe and the Mediterranean world. Until William of Orange’s invasion of England and conquest of Scotland and Ireland — which together with England’s involvement in the Nine Years War brought an expansion of the English/British armies — the British Isles continued to be a significant source of manpower for mainland European armies. Since the Anglo-Dutch forces drew heavily upon these manpower sources during the Nine Years War, those (including the ‘wild geese’) who continued make careers in continental European armies came largely from the Catholic populations of the British Isles.Less
At the Restoration, there were limited places for Cromwellian and Cavalier veterans in the standing armies of the Three Kingdoms. Consequently, there was a considerable exodus of professional soldiers and men who had grown up knowing none other than the military life. Once again, they served in the same armies they had before the civil wars, including Sweden, Denmark-Norway, Poland, Imperial Austria, France, Venice, and especially the Dutch Republic. They also served in the newly independent kingdom of Portugal and Muscovite Russia. Those who wished to pursue careers as officers continued to serve a military apprenticeship in the ranks as gentlemen volunteers, and volunteers who desired adventure were especially attracted to the campaigns and sieges of the Imperialist and Venetian forces in their struggles to drive the Ottoman Turks from Europe and the Mediterranean world. Until William of Orange’s invasion of England and conquest of Scotland and Ireland — which together with England’s involvement in the Nine Years War brought an expansion of the English/British armies — the British Isles continued to be a significant source of manpower for mainland European armies. Since the Anglo-Dutch forces drew heavily upon these manpower sources during the Nine Years War, those (including the ‘wild geese’) who continued make careers in continental European armies came largely from the Catholic populations of the British Isles.
Robert Tracy McKenzie
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195182941
- eISBN:
- 9780199788897
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195182941.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This short afterword features a vignette concerning a joint Union and Confederate veterans' reunion held in Knoxville in the fall of 1890, using the episode as a springboard for reviewing the book's ...
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This short afterword features a vignette concerning a joint Union and Confederate veterans' reunion held in Knoxville in the fall of 1890, using the episode as a springboard for reviewing the book's major findings and themes. These include the surprising similarity of outlook among future Unionists and future Confederates on the eve of the war; the great capacity of the conflict to polarize the two factions thereafter, as neighbors became enemies; and above all, the stubborn persistence of a pervasive commitment to white supremacy among both Unionists and Confederates. The afterword underscores the fragility of the wartime Unionist coalition by briefly tracing its rapid collapse in the late 1860s after the imposition of black enfranchisement by the state legislature.Less
This short afterword features a vignette concerning a joint Union and Confederate veterans' reunion held in Knoxville in the fall of 1890, using the episode as a springboard for reviewing the book's major findings and themes. These include the surprising similarity of outlook among future Unionists and future Confederates on the eve of the war; the great capacity of the conflict to polarize the two factions thereafter, as neighbors became enemies; and above all, the stubborn persistence of a pervasive commitment to white supremacy among both Unionists and Confederates. The afterword underscores the fragility of the wartime Unionist coalition by briefly tracing its rapid collapse in the late 1860s after the imposition of black enfranchisement by the state legislature.
Matthew E. Stanley
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252040733
- eISBN:
- 9780252099175
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252040733.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
The Loyal West: Civil War and Reunion in Middle America examines identity and memory among Union soldiers and veterans in the Lower Middle West, a previously overlooked region. I use the phrase ...
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The Loyal West: Civil War and Reunion in Middle America examines identity and memory among Union soldiers and veterans in the Lower Middle West, a previously overlooked region. I use the phrase “Loyal West” as shorthand for both the physical region, the dominant identity of its inhabitants, and the multitude of ways in which residents from the lower free states (southern Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois) came to reject antebellum conceptions of westernness and grew to imagine themselves as distinct from both Confederates and their African American and “Yankee” allies. The basic elements of the Loyal West narrative were, among other things, that western soldiers were tougher (especially vis-a-vis the Army of the Potomac), were more successful on campaign, were more willing to engage in destructive war, were less reliant on blacks and foreigners and liberalizing war measures, and that the West was the origin source of the Union’s preeminent military and political leadership. Although the major themes of the Loyal West memory faded with time, I argue that the Lower Middle West’s mutuality between racial and political identity, cultural memory, and social policy—white space, white memory, and white power—had great implications for the political and racial patterns of the late nineteenth and twentieth-century Midwest.Less
The Loyal West: Civil War and Reunion in Middle America examines identity and memory among Union soldiers and veterans in the Lower Middle West, a previously overlooked region. I use the phrase “Loyal West” as shorthand for both the physical region, the dominant identity of its inhabitants, and the multitude of ways in which residents from the lower free states (southern Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois) came to reject antebellum conceptions of westernness and grew to imagine themselves as distinct from both Confederates and their African American and “Yankee” allies. The basic elements of the Loyal West narrative were, among other things, that western soldiers were tougher (especially vis-a-vis the Army of the Potomac), were more successful on campaign, were more willing to engage in destructive war, were less reliant on blacks and foreigners and liberalizing war measures, and that the West was the origin source of the Union’s preeminent military and political leadership. Although the major themes of the Loyal West memory faded with time, I argue that the Lower Middle West’s mutuality between racial and political identity, cultural memory, and social policy—white space, white memory, and white power—had great implications for the political and racial patterns of the late nineteenth and twentieth-century Midwest.
