Daniel Schwartz
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199205394
- eISBN:
- 9780191709265
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199205394.003.0004
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Ancient Philosophy
The discussion about conformity of wills in the preceding chapters overlooks several challenges raised by the observation of a simple fact: the wills of the persons who surround us are already ...
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The discussion about conformity of wills in the preceding chapters overlooks several challenges raised by the observation of a simple fact: the wills of the persons who surround us are already formed. This means that, to be friends with other people, who will be different things to me, either they must change their will or I must. If we leave out the first option, friendship with other people would (at least sometimes) require me to adapt my will to theirs. Thus, the condition of conformity of wills seems to require one to abandon one's own judgement in order to secure the good of friendship. It also remains unclear what the condition of conformity of wills requires from individuals prior to the actual constitution of their ties of friendship. This chapter shows that the thoughts above, if conceived as challenges to Aquinas's position, arise from a deficient understanding of his censure of people's unwillingness to join wills with others. It traces the motivational background of attitudes that instantiate this kind of unwillingness. The route chosen will take us to the notion of vainglory and — with special emphasis — to superbia, roughly translated as arrogance or unreasonable pride.Less
The discussion about conformity of wills in the preceding chapters overlooks several challenges raised by the observation of a simple fact: the wills of the persons who surround us are already formed. This means that, to be friends with other people, who will be different things to me, either they must change their will or I must. If we leave out the first option, friendship with other people would (at least sometimes) require me to adapt my will to theirs. Thus, the condition of conformity of wills seems to require one to abandon one's own judgement in order to secure the good of friendship. It also remains unclear what the condition of conformity of wills requires from individuals prior to the actual constitution of their ties of friendship. This chapter shows that the thoughts above, if conceived as challenges to Aquinas's position, arise from a deficient understanding of his censure of people's unwillingness to join wills with others. It traces the motivational background of attitudes that instantiate this kind of unwillingness. The route chosen will take us to the notion of vainglory and — with special emphasis — to superbia, roughly translated as arrogance or unreasonable pride.
John M. McManamon, S.J.
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780823245048
- eISBN:
- 9780823252787
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823245048.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
Scholars now concur that the text Ignatius Loyola dictated late in life should not be labeled an autobiography: the existing text does not cover Ignatius's entire life, and he did not write it. ...
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Scholars now concur that the text Ignatius Loyola dictated late in life should not be labeled an autobiography: the existing text does not cover Ignatius's entire life, and he did not write it. Jerónimo Nadal (1507-80), Ignatius's most trusted Jesuit collaborator, urged that the text be titled Acts as the word is used in Luke's Acts of the Apostles. Recent monographs by Marjorie O’Rourke Boyle and John W. O’Malley have characterized Ignatius's Acts as a “mirror of vainglory” and “a mirror of apostolic religious life” respectively. This study argues that an appreciation of the two Lukan New Testament writings likewise helps interpret the theological perspectives of Ignatius. The geography of Luke's two writings and the theology that inspired Luke's redactional innovation assisted Ignatius in remembering and understanding the crucial acts of God in his own life. It also argues that one only appreciates the book by moving forward to Ignatius and his times through the Renaissance, not by viewing backwards through the Reformation. The world-affirming style of holiness to which Ignatius discerned God calling him had much in common with directions born in Italy during the Renaissance. Ignatius's commitment to education, appreciation for the Incarnation and desire for rebirth of the apostolic age reveal a dialogue with the world of Renaissance humanism. The meaning of Ignatius's Acts is best appreciated, then, in the context of the language that he dictated, the events that he chose to include or not include, and the cultures that helped to shape his expression and understanding.Less
Scholars now concur that the text Ignatius Loyola dictated late in life should not be labeled an autobiography: the existing text does not cover Ignatius's entire life, and he did not write it. Jerónimo Nadal (1507-80), Ignatius's most trusted Jesuit collaborator, urged that the text be titled Acts as the word is used in Luke's Acts of the Apostles. Recent monographs by Marjorie O’Rourke Boyle and John W. O’Malley have characterized Ignatius's Acts as a “mirror of vainglory” and “a mirror of apostolic religious life” respectively. This study argues that an appreciation of the two Lukan New Testament writings likewise helps interpret the theological perspectives of Ignatius. The geography of Luke's two writings and the theology that inspired Luke's redactional innovation assisted Ignatius in remembering and understanding the crucial acts of God in his own life. It also argues that one only appreciates the book by moving forward to Ignatius and his times through the Renaissance, not by viewing backwards through the Reformation. The world-affirming style of holiness to which Ignatius discerned God calling him had much in common with directions born in Italy during the Renaissance. Ignatius's commitment to education, appreciation for the Incarnation and desire for rebirth of the apostolic age reveal a dialogue with the world of Renaissance humanism. The meaning of Ignatius's Acts is best appreciated, then, in the context of the language that he dictated, the events that he chose to include or not include, and the cultures that helped to shape his expression and understanding.
Julie E. Cooper
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780226081298
- eISBN:
- 9780226081328
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226081328.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines Thomas Hobbes’ critique of vainglory, arguing that, to confront challenges posed by pride, Hobbes must cultivate the contrary virtues of modesty and humility. Yet, in a stable ...
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This chapter examines Thomas Hobbes’ critique of vainglory, arguing that, to confront challenges posed by pride, Hobbes must cultivate the contrary virtues of modesty and humility. Yet, in a stable commonwealth, these virtues are hard to cultivate, as an analysis of Hobbes’ “law of honor” demonstrates. To mitigate these difficulties, Hobbes deploys a theology of divine omnipotence drawn from the book of Job. As Hobbes’ investment in Job demonstrates, his claims for the power of human artifice, and the possibilities of human mastery, are more modest than we have been taught to expect.Less
This chapter examines Thomas Hobbes’ critique of vainglory, arguing that, to confront challenges posed by pride, Hobbes must cultivate the contrary virtues of modesty and humility. Yet, in a stable commonwealth, these virtues are hard to cultivate, as an analysis of Hobbes’ “law of honor” demonstrates. To mitigate these difficulties, Hobbes deploys a theology of divine omnipotence drawn from the book of Job. As Hobbes’ investment in Job demonstrates, his claims for the power of human artifice, and the possibilities of human mastery, are more modest than we have been taught to expect.
John M. McManamon
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780823245048
- eISBN:
- 9780823252787
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823245048.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
The chapter opens by presenting the Dominican Melchor Cano as an antagonist who criticized Ignatius Loyola for his vanity. Ignatius's awareness of that fault created a quandary for him late in life ...
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The chapter opens by presenting the Dominican Melchor Cano as an antagonist who criticized Ignatius Loyola for his vanity. Ignatius's awareness of that fault created a quandary for him late in life when he acceded to requests to narrate God's activity as he had discerned it over the course of his lifetime. He resolved that quandary by seeing the narrative as a mirror of vainglory valuable for all Jesuits. The chapter explores the reasons for the halting progress of the narration and its eventual completion to the satisfaction of Ignatius just before his death in 1556. Some years later, the Jesuit Superior-General Francisco de Borja (1510-72) made the decision to suppress the text of Ignatius's Acts and substitute for it a biography of Ignatius written by Pedro de Ribadeneira (1526-1611). Ribadeneira's biography presented a sanitized Ignatius more palatable to Church authorities intent on countering the Reformation.Less
The chapter opens by presenting the Dominican Melchor Cano as an antagonist who criticized Ignatius Loyola for his vanity. Ignatius's awareness of that fault created a quandary for him late in life when he acceded to requests to narrate God's activity as he had discerned it over the course of his lifetime. He resolved that quandary by seeing the narrative as a mirror of vainglory valuable for all Jesuits. The chapter explores the reasons for the halting progress of the narration and its eventual completion to the satisfaction of Ignatius just before his death in 1556. Some years later, the Jesuit Superior-General Francisco de Borja (1510-72) made the decision to suppress the text of Ignatius's Acts and substitute for it a biography of Ignatius written by Pedro de Ribadeneira (1526-1611). Ribadeneira's biography presented a sanitized Ignatius more palatable to Church authorities intent on countering the Reformation.
John M. McManamon
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780823245048
- eISBN:
- 9780823252787
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823245048.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
The chapter beings by analyzing Ignatius's account of his foolhardy defense of Pamplona as exemplary vainglory on his part. It then briefly summarizes the scriptural, patristic, and medieval ideas on ...
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The chapter beings by analyzing Ignatius's account of his foolhardy defense of Pamplona as exemplary vainglory on his part. It then briefly summarizes the scriptural, patristic, and medieval ideas on vainglory as a principal fault of human nature. In his Acts, Ignatius emphasized the ways that he practiced vainglory during his recovery from his wounds in battle, his asceticism, his confrontation with the “Moor,” and his vigil at Montserrat. The chapter argues that Ignatius's account of his experience along the Cardoner River has subtle resonances of the myth of Narcissus. The chapter then follows his pilgrimage to Jerusalem, his initial success in ministry and begging, and his stepping out of the Lord's footsteps on the Mount of the Ascension. The chapter concludes with analysis of John Cassian and Ignatius as strange bedfellows and of Freud's observations regarding narcissism as a clinical ailment.Less
The chapter beings by analyzing Ignatius's account of his foolhardy defense of Pamplona as exemplary vainglory on his part. It then briefly summarizes the scriptural, patristic, and medieval ideas on vainglory as a principal fault of human nature. In his Acts, Ignatius emphasized the ways that he practiced vainglory during his recovery from his wounds in battle, his asceticism, his confrontation with the “Moor,” and his vigil at Montserrat. The chapter argues that Ignatius's account of his experience along the Cardoner River has subtle resonances of the myth of Narcissus. The chapter then follows his pilgrimage to Jerusalem, his initial success in ministry and begging, and his stepping out of the Lord's footsteps on the Mount of the Ascension. The chapter concludes with analysis of John Cassian and Ignatius as strange bedfellows and of Freud's observations regarding narcissism as a clinical ailment.
Gianni Guastella
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- March 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780198724292
- eISBN:
- 9780191792021
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198724292.003.0008
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Literary Studies: Classical, Early, and Medieval
The personification of Fama-Renown was invented in the Middle Ages, and its first known description is found in Boccaccio’s Amorosa visione. Actually, instead of Fama Boccaccio talks of Worldly ...
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The personification of Fama-Renown was invented in the Middle Ages, and its first known description is found in Boccaccio’s Amorosa visione. Actually, instead of Fama Boccaccio talks of Worldly Glory, a figure that embodies a negative conception of human glory which had already been developed in antiquity by authors like Cicero in the Somnium Scipionis and Boethius. This interpretation was then reformulated by Christian writers like Augustine, in a way that contrasted the vain aspiration to glory (Vainglory, a typical human ambition) with true glory, an exclusive right of God. Petrarch, who dedicated a long series of reflections to the subject of glory, also introduced an elusive personification of Fama into his Triumphus Fame. He describes a ruler who celebrates an ephemeral triumph, bestowing on illustrious men a glory destined to be erased by Time: true eternity is reserved for the divine sphere.Less
The personification of Fama-Renown was invented in the Middle Ages, and its first known description is found in Boccaccio’s Amorosa visione. Actually, instead of Fama Boccaccio talks of Worldly Glory, a figure that embodies a negative conception of human glory which had already been developed in antiquity by authors like Cicero in the Somnium Scipionis and Boethius. This interpretation was then reformulated by Christian writers like Augustine, in a way that contrasted the vain aspiration to glory (Vainglory, a typical human ambition) with true glory, an exclusive right of God. Petrarch, who dedicated a long series of reflections to the subject of glory, also introduced an elusive personification of Fama into his Triumphus Fame. He describes a ruler who celebrates an ephemeral triumph, bestowing on illustrious men a glory destined to be erased by Time: true eternity is reserved for the divine sphere.
