William A. Silverman
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780192630889
- eISBN:
- 9780191723568
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780192630889.003.0011
- Subject:
- Public Health and Epidemiology, Public Health, Epidemiology
This chapter presents a 1990 commentary on care for seriously compromised newborn infants. It considers questions about how decisions should be made about initiating costly, all-out modern treatment ...
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This chapter presents a 1990 commentary on care for seriously compromised newborn infants. It considers questions about how decisions should be made about initiating costly, all-out modern treatment for such infants, given the lack of information about the relative impact of death (compared with survival) of these smallest infants on families with poor circumstances, single-parent families, after unwanted pregnancy, in families with drug-addicted parents, etc.Less
This chapter presents a 1990 commentary on care for seriously compromised newborn infants. It considers questions about how decisions should be made about initiating costly, all-out modern treatment for such infants, given the lack of information about the relative impact of death (compared with survival) of these smallest infants on families with poor circumstances, single-parent families, after unwanted pregnancy, in families with drug-addicted parents, etc.
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226317274
- eISBN:
- 9780226317298
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226317298.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
This chapter analyzes the story of the unmarried Apollonia Vöglin, who, early in the morning of Saturday, January 18, 1578, gave birth in secret to a baby girl, which she later admitted strangling. ...
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This chapter analyzes the story of the unmarried Apollonia Vöglin, who, early in the morning of Saturday, January 18, 1578, gave birth in secret to a baby girl, which she later admitted strangling. Seventeen days later she was arrested for the crime and thereupon began the fight to save herself from the executioner's axe. Apollonia's sad tale is a variation on a familiar literary topos: an unmarried girl, impregnated and jilted by a young cad, is forced by shame to hide her pregnancy, and finally, in desperation, murders her newborn child. In early modern Germany, a confluence of several demographic and social developments threatened to make infanticide a more common reality than at any time since antiquity. Most notably, an economic downturn from the mid-sixteenth century on exacerbated the late marriage tendency already common among Western Europeans.Less
This chapter analyzes the story of the unmarried Apollonia Vöglin, who, early in the morning of Saturday, January 18, 1578, gave birth in secret to a baby girl, which she later admitted strangling. Seventeen days later she was arrested for the crime and thereupon began the fight to save herself from the executioner's axe. Apollonia's sad tale is a variation on a familiar literary topos: an unmarried girl, impregnated and jilted by a young cad, is forced by shame to hide her pregnancy, and finally, in desperation, murders her newborn child. In early modern Germany, a confluence of several demographic and social developments threatened to make infanticide a more common reality than at any time since antiquity. Most notably, an economic downturn from the mid-sixteenth century on exacerbated the late marriage tendency already common among Western Europeans.
Louisiana Lush and Oona Campbell
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780192631985
- eISBN:
- 9780191723582
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780192631985.003.0010
- Subject:
- Public Health and Epidemiology, Public Health, Epidemiology
This chapter addresses the process by which reproductive health came to prominence in the early 1990s, focusing on the international actors involved and the process of negotiation between them. It ...
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This chapter addresses the process by which reproductive health came to prominence in the early 1990s, focusing on the international actors involved and the process of negotiation between them. It examines two high priority areas of reproductive health care in detail: efforts to reduce maternal mortality and efforts to integrate HIV/STI and family planning services. In so doing, the chapter aims to illustrate two features of international cooperation in health: first, how the process of global agenda-setting was driven by a small set of international actors with particular ideologies; and second, how, despite relatively simple and cheap technologies being available, this process of agenda setting limited the effectiveness with which appropriate interventions were implemented.Less
This chapter addresses the process by which reproductive health came to prominence in the early 1990s, focusing on the international actors involved and the process of negotiation between them. It examines two high priority areas of reproductive health care in detail: efforts to reduce maternal mortality and efforts to integrate HIV/STI and family planning services. In so doing, the chapter aims to illustrate two features of international cooperation in health: first, how the process of global agenda-setting was driven by a small set of international actors with particular ideologies; and second, how, despite relatively simple and cheap technologies being available, this process of agenda setting limited the effectiveness with which appropriate interventions were implemented.
Laury Oaks
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781479897926
- eISBN:
- 9781479883073
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479897926.001.0001
- Subject:
- Anthropology, American and Canadian Cultural Anthropology
“Baby safe haven” laws, which allow a parent to relinquish a newborn baby legally and anonymously at a specified institutional location—such as a hospital or fire station—were established in every ...
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“Baby safe haven” laws, which allow a parent to relinquish a newborn baby legally and anonymously at a specified institutional location—such as a hospital or fire station—were established in every state between 1999 and 2009. Promoted during a time of heated public debate over policies on abortion, sex education, teen pregnancy, adoption, welfare, immigrant reproduction, and child abuse, safe haven laws were passed by the majority of states with little contest. These laws were thought to offer a solution to the consequences of unwanted pregnancy: mothers would no longer be burdened with children they could not care for, and newborn babies would no longer be abandoned in dumpsters. Yet while these laws are well meaning, they ignore the real problem: some women lack key social and economic supports that mothers need to raise children. Safe haven laws do little to help disadvantaged women. Instead, advocates of safe haven laws target teenagers, women of color, and poor women with safe haven information and see relinquishing custody of their newborns as an act of maternal love. Disadvantaged women are preemptively judged as “bad” mothers whose babies would be better off without them. This book argues that the labeling of certain kinds of women as potential “bad” mothers who should consider anonymously giving up their newborns for adoption into a “loving” home should best be understood as an issue of reproductive justice.Less
“Baby safe haven” laws, which allow a parent to relinquish a newborn baby legally and anonymously at a specified institutional location—such as a hospital or fire station—were established in every state between 1999 and 2009. Promoted during a time of heated public debate over policies on abortion, sex education, teen pregnancy, adoption, welfare, immigrant reproduction, and child abuse, safe haven laws were passed by the majority of states with little contest. These laws were thought to offer a solution to the consequences of unwanted pregnancy: mothers would no longer be burdened with children they could not care for, and newborn babies would no longer be abandoned in dumpsters. Yet while these laws are well meaning, they ignore the real problem: some women lack key social and economic supports that mothers need to raise children. Safe haven laws do little to help disadvantaged women. Instead, advocates of safe haven laws target teenagers, women of color, and poor women with safe haven information and see relinquishing custody of their newborns as an act of maternal love. Disadvantaged women are preemptively judged as “bad” mothers whose babies would be better off without them. This book argues that the labeling of certain kinds of women as potential “bad” mothers who should consider anonymously giving up their newborns for adoption into a “loving” home should best be understood as an issue of reproductive justice.
Dov Fox
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- July 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190675721
- eISBN:
- 9780190675752
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190675721.003.0009
- Subject:
- Law, Medical Law
A negligently failed abortion, birth control, or sterilization foists on plaintiffs the very pregnancy or parenthood they enlisted professional assistance to avoid. Courts refuse to remedy these ...
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A negligently failed abortion, birth control, or sterilization foists on plaintiffs the very pregnancy or parenthood they enlisted professional assistance to avoid. Courts refuse to remedy these reproductive injuries on the ground that babies are blessings. But this repudiates plaintiffs’ moral agency to decide what’s good for their own lives. It’s specious and patronizing to think that all unsuspecting parents will come to be glad that misconduct rode roughshod over their decisions to be sterilized, use contraception, or have an abortion. And courts shouldn’t dismiss complaints in which causation is uncertain, provided that plaintiffs can show that negligence increased the chances of unwanted procreation by a non-insignificant degree. But it’s only fair to hold defendants liable for whatever portion of the reproductive injury their negligence caused, or the corresponding chance that their misconduct is to blame for causing it. Plaintiffs shouldn’t be denied the compensation they’re entitled to just because they exercised their protected liberties to decline abortion or adoption. Insisting that negligence victims cut off ties with a fetus or child as a condition of recovery disrespects their interest in making reproductive decisions for themselves. Forcing their hand yet again only exacerbates that injury to such a meaningful part of their lives that specialists had previously given them legitimate reason to expect. Raising the unplanned child may be worse for them than the childless future they’d hoped for—but abortion or adoption may be worse than either of those.Less
A negligently failed abortion, birth control, or sterilization foists on plaintiffs the very pregnancy or parenthood they enlisted professional assistance to avoid. Courts refuse to remedy these reproductive injuries on the ground that babies are blessings. But this repudiates plaintiffs’ moral agency to decide what’s good for their own lives. It’s specious and patronizing to think that all unsuspecting parents will come to be glad that misconduct rode roughshod over their decisions to be sterilized, use contraception, or have an abortion. And courts shouldn’t dismiss complaints in which causation is uncertain, provided that plaintiffs can show that negligence increased the chances of unwanted procreation by a non-insignificant degree. But it’s only fair to hold defendants liable for whatever portion of the reproductive injury their negligence caused, or the corresponding chance that their misconduct is to blame for causing it. Plaintiffs shouldn’t be denied the compensation they’re entitled to just because they exercised their protected liberties to decline abortion or adoption. Insisting that negligence victims cut off ties with a fetus or child as a condition of recovery disrespects their interest in making reproductive decisions for themselves. Forcing their hand yet again only exacerbates that injury to such a meaningful part of their lives that specialists had previously given them legitimate reason to expect. Raising the unplanned child may be worse for them than the childless future they’d hoped for—but abortion or adoption may be worse than either of those.
Brantley W. Gasaway
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9781469617725
- eISBN:
- 9781469617749
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469617725.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, Religious Studies
The chapter discusses how progressive evangelical leaders accepted a completely pro-life agenda towards abortion that supported feminism and social justice. The leaders demanded increased efforts to ...
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The chapter discusses how progressive evangelical leaders accepted a completely pro-life agenda towards abortion that supported feminism and social justice. The leaders demanded increased efforts to prevent unwanted pregnancies and offered resources to minimize abortion's appeal. For pro-life progressives, opposition to abortion is within their public theology once they concluded that unborn fetuses represented nascent community members. They repeatedly debated that the unborn children represent one of the many endangered and dehumanized groups in society. This later inspired equal rights to all people especially the powerless and oppressed victims of social injustice. Progressive evangelicals insisted that ideal political agendas must protect the life, rights, and dignity of those threatened not only by racism, sexism, poverty, and war but also by abortion.Less
The chapter discusses how progressive evangelical leaders accepted a completely pro-life agenda towards abortion that supported feminism and social justice. The leaders demanded increased efforts to prevent unwanted pregnancies and offered resources to minimize abortion's appeal. For pro-life progressives, opposition to abortion is within their public theology once they concluded that unborn fetuses represented nascent community members. They repeatedly debated that the unborn children represent one of the many endangered and dehumanized groups in society. This later inspired equal rights to all people especially the powerless and oppressed victims of social injustice. Progressive evangelicals insisted that ideal political agendas must protect the life, rights, and dignity of those threatened not only by racism, sexism, poverty, and war but also by abortion.
Rose Corrigan
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814707937
- eISBN:
- 9780814725214
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814707937.003.0006
- Subject:
- Law, Medical Law
This chapter focuses on state laws that require hospitals to provide information about or dispense emergency contraception (EC) to rape victims in emergency rooms (ER). These laws have an obvious and ...
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This chapter focuses on state laws that require hospitals to provide information about or dispense emergency contraception (EC) to rape victims in emergency rooms (ER). These laws have an obvious and ostensibly popular intent: to help rape victims avoid an unplanned, unwanted pregnancy in the wake of a sexual assault. However, political claims were framed without building in possible “hooks” for public interest litigation, and without anticipating problems with implementation. The result is that most laws still leave significant gaps in access. The lack of a public interest bar means there are few legal resources to confront these problems, and many rape crisis centers (RCCs) are in such a tenuous position—with little political or other institutional support—that they are unfamiliar with, fear, and shun litigation or community organizing as tools for maintaining, enforcing, or expanding the rights of rape victims. The result is that hospitals can openly flout EC in the ER laws without fear of accountability.Less
This chapter focuses on state laws that require hospitals to provide information about or dispense emergency contraception (EC) to rape victims in emergency rooms (ER). These laws have an obvious and ostensibly popular intent: to help rape victims avoid an unplanned, unwanted pregnancy in the wake of a sexual assault. However, political claims were framed without building in possible “hooks” for public interest litigation, and without anticipating problems with implementation. The result is that most laws still leave significant gaps in access. The lack of a public interest bar means there are few legal resources to confront these problems, and many rape crisis centers (RCCs) are in such a tenuous position—with little political or other institutional support—that they are unfamiliar with, fear, and shun litigation or community organizing as tools for maintaining, enforcing, or expanding the rights of rape victims. The result is that hospitals can openly flout EC in the ER laws without fear of accountability.
Rose Corrigan
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814707937
- eISBN:
- 9780814725214
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814707937.003.0006
- Subject:
- Law, Medical Law
This chapter focuses on state laws that require hospitals to provide information about or dispense emergency contraception (EC) to rape victims in emergency rooms (ER). These laws have an obvious ...
More
This chapter focuses on state laws that require hospitals to provide information about or dispense emergency contraception (EC) to rape victims in emergency rooms (ER). These laws have an obvious and ostensibly popular intent: to help rape victims avoid an unplanned, unwanted pregnancy in the wake of a sexual assault. However, political claims were framed without building in possible “hooks” for public interest litigation, and without anticipating problems with implementation. The result is that most laws still leave significant gaps in access. The lack of a public interest bar means there are few legal resources to confront these problems, and many rape crisis centers (RCCs) are in such a tenuous position—with little political or other institutional support—that they are unfamiliar with, fear, and shun litigation or community organizing as tools for maintaining, enforcing, or expanding the rights of rape victims. The result is that hospitals can openly flout EC in the ER laws without fear of accountability.
Less
This chapter focuses on state laws that require hospitals to provide information about or dispense emergency contraception (EC) to rape victims in emergency rooms (ER). These laws have an obvious and ostensibly popular intent: to help rape victims avoid an unplanned, unwanted pregnancy in the wake of a sexual assault. However, political claims were framed without building in possible “hooks” for public interest litigation, and without anticipating problems with implementation. The result is that most laws still leave significant gaps in access. The lack of a public interest bar means there are few legal resources to confront these problems, and many rape crisis centers (RCCs) are in such a tenuous position—with little political or other institutional support—that they are unfamiliar with, fear, and shun litigation or community organizing as tools for maintaining, enforcing, or expanding the rights of rape victims. The result is that hospitals can openly flout EC in the ER laws without fear of accountability.
