Iain Mclean and Alistair McMillan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199258208
- eISBN:
- 9780191603334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199258201.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter examines the evolution of unionism in Northern Ireland since it unexpectedly and paradoxically found itself under Home Rule, which its leading politicians had raised a private army to ...
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This chapter examines the evolution of unionism in Northern Ireland since it unexpectedly and paradoxically found itself under Home Rule, which its leading politicians had raised a private army to prevent. Northern Ireland is the only part of the UK in which primordial Unionism, that is, the belief that the Union is good in and for itself, survives. But even so, primordialism runs in different streams — military, religious, intellectual — whose waters scarcely mix.Less
This chapter examines the evolution of unionism in Northern Ireland since it unexpectedly and paradoxically found itself under Home Rule, which its leading politicians had raised a private army to prevent. Northern Ireland is the only part of the UK in which primordial Unionism, that is, the belief that the Union is good in and for itself, survives. But even so, primordialism runs in different streams — military, religious, intellectual — whose waters scarcely mix.
Eleanor Gordon
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201434
- eISBN:
- 9780191674884
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201434.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Social History
This is a study of working women in Scotland in the period 1850–1914. In a scholarly analysis, based on a wide range of contemporary sources, the book uncovers the patterns of women's employment, ...
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This is a study of working women in Scotland in the period 1850–1914. In a scholarly analysis, based on a wide range of contemporary sources, the book uncovers the patterns of women's employment, their involvement in and relationship to trade unionism, and the forms of their workplace resistance and struggles. Focusing particularly on women working in Dundee's jute industry, the study integrates labour history and the history of gender. It is a thorough account, which challenges many assumptions about the organizational apathy of women workers and about the inevitable division between workplace and domestic ideologies. It makes a contribution to current historiographical debates over the sexual division of labour, working-class consciousness, and domestic ideologies, and to the history of women in Scotland.Less
This is a study of working women in Scotland in the period 1850–1914. In a scholarly analysis, based on a wide range of contemporary sources, the book uncovers the patterns of women's employment, their involvement in and relationship to trade unionism, and the forms of their workplace resistance and struggles. Focusing particularly on women working in Dundee's jute industry, the study integrates labour history and the history of gender. It is a thorough account, which challenges many assumptions about the organizational apathy of women workers and about the inevitable division between workplace and domestic ideologies. It makes a contribution to current historiographical debates over the sexual division of labour, working-class consciousness, and domestic ideologies, and to the history of women in Scotland.
Steve Bruce
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198293927
- eISBN:
- 9780191685019
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198293927.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This book examines the place and nature of religion in industrial societies through a comparative analysis of conservative Protestant politics in a variety of ‘first world’ societies. Rejecting the ...
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This book examines the place and nature of religion in industrial societies through a comparative analysis of conservative Protestant politics in a variety of ‘first world’ societies. Rejecting the popular, but misleading, grouping of diverse movements under the heading of ‘fundamentalism’, this book presents a series of detailed case studies of the Christian Right in the United States, Protestant unionism in Northern Ireland, anti-Catholicism in Scotland, Afrikaner politics in South Africa, and Empire Loyalism in Australia, Canada, and New Zealand. It examines the constraints that culturally diverse societies place on those who wish to promote political agendas based on religious ideas or on religiously informed ethnic identities.Less
This book examines the place and nature of religion in industrial societies through a comparative analysis of conservative Protestant politics in a variety of ‘first world’ societies. Rejecting the popular, but misleading, grouping of diverse movements under the heading of ‘fundamentalism’, this book presents a series of detailed case studies of the Christian Right in the United States, Protestant unionism in Northern Ireland, anti-Catholicism in Scotland, Afrikaner politics in South Africa, and Empire Loyalism in Australia, Canada, and New Zealand. It examines the constraints that culturally diverse societies place on those who wish to promote political agendas based on religious ideas or on religiously informed ethnic identities.
Eleanor Gordon
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201434
- eISBN:
- 9780191674884
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201434.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Social History
This chapter concludes that the history of women's employment in Scotland from 1850 until the First World War is a strong confirmation of the view that women's subordinate position in the labour ...
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This chapter concludes that the history of women's employment in Scotland from 1850 until the First World War is a strong confirmation of the view that women's subordinate position in the labour market was linked to prevailing ideologies of gender and domesticity. The experience of women workers in this period illustrates that the problems that women faced in the labour market derived from the wider sexual division of labour in society, and that, if trade unions were to represent their interests adequately, the structures and practices of trade unionism would have had to recognize and challenge these divisions rather than reflect them. The book has emphasized the need for a broader consideration of the social formation to conceptualize the position of women in the world of work.Less
This chapter concludes that the history of women's employment in Scotland from 1850 until the First World War is a strong confirmation of the view that women's subordinate position in the labour market was linked to prevailing ideologies of gender and domesticity. The experience of women workers in this period illustrates that the problems that women faced in the labour market derived from the wider sexual division of labour in society, and that, if trade unions were to represent their interests adequately, the structures and practices of trade unionism would have had to recognize and challenge these divisions rather than reflect them. The book has emphasized the need for a broader consideration of the social formation to conceptualize the position of women in the world of work.
Iain McLean and Alistair McMillan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199258208
- eISBN:
- 9780191603334
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199258201.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This is the first survey of Unionism, the ideology of most of the rulers of the United Kingdom for the past 300 years. Because it was taken so much for granted, it has never been properly studied. In ...
More
This is the first survey of Unionism, the ideology of most of the rulers of the United Kingdom for the past 300 years. Because it was taken so much for granted, it has never been properly studied. In the twilight of Unionism, it is possible to see its long shadow over British and imperial history since 1707. The book studies the crucial time points at which the Union was built up and partly taken down: 1707, 1800, 1886, 1921, 1974, and 1997 to date. Primordial Unionism (the belief that the union is good in and for itself) now survives only in Northern Ireland. Instrumental Unionism supported the Union as a means to other ends, such as the Empire and the Welfare State; but the first is gone and the second is now evolving differently in the four territories of the UK. Representation and finance are the unsolved, and arguably insoluble problems of the post-1997 devolution settlement.Less
This is the first survey of Unionism, the ideology of most of the rulers of the United Kingdom for the past 300 years. Because it was taken so much for granted, it has never been properly studied. In the twilight of Unionism, it is possible to see its long shadow over British and imperial history since 1707. The book studies the crucial time points at which the Union was built up and partly taken down: 1707, 1800, 1886, 1921, 1974, and 1997 to date. Primordial Unionism (the belief that the union is good in and for itself) now survives only in Northern Ireland. Instrumental Unionism supported the Union as a means to other ends, such as the Empire and the Welfare State; but the first is gone and the second is now evolving differently in the four territories of the UK. Representation and finance are the unsolved, and arguably insoluble problems of the post-1997 devolution settlement.
Iain Mclean and Alistair McMillan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199258208
- eISBN:
- 9780191603334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199258201.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The UK is not a unitary state because it depends on two constitutional contracts — the Acts of Union of 1707 and 1800. Therefore, UK Unionism is not like, for instance, French Jacobinism. The 1707 ...
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The UK is not a unitary state because it depends on two constitutional contracts — the Acts of Union of 1707 and 1800. Therefore, UK Unionism is not like, for instance, French Jacobinism. The 1707 Acts are still in force. Although most of Ireland left the UK in 1921, the 1800 Act has profoundly affected UK politics. Northern Ireland is the relic of the 1800 Act. Neither is the UK a federal state. Scotland and Northern Ireland do not have powers comparable to an American or an Australian state. Therefore, UK Unionism is not like Australian anti-federalism. When there have been subordinate parliaments (Northern Ireland 1921-72 and intermittently since 1999; Scotland and Wales since 1999), the supremacy of Westminster has been asserted by statute. There is a severe tension between the Diceyan concept of parliamentary sovereignty. Northern Ireland is a ‘federacy’, i.e., a self-governing unit whose constitution must not be unilaterally altered by the UK government. As England is the overwhelmingly dominant partner in the union state, English scholars, like the English population in general, have often been insensitive to these nuances. It is tempting to see England as simply the colonial oppressor of its three neighbours, getting by force the security or the economic advantage that it could not get by agreement. This picture fits Ireland reasonably well, Wales less well, and Scotland hardly at all. Even Ireland has always contained a substantial proportion of Unionists.Less
The UK is not a unitary state because it depends on two constitutional contracts — the Acts of Union of 1707 and 1800. Therefore, UK Unionism is not like, for instance, French Jacobinism. The 1707 Acts are still in force. Although most of Ireland left the UK in 1921, the 1800 Act has profoundly affected UK politics. Northern Ireland is the relic of the 1800 Act. Neither is the UK a federal state. Scotland and Northern Ireland do not have powers comparable to an American or an Australian state. Therefore, UK Unionism is not like Australian anti-federalism. When there have been subordinate parliaments (Northern Ireland 1921-72 and intermittently since 1999; Scotland and Wales since 1999), the supremacy of Westminster has been asserted by statute. There is a severe tension between the Diceyan concept of parliamentary sovereignty. Northern Ireland is a ‘federacy’, i.e., a self-governing unit whose constitution must not be unilaterally altered by the UK government. As England is the overwhelmingly dominant partner in the union state, English scholars, like the English population in general, have often been insensitive to these nuances. It is tempting to see England as simply the colonial oppressor of its three neighbours, getting by force the security or the economic advantage that it could not get by agreement. This picture fits Ireland reasonably well, Wales less well, and Scotland hardly at all. Even Ireland has always contained a substantial proportion of Unionists.
Iain Mclean and Alistair McMillan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199258208
- eISBN:
- 9780191603334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199258201.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter discusses the policy implications of the weakening of Unionism. It considers the pressures on the Conservatives (historically the principled Unionist party, but whose advantage is now ...
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This chapter discusses the policy implications of the weakening of Unionism. It considers the pressures on the Conservatives (historically the principled Unionist party, but whose advantage is now served by such centrifugal factors as the advantage of having PR elections in the devolved territories), and on Labour (historically the party that has needed the Union for its centralist social policy, but which no longer needs Scottish and Welsh seats as much as it did); the fragility of union without unionism. It raises the question of whether Parliament or the people is sovereign.Less
This chapter discusses the policy implications of the weakening of Unionism. It considers the pressures on the Conservatives (historically the principled Unionist party, but whose advantage is now served by such centrifugal factors as the advantage of having PR elections in the devolved territories), and on Labour (historically the party that has needed the Union for its centralist social policy, but which no longer needs Scottish and Welsh seats as much as it did); the fragility of union without unionism. It raises the question of whether Parliament or the people is sovereign.
Alvin Jackson
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198204985
- eISBN:
- 9780191676437
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198204985.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Edward James Saunderson, who was for twenty years the English face of Unionism, has been consigned to obscurity, the victim of shifting loyalist priorities and myth-building, and of scholarly ...
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Edward James Saunderson, who was for twenty years the English face of Unionism, has been consigned to obscurity, the victim of shifting loyalist priorities and myth-building, and of scholarly disregard. A similarity of achievement between Saunderson and Edward Carson posits a dilemma: if Carson, the opponent of Home Rule in 1912, is consistently resurrected for a contemporary political function, then why has his precursor, Saunderson, encountered complete neglect, and within a tradition which looks to the past for political legitimization? Carson distanced himself from some grubbier northern politics; by contrast, Saunderson long outlived his usefulness, holding onto the chairmanship of the Irish Unionist parliamentary party after the defeat of the second Home Rule Bill, exacerbated by the prospect of reform, forced him to defend his own landed interests.Less
Edward James Saunderson, who was for twenty years the English face of Unionism, has been consigned to obscurity, the victim of shifting loyalist priorities and myth-building, and of scholarly disregard. A similarity of achievement between Saunderson and Edward Carson posits a dilemma: if Carson, the opponent of Home Rule in 1912, is consistently resurrected for a contemporary political function, then why has his precursor, Saunderson, encountered complete neglect, and within a tradition which looks to the past for political legitimization? Carson distanced himself from some grubbier northern politics; by contrast, Saunderson long outlived his usefulness, holding onto the chairmanship of the Irish Unionist parliamentary party after the defeat of the second Home Rule Bill, exacerbated by the prospect of reform, forced him to defend his own landed interests.
Iain Mclean
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199546954
- eISBN:
- 9780191720031
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546954.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, UK Politics
Temporary increase in number of veto players. Revolt of the landed class. Marxist explanation. Unionism and the British Empire. Primordial unionism. Bonar Law: the first non‐Anglican to lead the ...
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Temporary increase in number of veto players. Revolt of the landed class. Marxist explanation. Unionism and the British Empire. Primordial unionism. Bonar Law: the first non‐Anglican to lead the Conservative Party. Ireland: in the Union, but its opinions not to count.Less
Temporary increase in number of veto players. Revolt of the landed class. Marxist explanation. Unionism and the British Empire. Primordial unionism. Bonar Law: the first non‐Anglican to lead the Conservative Party. Ireland: in the Union, but its opinions not to count.
Steve Bruce
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199281022
- eISBN:
- 9780191712760
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199281022.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Ian Paisley is unique in having founded his own church and party, and led both to success. The Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster (FPCU) now has 150 congregations worldwide. The Democratic Unionist ...
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Ian Paisley is unique in having founded his own church and party, and led both to success. The Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster (FPCU) now has 150 congregations worldwide. The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) is now the most popular party in Northern Ireland and, as the leader of the majority unionist population, Paisley has a veto over political developments in the province. This book draws on the author's twenty years of close acquaintance with Paisley's people and on his knowledge of religion and politics in other settings to describe and explain Paisleyism. Paisley's religious identity was an important part of his political appeal to a minority core of unionist voters, but his constant criticism of liberal and ecumenical trends in the major Protestant churches alienated many unionists. However, between 2000 and 2005, those unionists became so frustrated with the British Government's concessions to the Irish Republican movement that they finally set aside their dislike of Paisley's divisive religion and made the DUP the majority unionist party.Less
Ian Paisley is unique in having founded his own church and party, and led both to success. The Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster (FPCU) now has 150 congregations worldwide. The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) is now the most popular party in Northern Ireland and, as the leader of the majority unionist population, Paisley has a veto over political developments in the province. This book draws on the author's twenty years of close acquaintance with Paisley's people and on his knowledge of religion and politics in other settings to describe and explain Paisleyism. Paisley's religious identity was an important part of his political appeal to a minority core of unionist voters, but his constant criticism of liberal and ecumenical trends in the major Protestant churches alienated many unionists. However, between 2000 and 2005, those unionists became so frustrated with the British Government's concessions to the Irish Republican movement that they finally set aside their dislike of Paisley's divisive religion and made the DUP the majority unionist party.
Steve Bruce
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199281022
- eISBN:
- 9780191712760
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199281022.003.0008
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This final chapter considers the part that religion has played in Paisley's politics and his political appeal. It argues that Paisley's religious identity was an important part of his political ...
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This final chapter considers the part that religion has played in Paisley's politics and his political appeal. It argues that Paisley's religious identity was an important part of his political appeal to a minority of unionist voters. While securing his core support, his constant criticisms of liberal and ecumenical deviations in the major Protestant churches alienated many unionists. However, between 2000 and 2005, unionist frustration with the political changes forced by the British Government led enough of those unionists to set aside their dislike for Paisley, and to place the future of Ulster unionism in the hands of the DUP.Less
This final chapter considers the part that religion has played in Paisley's politics and his political appeal. It argues that Paisley's religious identity was an important part of his political appeal to a minority of unionist voters. While securing his core support, his constant criticisms of liberal and ecumenical deviations in the major Protestant churches alienated many unionists. However, between 2000 and 2005, unionist frustration with the political changes forced by the British Government led enough of those unionists to set aside their dislike for Paisley, and to place the future of Ulster unionism in the hands of the DUP.
Antony Alcock
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244348
- eISBN:
- 9780191599866
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244340.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Compares Northern Ireland with a number of other divided societies in Europe, including South Tyrol, Cyprus, and the Hungarian regions of Romania, Slovakia, and Serbia. It argues that states are ...
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Compares Northern Ireland with a number of other divided societies in Europe, including South Tyrol, Cyprus, and the Hungarian regions of Romania, Slovakia, and Serbia. It argues that states are unlikely to accommodate minorities if their ethnic kin in neighbouring states pursue irredentist claims. An agreement became acceptable to Northern Ireland's unionists only when the Irish republic removed its constitutional claim to Northern Ireland. Alcock also argues that unionists were able to accept the all‐Ireland institutions in Northern Ireland's Agreement in the context of similar developments in other parts of the European Union. The chapter is an example of ‘linkage’ politics, i.e. it stresses links between exogenous factors and internal politics.Less
Compares Northern Ireland with a number of other divided societies in Europe, including South Tyrol, Cyprus, and the Hungarian regions of Romania, Slovakia, and Serbia. It argues that states are unlikely to accommodate minorities if their ethnic kin in neighbouring states pursue irredentist claims. An agreement became acceptable to Northern Ireland's unionists only when the Irish republic removed its constitutional claim to Northern Ireland. Alcock also argues that unionists were able to accept the all‐Ireland institutions in Northern Ireland's Agreement in the context of similar developments in other parts of the European Union. The chapter is an example of ‘linkage’ politics, i.e. it stresses links between exogenous factors and internal politics.
Michael Freeden
- Published in print:
- 1986
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198274322
- eISBN:
- 9780191599330
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198274327.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Throughout the 1920s, liberalism operated on two levels — the ideological and organizational — making it appear to be engaged in a life and death struggle with the other main progressive force in ...
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Throughout the 1920s, liberalism operated on two levels — the ideological and organizational — making it appear to be engaged in a life and death struggle with the other main progressive force in Britain. This chapter explores the way liberals interpreted the dual relationship, and its effect on their self-image. Two problems are identified in the relationship between liberalism and socialism/Labourism: the identification of the party with ideology leading to an oversimplified version of events by which the progressive function of liberalism was taken over by the Labour party, and the unravelling of the influences of the Liberal and Labour movements.Less
Throughout the 1920s, liberalism operated on two levels — the ideological and organizational — making it appear to be engaged in a life and death struggle with the other main progressive force in Britain. This chapter explores the way liberals interpreted the dual relationship, and its effect on their self-image. Two problems are identified in the relationship between liberalism and socialism/Labourism: the identification of the party with ideology leading to an oversimplified version of events by which the progressive function of liberalism was taken over by the Labour party, and the unravelling of the influences of the Liberal and Labour movements.
Keith Jeffery
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199239672
- eISBN:
- 9780191719493
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199239672.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Military History
Field Marshal Sir Henry Wilson, an Irishman who in June 1922 was assassinated on his doorstep in London by Irish republicans, was one of the most controversial British soldiers of that age. Before ...
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Field Marshal Sir Henry Wilson, an Irishman who in June 1922 was assassinated on his doorstep in London by Irish republicans, was one of the most controversial British soldiers of that age. Before 1914 he did much to secure the Anglo-French alliance and was responsible for the planning which saw the British Expeditionary Force successfully despatched to France after the outbreak of war with Germany. A passionate Irish unionist, he gained a reputation as an intensely ‘political’ soldier, especially during the ‘Curragh crisis’ of 1914 when some officers resigned their commissions rather than coerce Ulster unionists into a Home Rule Ireland. During the war he played a major role in Anglo-French liaison, and ended up as Chief of the Imperial General Staff, professional head of the army, a post he held until February 1922. After Wilson retired from the army, he became an MP and was chief security adviser to the new Northern Ireland government. As such, he became a target for nationalist Irish militants, being identified with the security policies of the Belfast regime, though wrongly with Protestant sectarian attacks on Catholics. He is remembered today in unionist Northern Ireland as a kind of founding martyr for the state. Wilson's reputation was ruined in 1927 with the publication of an official biography, which quoted extensively and injudiciously from his entertaining, indiscreet, and wildly opinionated diaries, giving the impression that he was some sort of Machiavellian monster.Less
Field Marshal Sir Henry Wilson, an Irishman who in June 1922 was assassinated on his doorstep in London by Irish republicans, was one of the most controversial British soldiers of that age. Before 1914 he did much to secure the Anglo-French alliance and was responsible for the planning which saw the British Expeditionary Force successfully despatched to France after the outbreak of war with Germany. A passionate Irish unionist, he gained a reputation as an intensely ‘political’ soldier, especially during the ‘Curragh crisis’ of 1914 when some officers resigned their commissions rather than coerce Ulster unionists into a Home Rule Ireland. During the war he played a major role in Anglo-French liaison, and ended up as Chief of the Imperial General Staff, professional head of the army, a post he held until February 1922. After Wilson retired from the army, he became an MP and was chief security adviser to the new Northern Ireland government. As such, he became a target for nationalist Irish militants, being identified with the security policies of the Belfast regime, though wrongly with Protestant sectarian attacks on Catholics. He is remembered today in unionist Northern Ireland as a kind of founding martyr for the state. Wilson's reputation was ruined in 1927 with the publication of an official biography, which quoted extensively and injudiciously from his entertaining, indiscreet, and wildly opinionated diaries, giving the impression that he was some sort of Machiavellian monster.
Michael Keating
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199545957
- eISBN:
- 9780191719967
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199545957.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, UK Politics
The United Kingdom is neither a unitary state nor a federal state but a union. It was built on limited functional integration; political management; and a distinct ideology of unionism on both left ...
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The United Kingdom is neither a unitary state nor a federal state but a union. It was built on limited functional integration; political management; and a distinct ideology of unionism on both left and right. The empire was an important component of the union but not the only one and Britain could have survived the end of empire without disintegrating as a state. During the nineteenth century, the Union was valued in Scotland as giving access to wider markets. In the twentieth century its value changed as Scotland depended on protection and resources from the British state. Within the Union, Scottish nationality was not only preserved but developed, providing an alternative to Union at critical moments.Less
The United Kingdom is neither a unitary state nor a federal state but a union. It was built on limited functional integration; political management; and a distinct ideology of unionism on both left and right. The empire was an important component of the union but not the only one and Britain could have survived the end of empire without disintegrating as a state. During the nineteenth century, the Union was valued in Scotland as giving access to wider markets. In the twentieth century its value changed as Scotland depended on protection and resources from the British state. Within the Union, Scottish nationality was not only preserved but developed, providing an alternative to Union at critical moments.
A.C. Hepburn
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199298846
- eISBN:
- 9780191711466
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199298846.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The Irish revolution of 1916-23 is generally regarded as a success. It was a disastrous failure, however, for the Catholic and nationalist minority in what became Northern Ireland. It resulted in ...
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The Irish revolution of 1916-23 is generally regarded as a success. It was a disastrous failure, however, for the Catholic and nationalist minority in what became Northern Ireland. It resulted in partition, a discriminatory majoritarian regime and, more recently, a generation of renewed violence and a decade of political impasse. It is often suggested that the blame for this outcome rests not only on ‘perfidious Albion’ and the ‘bigotry’ of Ulster Unionism but also on the constitutional nationalist leaders, John Redmond, John Dillon, and Joe Devlin. This book argues that, on the contrary, the era of violence provoked by Sinn Féin's 1918 general election victory was the primary cause of partition so far as actions on the nationalist side were concerned. The book also suggests that the exclusively Catholic Ancient Order of Hibernians was in fact less sectarian than Sinn Féin, and that Devlin's practical contribution to the improvement of working-class conditions was more substantial than that of his republican socialist contemporaries. Too much Irish history has been written from the standpoint of the winners. This book, as well as detailing the life of an important but neglected individual in the context of a social history of Catholic Belfast, offers a general re-interpretation of Irish political history between the 1890s and the 1930s from the perspective of the losers.Less
The Irish revolution of 1916-23 is generally regarded as a success. It was a disastrous failure, however, for the Catholic and nationalist minority in what became Northern Ireland. It resulted in partition, a discriminatory majoritarian regime and, more recently, a generation of renewed violence and a decade of political impasse. It is often suggested that the blame for this outcome rests not only on ‘perfidious Albion’ and the ‘bigotry’ of Ulster Unionism but also on the constitutional nationalist leaders, John Redmond, John Dillon, and Joe Devlin. This book argues that, on the contrary, the era of violence provoked by Sinn Féin's 1918 general election victory was the primary cause of partition so far as actions on the nationalist side were concerned. The book also suggests that the exclusively Catholic Ancient Order of Hibernians was in fact less sectarian than Sinn Féin, and that Devlin's practical contribution to the improvement of working-class conditions was more substantial than that of his republican socialist contemporaries. Too much Irish history has been written from the standpoint of the winners. This book, as well as detailing the life of an important but neglected individual in the context of a social history of Catholic Belfast, offers a general re-interpretation of Irish political history between the 1890s and the 1930s from the perspective of the losers.
Bob Smale
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781529204070
- eISBN:
- 9781529204117
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781529204070.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
This book explores questions of trade union identities and what is termed ‘niche unionism’ in the work. It exposes the inadequacy of the extant industrial relations literature in explaining both ...
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This book explores questions of trade union identities and what is termed ‘niche unionism’ in the work. It exposes the inadequacy of the extant industrial relations literature in explaining both contemporary union identities and the significance of niche to union organisation. It explores the contribution of alternative bodies of literature including organisational identity theory, social identity theory and marketing. The work introduces a new approach to understanding unions’ projected identities in the form of a multidimensional framework of analysis developed from more than ten years research designed to isolate the sources of union identity. The projected identities of trade unions certified in Great Britain are examined systematically under broad headings of general, industrial/occupational, organisational and geographical unions. Four drivers to change in union identities are explored, namely, union mergers, union rebranding, new unions and union dissolutions. The work provides a brief comparative analysis of union identities in five other countries, suggesting additional sources of union identity that might be required for a more comprehensive analysis. Finally, the work explores critical questions relating to the future of union identities concerning, the primacy of general unions, the persistence of niche unions, whether general or niche unions are better placed to organise the unorganised and finally whether niche identity a barrier to expanding membership territories.Less
This book explores questions of trade union identities and what is termed ‘niche unionism’ in the work. It exposes the inadequacy of the extant industrial relations literature in explaining both contemporary union identities and the significance of niche to union organisation. It explores the contribution of alternative bodies of literature including organisational identity theory, social identity theory and marketing. The work introduces a new approach to understanding unions’ projected identities in the form of a multidimensional framework of analysis developed from more than ten years research designed to isolate the sources of union identity. The projected identities of trade unions certified in Great Britain are examined systematically under broad headings of general, industrial/occupational, organisational and geographical unions. Four drivers to change in union identities are explored, namely, union mergers, union rebranding, new unions and union dissolutions. The work provides a brief comparative analysis of union identities in five other countries, suggesting additional sources of union identity that might be required for a more comprehensive analysis. Finally, the work explores critical questions relating to the future of union identities concerning, the primacy of general unions, the persistence of niche unions, whether general or niche unions are better placed to organise the unorganised and finally whether niche identity a barrier to expanding membership territories.
BEN LEVITAS
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199253432
- eISBN:
- 9780191719196
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199253432.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter examines the cultural-political allegiances from the centenary of the 1798 rising to the founding of the Irish National Theatre Society. During 1899-1901, the Irish Literary Theatre led ...
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This chapter examines the cultural-political allegiances from the centenary of the 1798 rising to the founding of the Irish National Theatre Society. During 1899-1901, the Irish Literary Theatre led by W. B. Yeats, Edward Martyn, and George Moore lived out its influential span. Tracking political circumstances, it is argued that while the ILT began life in debt to the constructive Unionism of Horace Plunkett and the Daily Express, the polarising influence of the Boer War took it into more nationalist territory. Although publications such as Moran's the Leader kept sectarian fires lit, the influence of socialist thinkers Connolly and Ryan on Arthur Griffith mitigated the United Irishman's nationalist conservatism (and anti-Semitism) long enough for an embrace of the theatre movement. This seemed confirmed when the ILT collapsed, to be followed by the INTS in 1902 and its fabled production of Cathleen ni Houlihan.Less
This chapter examines the cultural-political allegiances from the centenary of the 1798 rising to the founding of the Irish National Theatre Society. During 1899-1901, the Irish Literary Theatre led by W. B. Yeats, Edward Martyn, and George Moore lived out its influential span. Tracking political circumstances, it is argued that while the ILT began life in debt to the constructive Unionism of Horace Plunkett and the Daily Express, the polarising influence of the Boer War took it into more nationalist territory. Although publications such as Moran's the Leader kept sectarian fires lit, the influence of socialist thinkers Connolly and Ryan on Arthur Griffith mitigated the United Irishman's nationalist conservatism (and anti-Semitism) long enough for an embrace of the theatre movement. This seemed confirmed when the ILT collapsed, to be followed by the INTS in 1902 and its fabled production of Cathleen ni Houlihan.
KEITH JEFFERY
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199239672
- eISBN:
- 9780191719493
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199239672.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Military History
Henry Wilson was born on May 5, 1864, at the family home of Currygrane, situated between Ballinalee and Edgeworthstown (Mostrim), county Longford in the midlands of Ireland. Although the equation of ...
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Henry Wilson was born on May 5, 1864, at the family home of Currygrane, situated between Ballinalee and Edgeworthstown (Mostrim), county Longford in the midlands of Ireland. Although the equation of Protestantism with unionism, and Catholicism with nationalism, has never been absolute, Protestant religious belief has always been a central feature of the Anglo-Irish community. Beyond Ulster, where Scottish Presbyterianism is strong, by far the largest Protestant denomination is the Church of Ireland, which is part of the Anglican Communion. Although the evidence in these matters can never be absolutely reliable, Henry Wilson appears to have been a believer, and he was certainly a regular churchgoer. He also held sometimes quite forcefully expressed views about Catholics.Less
Henry Wilson was born on May 5, 1864, at the family home of Currygrane, situated between Ballinalee and Edgeworthstown (Mostrim), county Longford in the midlands of Ireland. Although the equation of Protestantism with unionism, and Catholicism with nationalism, has never been absolute, Protestant religious belief has always been a central feature of the Anglo-Irish community. Beyond Ulster, where Scottish Presbyterianism is strong, by far the largest Protestant denomination is the Church of Ireland, which is part of the Anglican Communion. Although the evidence in these matters can never be absolutely reliable, Henry Wilson appears to have been a believer, and he was certainly a regular churchgoer. He also held sometimes quite forcefully expressed views about Catholics.
KEITH JEFFERY
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199239672
- eISBN:
- 9780191719493
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199239672.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Military History
Henry Wilson's reputation as a ‘political’ general, with an unrivalled name for mischievous intrigue, substantially stems from the years 1912–1914, when the balance of politics in Britain, the ...
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Henry Wilson's reputation as a ‘political’ general, with an unrivalled name for mischievous intrigue, substantially stems from the years 1912–1914, when the balance of politics in Britain, the continuing campaign for conscription, and the Irish question combined to intensify his engagement with party politics. Wilson was an up-and-coming officer, to whom the highest ranks of the army were beginning to beckon. Johnnie French had suggested that he might be sub-Chief of the Imperial General Staff by 1918 which, at the age of 53 or 54, would put him next to the very top. Increasingly, too, Wilson was coming into contact with senior politicians. This chapter discusses Wilson's political activities in the years immediately preceding World War I, the growing crisis over Irish home rule and the campaign for unionism, the Curragh crisis, and Britain's joining France in the war with Germany.Less
Henry Wilson's reputation as a ‘political’ general, with an unrivalled name for mischievous intrigue, substantially stems from the years 1912–1914, when the balance of politics in Britain, the continuing campaign for conscription, and the Irish question combined to intensify his engagement with party politics. Wilson was an up-and-coming officer, to whom the highest ranks of the army were beginning to beckon. Johnnie French had suggested that he might be sub-Chief of the Imperial General Staff by 1918 which, at the age of 53 or 54, would put him next to the very top. Increasingly, too, Wilson was coming into contact with senior politicians. This chapter discusses Wilson's political activities in the years immediately preceding World War I, the growing crisis over Irish home rule and the campaign for unionism, the Curragh crisis, and Britain's joining France in the war with Germany.
