Iain Mclean and Alistair McMillan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199258208
- eISBN:
- 9780191603334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199258201.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter examines the evolution of unionism in Northern Ireland since it unexpectedly and paradoxically found itself under Home Rule, which its leading politicians had raised a private army to ...
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This chapter examines the evolution of unionism in Northern Ireland since it unexpectedly and paradoxically found itself under Home Rule, which its leading politicians had raised a private army to prevent. Northern Ireland is the only part of the UK in which primordial Unionism, that is, the belief that the Union is good in and for itself, survives. But even so, primordialism runs in different streams — military, religious, intellectual — whose waters scarcely mix.Less
This chapter examines the evolution of unionism in Northern Ireland since it unexpectedly and paradoxically found itself under Home Rule, which its leading politicians had raised a private army to prevent. Northern Ireland is the only part of the UK in which primordial Unionism, that is, the belief that the Union is good in and for itself, survives. But even so, primordialism runs in different streams — military, religious, intellectual — whose waters scarcely mix.
Steve Bruce
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198293927
- eISBN:
- 9780191685019
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198293927.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This book examines the place and nature of religion in industrial societies through a comparative analysis of conservative Protestant politics in a variety of ‘first world’ societies. Rejecting the ...
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This book examines the place and nature of religion in industrial societies through a comparative analysis of conservative Protestant politics in a variety of ‘first world’ societies. Rejecting the popular, but misleading, grouping of diverse movements under the heading of ‘fundamentalism’, this book presents a series of detailed case studies of the Christian Right in the United States, Protestant unionism in Northern Ireland, anti-Catholicism in Scotland, Afrikaner politics in South Africa, and Empire Loyalism in Australia, Canada, and New Zealand. It examines the constraints that culturally diverse societies place on those who wish to promote political agendas based on religious ideas or on religiously informed ethnic identities.Less
This book examines the place and nature of religion in industrial societies through a comparative analysis of conservative Protestant politics in a variety of ‘first world’ societies. Rejecting the popular, but misleading, grouping of diverse movements under the heading of ‘fundamentalism’, this book presents a series of detailed case studies of the Christian Right in the United States, Protestant unionism in Northern Ireland, anti-Catholicism in Scotland, Afrikaner politics in South Africa, and Empire Loyalism in Australia, Canada, and New Zealand. It examines the constraints that culturally diverse societies place on those who wish to promote political agendas based on religious ideas or on religiously informed ethnic identities.
Iain McLean and Alistair McMillan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199258208
- eISBN:
- 9780191603334
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199258201.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This is the first survey of Unionism, the ideology of most of the rulers of the United Kingdom for the past 300 years. Because it was taken so much for granted, it has never been properly studied. In ...
More
This is the first survey of Unionism, the ideology of most of the rulers of the United Kingdom for the past 300 years. Because it was taken so much for granted, it has never been properly studied. In the twilight of Unionism, it is possible to see its long shadow over British and imperial history since 1707. The book studies the crucial time points at which the Union was built up and partly taken down: 1707, 1800, 1886, 1921, 1974, and 1997 to date. Primordial Unionism (the belief that the union is good in and for itself) now survives only in Northern Ireland. Instrumental Unionism supported the Union as a means to other ends, such as the Empire and the Welfare State; but the first is gone and the second is now evolving differently in the four territories of the UK. Representation and finance are the unsolved, and arguably insoluble problems of the post-1997 devolution settlement.Less
This is the first survey of Unionism, the ideology of most of the rulers of the United Kingdom for the past 300 years. Because it was taken so much for granted, it has never been properly studied. In the twilight of Unionism, it is possible to see its long shadow over British and imperial history since 1707. The book studies the crucial time points at which the Union was built up and partly taken down: 1707, 1800, 1886, 1921, 1974, and 1997 to date. Primordial Unionism (the belief that the union is good in and for itself) now survives only in Northern Ireland. Instrumental Unionism supported the Union as a means to other ends, such as the Empire and the Welfare State; but the first is gone and the second is now evolving differently in the four territories of the UK. Representation and finance are the unsolved, and arguably insoluble problems of the post-1997 devolution settlement.
Iain Mclean and Alistair McMillan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199258208
- eISBN:
- 9780191603334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199258201.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The UK is not a unitary state because it depends on two constitutional contracts — the Acts of Union of 1707 and 1800. Therefore, UK Unionism is not like, for instance, French Jacobinism. The 1707 ...
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The UK is not a unitary state because it depends on two constitutional contracts — the Acts of Union of 1707 and 1800. Therefore, UK Unionism is not like, for instance, French Jacobinism. The 1707 Acts are still in force. Although most of Ireland left the UK in 1921, the 1800 Act has profoundly affected UK politics. Northern Ireland is the relic of the 1800 Act. Neither is the UK a federal state. Scotland and Northern Ireland do not have powers comparable to an American or an Australian state. Therefore, UK Unionism is not like Australian anti-federalism. When there have been subordinate parliaments (Northern Ireland 1921-72 and intermittently since 1999; Scotland and Wales since 1999), the supremacy of Westminster has been asserted by statute. There is a severe tension between the Diceyan concept of parliamentary sovereignty. Northern Ireland is a ‘federacy’, i.e., a self-governing unit whose constitution must not be unilaterally altered by the UK government. As England is the overwhelmingly dominant partner in the union state, English scholars, like the English population in general, have often been insensitive to these nuances. It is tempting to see England as simply the colonial oppressor of its three neighbours, getting by force the security or the economic advantage that it could not get by agreement. This picture fits Ireland reasonably well, Wales less well, and Scotland hardly at all. Even Ireland has always contained a substantial proportion of Unionists.Less
The UK is not a unitary state because it depends on two constitutional contracts — the Acts of Union of 1707 and 1800. Therefore, UK Unionism is not like, for instance, French Jacobinism. The 1707 Acts are still in force. Although most of Ireland left the UK in 1921, the 1800 Act has profoundly affected UK politics. Northern Ireland is the relic of the 1800 Act. Neither is the UK a federal state. Scotland and Northern Ireland do not have powers comparable to an American or an Australian state. Therefore, UK Unionism is not like Australian anti-federalism. When there have been subordinate parliaments (Northern Ireland 1921-72 and intermittently since 1999; Scotland and Wales since 1999), the supremacy of Westminster has been asserted by statute. There is a severe tension between the Diceyan concept of parliamentary sovereignty. Northern Ireland is a ‘federacy’, i.e., a self-governing unit whose constitution must not be unilaterally altered by the UK government. As England is the overwhelmingly dominant partner in the union state, English scholars, like the English population in general, have often been insensitive to these nuances. It is tempting to see England as simply the colonial oppressor of its three neighbours, getting by force the security or the economic advantage that it could not get by agreement. This picture fits Ireland reasonably well, Wales less well, and Scotland hardly at all. Even Ireland has always contained a substantial proportion of Unionists.
Iain Mclean and Alistair McMillan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199258208
- eISBN:
- 9780191603334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199258201.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter discusses the policy implications of the weakening of Unionism. It considers the pressures on the Conservatives (historically the principled Unionist party, but whose advantage is now ...
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This chapter discusses the policy implications of the weakening of Unionism. It considers the pressures on the Conservatives (historically the principled Unionist party, but whose advantage is now served by such centrifugal factors as the advantage of having PR elections in the devolved territories), and on Labour (historically the party that has needed the Union for its centralist social policy, but which no longer needs Scottish and Welsh seats as much as it did); the fragility of union without unionism. It raises the question of whether Parliament or the people is sovereign.Less
This chapter discusses the policy implications of the weakening of Unionism. It considers the pressures on the Conservatives (historically the principled Unionist party, but whose advantage is now served by such centrifugal factors as the advantage of having PR elections in the devolved territories), and on Labour (historically the party that has needed the Union for its centralist social policy, but which no longer needs Scottish and Welsh seats as much as it did); the fragility of union without unionism. It raises the question of whether Parliament or the people is sovereign.
Steve Bruce
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199281022
- eISBN:
- 9780191712760
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199281022.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Ian Paisley is unique in having founded his own church and party, and led both to success. The Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster (FPCU) now has 150 congregations worldwide. The Democratic Unionist ...
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Ian Paisley is unique in having founded his own church and party, and led both to success. The Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster (FPCU) now has 150 congregations worldwide. The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) is now the most popular party in Northern Ireland and, as the leader of the majority unionist population, Paisley has a veto over political developments in the province. This book draws on the author's twenty years of close acquaintance with Paisley's people and on his knowledge of religion and politics in other settings to describe and explain Paisleyism. Paisley's religious identity was an important part of his political appeal to a minority core of unionist voters, but his constant criticism of liberal and ecumenical trends in the major Protestant churches alienated many unionists. However, between 2000 and 2005, those unionists became so frustrated with the British Government's concessions to the Irish Republican movement that they finally set aside their dislike of Paisley's divisive religion and made the DUP the majority unionist party.Less
Ian Paisley is unique in having founded his own church and party, and led both to success. The Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster (FPCU) now has 150 congregations worldwide. The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) is now the most popular party in Northern Ireland and, as the leader of the majority unionist population, Paisley has a veto over political developments in the province. This book draws on the author's twenty years of close acquaintance with Paisley's people and on his knowledge of religion and politics in other settings to describe and explain Paisleyism. Paisley's religious identity was an important part of his political appeal to a minority core of unionist voters, but his constant criticism of liberal and ecumenical trends in the major Protestant churches alienated many unionists. However, between 2000 and 2005, those unionists became so frustrated with the British Government's concessions to the Irish Republican movement that they finally set aside their dislike of Paisley's divisive religion and made the DUP the majority unionist party.
Iain Mclean
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199546954
- eISBN:
- 9780191720031
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546954.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, UK Politics
Temporary increase in number of veto players. Revolt of the landed class. Marxist explanation. Unionism and the British Empire. Primordial unionism. Bonar Law: the first non‐Anglican to lead the ...
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Temporary increase in number of veto players. Revolt of the landed class. Marxist explanation. Unionism and the British Empire. Primordial unionism. Bonar Law: the first non‐Anglican to lead the Conservative Party. Ireland: in the Union, but its opinions not to count.Less
Temporary increase in number of veto players. Revolt of the landed class. Marxist explanation. Unionism and the British Empire. Primordial unionism. Bonar Law: the first non‐Anglican to lead the Conservative Party. Ireland: in the Union, but its opinions not to count.
Eleanor Gordon
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201434
- eISBN:
- 9780191674884
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201434.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Social History
This is a study of working women in Scotland in the period 1850–1914. In a scholarly analysis, based on a wide range of contemporary sources, the book uncovers the patterns of women's employment, ...
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This is a study of working women in Scotland in the period 1850–1914. In a scholarly analysis, based on a wide range of contemporary sources, the book uncovers the patterns of women's employment, their involvement in and relationship to trade unionism, and the forms of their workplace resistance and struggles. Focusing particularly on women working in Dundee's jute industry, the study integrates labour history and the history of gender. It is a thorough account, which challenges many assumptions about the organizational apathy of women workers and about the inevitable division between workplace and domestic ideologies. It makes a contribution to current historiographical debates over the sexual division of labour, working-class consciousness, and domestic ideologies, and to the history of women in Scotland.Less
This is a study of working women in Scotland in the period 1850–1914. In a scholarly analysis, based on a wide range of contemporary sources, the book uncovers the patterns of women's employment, their involvement in and relationship to trade unionism, and the forms of their workplace resistance and struggles. Focusing particularly on women working in Dundee's jute industry, the study integrates labour history and the history of gender. It is a thorough account, which challenges many assumptions about the organizational apathy of women workers and about the inevitable division between workplace and domestic ideologies. It makes a contribution to current historiographical debates over the sexual division of labour, working-class consciousness, and domestic ideologies, and to the history of women in Scotland.
Steve Bruce
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199281022
- eISBN:
- 9780191712760
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199281022.003.0008
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This final chapter considers the part that religion has played in Paisley's politics and his political appeal. It argues that Paisley's religious identity was an important part of his political ...
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This final chapter considers the part that religion has played in Paisley's politics and his political appeal. It argues that Paisley's religious identity was an important part of his political appeal to a minority of unionist voters. While securing his core support, his constant criticisms of liberal and ecumenical deviations in the major Protestant churches alienated many unionists. However, between 2000 and 2005, unionist frustration with the political changes forced by the British Government led enough of those unionists to set aside their dislike for Paisley, and to place the future of Ulster unionism in the hands of the DUP.Less
This final chapter considers the part that religion has played in Paisley's politics and his political appeal. It argues that Paisley's religious identity was an important part of his political appeal to a minority of unionist voters. While securing his core support, his constant criticisms of liberal and ecumenical deviations in the major Protestant churches alienated many unionists. However, between 2000 and 2005, unionist frustration with the political changes forced by the British Government led enough of those unionists to set aside their dislike for Paisley, and to place the future of Ulster unionism in the hands of the DUP.
Antony Alcock
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244348
- eISBN:
- 9780191599866
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244340.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Compares Northern Ireland with a number of other divided societies in Europe, including South Tyrol, Cyprus, and the Hungarian regions of Romania, Slovakia, and Serbia. It argues that states are ...
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Compares Northern Ireland with a number of other divided societies in Europe, including South Tyrol, Cyprus, and the Hungarian regions of Romania, Slovakia, and Serbia. It argues that states are unlikely to accommodate minorities if their ethnic kin in neighbouring states pursue irredentist claims. An agreement became acceptable to Northern Ireland's unionists only when the Irish republic removed its constitutional claim to Northern Ireland. Alcock also argues that unionists were able to accept the all‐Ireland institutions in Northern Ireland's Agreement in the context of similar developments in other parts of the European Union. The chapter is an example of ‘linkage’ politics, i.e. it stresses links between exogenous factors and internal politics.Less
Compares Northern Ireland with a number of other divided societies in Europe, including South Tyrol, Cyprus, and the Hungarian regions of Romania, Slovakia, and Serbia. It argues that states are unlikely to accommodate minorities if their ethnic kin in neighbouring states pursue irredentist claims. An agreement became acceptable to Northern Ireland's unionists only when the Irish republic removed its constitutional claim to Northern Ireland. Alcock also argues that unionists were able to accept the all‐Ireland institutions in Northern Ireland's Agreement in the context of similar developments in other parts of the European Union. The chapter is an example of ‘linkage’ politics, i.e. it stresses links between exogenous factors and internal politics.
Michael Freeden
- Published in print:
- 1986
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198274322
- eISBN:
- 9780191599330
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198274327.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Throughout the 1920s, liberalism operated on two levels — the ideological and organizational — making it appear to be engaged in a life and death struggle with the other main progressive force in ...
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Throughout the 1920s, liberalism operated on two levels — the ideological and organizational — making it appear to be engaged in a life and death struggle with the other main progressive force in Britain. This chapter explores the way liberals interpreted the dual relationship, and its effect on their self-image. Two problems are identified in the relationship between liberalism and socialism/Labourism: the identification of the party with ideology leading to an oversimplified version of events by which the progressive function of liberalism was taken over by the Labour party, and the unravelling of the influences of the Liberal and Labour movements.Less
Throughout the 1920s, liberalism operated on two levels — the ideological and organizational — making it appear to be engaged in a life and death struggle with the other main progressive force in Britain. This chapter explores the way liberals interpreted the dual relationship, and its effect on their self-image. Two problems are identified in the relationship between liberalism and socialism/Labourism: the identification of the party with ideology leading to an oversimplified version of events by which the progressive function of liberalism was taken over by the Labour party, and the unravelling of the influences of the Liberal and Labour movements.
Eleanor Gordon
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201434
- eISBN:
- 9780191674884
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201434.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Social History
This chapter concludes that the history of women's employment in Scotland from 1850 until the First World War is a strong confirmation of the view that women's subordinate position in the labour ...
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This chapter concludes that the history of women's employment in Scotland from 1850 until the First World War is a strong confirmation of the view that women's subordinate position in the labour market was linked to prevailing ideologies of gender and domesticity. The experience of women workers in this period illustrates that the problems that women faced in the labour market derived from the wider sexual division of labour in society, and that, if trade unions were to represent their interests adequately, the structures and practices of trade unionism would have had to recognize and challenge these divisions rather than reflect them. The book has emphasized the need for a broader consideration of the social formation to conceptualize the position of women in the world of work.Less
This chapter concludes that the history of women's employment in Scotland from 1850 until the First World War is a strong confirmation of the view that women's subordinate position in the labour market was linked to prevailing ideologies of gender and domesticity. The experience of women workers in this period illustrates that the problems that women faced in the labour market derived from the wider sexual division of labour in society, and that, if trade unions were to represent their interests adequately, the structures and practices of trade unionism would have had to recognize and challenge these divisions rather than reflect them. The book has emphasized the need for a broader consideration of the social formation to conceptualize the position of women in the world of work.
Alvin Jackson
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198204985
- eISBN:
- 9780191676437
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198204985.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Edward James Saunderson, who was for twenty years the English face of Unionism, has been consigned to obscurity, the victim of shifting loyalist priorities and myth-building, and of scholarly ...
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Edward James Saunderson, who was for twenty years the English face of Unionism, has been consigned to obscurity, the victim of shifting loyalist priorities and myth-building, and of scholarly disregard. A similarity of achievement between Saunderson and Edward Carson posits a dilemma: if Carson, the opponent of Home Rule in 1912, is consistently resurrected for a contemporary political function, then why has his precursor, Saunderson, encountered complete neglect, and within a tradition which looks to the past for political legitimization? Carson distanced himself from some grubbier northern politics; by contrast, Saunderson long outlived his usefulness, holding onto the chairmanship of the Irish Unionist parliamentary party after the defeat of the second Home Rule Bill, exacerbated by the prospect of reform, forced him to defend his own landed interests.Less
Edward James Saunderson, who was for twenty years the English face of Unionism, has been consigned to obscurity, the victim of shifting loyalist priorities and myth-building, and of scholarly disregard. A similarity of achievement between Saunderson and Edward Carson posits a dilemma: if Carson, the opponent of Home Rule in 1912, is consistently resurrected for a contemporary political function, then why has his precursor, Saunderson, encountered complete neglect, and within a tradition which looks to the past for political legitimization? Carson distanced himself from some grubbier northern politics; by contrast, Saunderson long outlived his usefulness, holding onto the chairmanship of the Irish Unionist parliamentary party after the defeat of the second Home Rule Bill, exacerbated by the prospect of reform, forced him to defend his own landed interests.
Michael Keating
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199545957
- eISBN:
- 9780191719967
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199545957.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, UK Politics
The United Kingdom is neither a unitary state nor a federal state but a union. It was built on limited functional integration; political management; and a distinct ideology of unionism on both left ...
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The United Kingdom is neither a unitary state nor a federal state but a union. It was built on limited functional integration; political management; and a distinct ideology of unionism on both left and right. The empire was an important component of the union but not the only one and Britain could have survived the end of empire without disintegrating as a state. During the nineteenth century, the Union was valued in Scotland as giving access to wider markets. In the twentieth century its value changed as Scotland depended on protection and resources from the British state. Within the Union, Scottish nationality was not only preserved but developed, providing an alternative to Union at critical moments.Less
The United Kingdom is neither a unitary state nor a federal state but a union. It was built on limited functional integration; political management; and a distinct ideology of unionism on both left and right. The empire was an important component of the union but not the only one and Britain could have survived the end of empire without disintegrating as a state. During the nineteenth century, the Union was valued in Scotland as giving access to wider markets. In the twentieth century its value changed as Scotland depended on protection and resources from the British state. Within the Union, Scottish nationality was not only preserved but developed, providing an alternative to Union at critical moments.
Daniel B. Cornfield
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691160733
- eISBN:
- 9781400873890
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691160733.003.0006
- Subject:
- Sociology, Culture
This chapter looks at how a new generation of Nashville arts trade unionists is reinventing arts trade unionism for the contemporary generation of enterprising artists. With the advent of recorded ...
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This chapter looks at how a new generation of Nashville arts trade unionists is reinventing arts trade unionism for the contemporary generation of enterprising artists. With the advent of recorded music, corporate major labels, and mass distribution through radio airplay by the early 1950s, the chapter shows how Nashville AFM Local 257 had been transformed into a union representing both live and recording musicians and artists by a generation of arts trade union leaders who act as “corporate-era arts union activists.” Throughout the corporate era, Local 257 has developed and enforced master contracts with corporate signatories that apply especially to the major-label recording industry. The new generation of arts trade union leaders—the “entrepreneurial-era union activists”—are endeavoring to revitalize arts trade unionism as the Nashville music scene transitions from the corporate era of major labels into an era of indie entrepreneurial music production and distribution.Less
This chapter looks at how a new generation of Nashville arts trade unionists is reinventing arts trade unionism for the contemporary generation of enterprising artists. With the advent of recorded music, corporate major labels, and mass distribution through radio airplay by the early 1950s, the chapter shows how Nashville AFM Local 257 had been transformed into a union representing both live and recording musicians and artists by a generation of arts trade union leaders who act as “corporate-era arts union activists.” Throughout the corporate era, Local 257 has developed and enforced master contracts with corporate signatories that apply especially to the major-label recording industry. The new generation of arts trade union leaders—the “entrepreneurial-era union activists”—are endeavoring to revitalize arts trade unionism as the Nashville music scene transitions from the corporate era of major labels into an era of indie entrepreneurial music production and distribution.
Daniel B. Cornfield
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691160733
- eISBN:
- 9781400873890
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691160733.003.0007
- Subject:
- Sociology, Culture
This chapter presents a new, post-bureaucratic research agenda in the new sociology of work derived from the sociological theory of artist activism. The agenda consists of three themes for future ...
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This chapter presents a new, post-bureaucratic research agenda in the new sociology of work derived from the sociological theory of artist activism. The agenda consists of three themes for future research. First is the generalizability of the Nashville model of artist activism across cities that differ in terms of their mix of art-production and -consumption activity and their levels and history of arts trade unionism. The second theme pertains to the influence of biographical pathways, risk orientations, and occupational socialization through intergenerational peer mentoring on the formation of the next generation of artist activists. The third theme is an assessment of the effectiveness of the several prevailing models of guild-like labor organizations for freelancers and artists on advancing individual and occupational professional and economic interests. The chapter concludes with policy implications for building and strengthening inclusive and expressive, urban occupational communities in an era of risk individualization and identity politics.Less
This chapter presents a new, post-bureaucratic research agenda in the new sociology of work derived from the sociological theory of artist activism. The agenda consists of three themes for future research. First is the generalizability of the Nashville model of artist activism across cities that differ in terms of their mix of art-production and -consumption activity and their levels and history of arts trade unionism. The second theme pertains to the influence of biographical pathways, risk orientations, and occupational socialization through intergenerational peer mentoring on the formation of the next generation of artist activists. The third theme is an assessment of the effectiveness of the several prevailing models of guild-like labor organizations for freelancers and artists on advancing individual and occupational professional and economic interests. The chapter concludes with policy implications for building and strengthening inclusive and expressive, urban occupational communities in an era of risk individualization and identity politics.
Patrick Mitchel
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199256150
- eISBN:
- 9780191602115
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199256152.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Examines the interaction between nationalism and evangelical Protestantism, the most influential and historically significant sector of Christianity in Ulster. Different evangelical responses to the ...
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Examines the interaction between nationalism and evangelical Protestantism, the most influential and historically significant sector of Christianity in Ulster. Different evangelical responses to the declining fate of Ulster unionism are explored and compared during the period from Partition in 1921 and the 1998 Good Friday Agreement. While taking into account how religious belief can ‘fall into the abyss of idolatry’ by spiritually legitimating a nationalist agenda, the author eschews a reductionist or purely historical approach to religion. Rather, after exploring the nature and content of nationalism and national identity, he uses a combination of historical and theological material to offer a critical assessment of how four evangelical identities have embodied the religious beliefs and values to which they subscribe given a background of intense political conflict. He concludes that while they share historic roots and common beliefs, evangelicals in Ulster have split radically on their attitudes to nationalism and its role in defending biblical truth. He argues that both Paisleyism and Orangeism, in distinct ways, are movements propelled by a nationalist objective–the defence of the political power of Ulster unionism. In contrast, the Presbyterian Church in Ireland and a newer organization, Evangelical Contribution on Northern Ireland (ECONI), have asserted that sacralizing any form of nationalism is an act of idolatry. The book closes by examining some political implications of evangelical fragmentation for the Peace Process and what it means for evangelical Christians in Northern Ireland to live up to their self-professed calling to be ‘Bible people and Gospel people’ in a context of competing national identities.Less
Examines the interaction between nationalism and evangelical Protestantism, the most influential and historically significant sector of Christianity in Ulster. Different evangelical responses to the declining fate of Ulster unionism are explored and compared during the period from Partition in 1921 and the 1998 Good Friday Agreement. While taking into account how religious belief can ‘fall into the abyss of idolatry’ by spiritually legitimating a nationalist agenda, the author eschews a reductionist or purely historical approach to religion. Rather, after exploring the nature and content of nationalism and national identity, he uses a combination of historical and theological material to offer a critical assessment of how four evangelical identities have embodied the religious beliefs and values to which they subscribe given a background of intense political conflict. He concludes that while they share historic roots and common beliefs, evangelicals in Ulster have split radically on their attitudes to nationalism and its role in defending biblical truth. He argues that both Paisleyism and Orangeism, in distinct ways, are movements propelled by a nationalist objective–the defence of the political power of Ulster unionism. In contrast, the Presbyterian Church in Ireland and a newer organization, Evangelical Contribution on Northern Ireland (ECONI), have asserted that sacralizing any form of nationalism is an act of idolatry. The book closes by examining some political implications of evangelical fragmentation for the Peace Process and what it means for evangelical Christians in Northern Ireland to live up to their self-professed calling to be ‘Bible people and Gospel people’ in a context of competing national identities.
Keith Jeffery
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199239672
- eISBN:
- 9780191719493
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199239672.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Military History
Field Marshal Sir Henry Wilson, an Irishman who in June 1922 was assassinated on his doorstep in London by Irish republicans, was one of the most controversial British soldiers of that age. Before ...
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Field Marshal Sir Henry Wilson, an Irishman who in June 1922 was assassinated on his doorstep in London by Irish republicans, was one of the most controversial British soldiers of that age. Before 1914 he did much to secure the Anglo-French alliance and was responsible for the planning which saw the British Expeditionary Force successfully despatched to France after the outbreak of war with Germany. A passionate Irish unionist, he gained a reputation as an intensely ‘political’ soldier, especially during the ‘Curragh crisis’ of 1914 when some officers resigned their commissions rather than coerce Ulster unionists into a Home Rule Ireland. During the war he played a major role in Anglo-French liaison, and ended up as Chief of the Imperial General Staff, professional head of the army, a post he held until February 1922. After Wilson retired from the army, he became an MP and was chief security adviser to the new Northern Ireland government. As such, he became a target for nationalist Irish militants, being identified with the security policies of the Belfast regime, though wrongly with Protestant sectarian attacks on Catholics. He is remembered today in unionist Northern Ireland as a kind of founding martyr for the state. Wilson's reputation was ruined in 1927 with the publication of an official biography, which quoted extensively and injudiciously from his entertaining, indiscreet, and wildly opinionated diaries, giving the impression that he was some sort of Machiavellian monster.Less
Field Marshal Sir Henry Wilson, an Irishman who in June 1922 was assassinated on his doorstep in London by Irish republicans, was one of the most controversial British soldiers of that age. Before 1914 he did much to secure the Anglo-French alliance and was responsible for the planning which saw the British Expeditionary Force successfully despatched to France after the outbreak of war with Germany. A passionate Irish unionist, he gained a reputation as an intensely ‘political’ soldier, especially during the ‘Curragh crisis’ of 1914 when some officers resigned their commissions rather than coerce Ulster unionists into a Home Rule Ireland. During the war he played a major role in Anglo-French liaison, and ended up as Chief of the Imperial General Staff, professional head of the army, a post he held until February 1922. After Wilson retired from the army, he became an MP and was chief security adviser to the new Northern Ireland government. As such, he became a target for nationalist Irish militants, being identified with the security policies of the Belfast regime, though wrongly with Protestant sectarian attacks on Catholics. He is remembered today in unionist Northern Ireland as a kind of founding martyr for the state. Wilson's reputation was ruined in 1927 with the publication of an official biography, which quoted extensively and injudiciously from his entertaining, indiscreet, and wildly opinionated diaries, giving the impression that he was some sort of Machiavellian monster.
Marcus Rebick
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- July 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199247240
- eISBN:
- 9780191602566
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199247242.003.0002
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, South and East Asia
Reviews the stylised features of Japan’s employment system as it existed prior to the mid-1980s. The features described include employment protection, the complex compensation system, enterprise ...
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Reviews the stylised features of Japan’s employment system as it existed prior to the mid-1980s. The features described include employment protection, the complex compensation system, enterprise unionism, severe gender discrimination, intensive and internal training of core employees, employee involvement and consultation by management, marked wage differentials according to firm size, and mandatory retirement systems.Less
Reviews the stylised features of Japan’s employment system as it existed prior to the mid-1980s. The features described include employment protection, the complex compensation system, enterprise unionism, severe gender discrimination, intensive and internal training of core employees, employee involvement and consultation by management, marked wage differentials according to firm size, and mandatory retirement systems.
Landon R. Y. Storrs
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691153964
- eISBN:
- 9781400845255
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691153964.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter looks at key figures in the emerging anticommunist network and analyzes two early episodes: the Smith Committee attack on the National Labor Relations Board and its allies, and the Dies ...
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This chapter looks at key figures in the emerging anticommunist network and analyzes two early episodes: the Smith Committee attack on the National Labor Relations Board and its allies, and the Dies Committee attack on the consumer movement, especially the League of Women Shoppers and the Office of Price Administration. The power of the labor movement in stimulating the reaction against the New Deal is well known, but the consumer movement should be recognized as another major trigger. Women were important in the ascendance of both industrial unionism and organized consumerism, and conservatives highlighted women's role in an effort to undermine public confidence in those movements and their allied government agencies.Less
This chapter looks at key figures in the emerging anticommunist network and analyzes two early episodes: the Smith Committee attack on the National Labor Relations Board and its allies, and the Dies Committee attack on the consumer movement, especially the League of Women Shoppers and the Office of Price Administration. The power of the labor movement in stimulating the reaction against the New Deal is well known, but the consumer movement should be recognized as another major trigger. Women were important in the ascendance of both industrial unionism and organized consumerism, and conservatives highlighted women's role in an effort to undermine public confidence in those movements and their allied government agencies.
