Iain Mclean and Alistair McMillan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199258208
- eISBN:
- 9780191603334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199258201.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The motives of the pro- and anti-Union forces in Scotland in the years leading to 1707 are analysed. It is shown that they were mixed, but that trade, security, and material interests all played a ...
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The motives of the pro- and anti-Union forces in Scotland in the years leading to 1707 are analysed. It is shown that they were mixed, but that trade, security, and material interests all played a role. The first ever analysis of flows of the vote in the last Scottish Parliament identifies the swing voters. The union was a genuine bargain, in which each side possessed credible threats. The paradoxical establishment of two rival churches is analysed.Less
The motives of the pro- and anti-Union forces in Scotland in the years leading to 1707 are analysed. It is shown that they were mixed, but that trade, security, and material interests all played a role. The first ever analysis of flows of the vote in the last Scottish Parliament identifies the swing voters. The union was a genuine bargain, in which each side possessed credible threats. The paradoxical establishment of two rival churches is analysed.
Iain Mclean and Alistair Mcmillan
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199546954
- eISBN:
- 9780191720031
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546954.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, UK Politics
Union of England and Scotland 1707: Darien; succession crisis; trading issues; nature of the treaty. Church establishment in both countries. Union of Great Britain and Ireland 1800–1: United Irishmen ...
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Union of England and Scotland 1707: Darien; succession crisis; trading issues; nature of the treaty. Church establishment in both countries. Union of Great Britain and Ireland 1800–1: United Irishmen 1798; French wars; trading issues; Pitt's plan and George III's veto.Less
Union of England and Scotland 1707: Darien; succession crisis; trading issues; nature of the treaty. Church establishment in both countries. Union of Great Britain and Ireland 1800–1: United Irishmen 1798; French wars; trading issues; Pitt's plan and George III's veto.
Iain McLean
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199546954
- eISBN:
- 9780191720031
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546954.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, UK Politics
In this provocative new study, Iain McLean argues that the traditional story of the British constitution does not make sense. It purports to be both positive and normative: that is, to describe both ...
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In this provocative new study, Iain McLean argues that the traditional story of the British constitution does not make sense. It purports to be both positive and normative: that is, to describe both how people actually behave and how they ought to behave. In fact, it fails to do either; it is not a correct description and it has no persuasive force. The book goes on to offer a reasoned alternative. The position that still dominates the field of constitutional law is that of parliamentary sovereignty (or supremacy). According to this view, the supreme lawgiver in the United Kingdom is Parliament. Some writers in this tradition go on to insist that Parliament in turn derives its authority from the people, because the people elect Parliament. An obvious problem with this view is that Parliament, to a lawyer, comprises three houses: monarch, Lords, and Commons. The people elect only one of those three houses. This book aims to show, contrary to the prevailing view, that the United Kingdom exists by virtue of a constitutional contract between two previously independent states. Professor McLean argues that the work of the influential constitutional theorist A. V. Dicey has little to offer those who really want to understand the nature of the constitution. Instead, greater understanding can be gleaned from considering the ‘veto plays’ and ‘credible threats’ available to politicians since 1707. He suggests that the idea the people are sovereign dates back to the seventeenth century (may be fourteenth century in Scotland), but has gone underground in English constitutional writing. He goes on to show that devolution and the United Kingdom's relationship with the rest of Europe have taken the United Kingdom along a constitutionalist road since 1972, and perhaps since 1920. He concludes that no intellectually defensible case can be made for retaining an unelected house of Parliament, an unelected head of state, or an established church. This book will be an essential reading for political scientists, constitutional lawyers, historians, politicians, and the like.Less
In this provocative new study, Iain McLean argues that the traditional story of the British constitution does not make sense. It purports to be both positive and normative: that is, to describe both how people actually behave and how they ought to behave. In fact, it fails to do either; it is not a correct description and it has no persuasive force. The book goes on to offer a reasoned alternative. The position that still dominates the field of constitutional law is that of parliamentary sovereignty (or supremacy). According to this view, the supreme lawgiver in the United Kingdom is Parliament. Some writers in this tradition go on to insist that Parliament in turn derives its authority from the people, because the people elect Parliament. An obvious problem with this view is that Parliament, to a lawyer, comprises three houses: monarch, Lords, and Commons. The people elect only one of those three houses. This book aims to show, contrary to the prevailing view, that the United Kingdom exists by virtue of a constitutional contract between two previously independent states. Professor McLean argues that the work of the influential constitutional theorist A. V. Dicey has little to offer those who really want to understand the nature of the constitution. Instead, greater understanding can be gleaned from considering the ‘veto plays’ and ‘credible threats’ available to politicians since 1707. He suggests that the idea the people are sovereign dates back to the seventeenth century (may be fourteenth century in Scotland), but has gone underground in English constitutional writing. He goes on to show that devolution and the United Kingdom's relationship with the rest of Europe have taken the United Kingdom along a constitutionalist road since 1972, and perhaps since 1920. He concludes that no intellectually defensible case can be made for retaining an unelected house of Parliament, an unelected head of state, or an established church. This book will be an essential reading for political scientists, constitutional lawyers, historians, politicians, and the like.
Iain McLean
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199546954
- eISBN:
- 9780191720031
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546954.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, UK Politics
The context of the problem. Doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty defined by A. V. Dicey. But Dicey did not believe in it when he really disapproved of something Parliament had done. The Scottish ...
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The context of the problem. Doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty defined by A. V. Dicey. But Dicey did not believe in it when he really disapproved of something Parliament had done. The Scottish problem: 1707 was a treaty not a takeover. Public lawyers' and political scientists' approaches are contrasted.Less
The context of the problem. Doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty defined by A. V. Dicey. But Dicey did not believe in it when he really disapproved of something Parliament had done. The Scottish problem: 1707 was a treaty not a takeover. Public lawyers' and political scientists' approaches are contrasted.
Colin Kidd
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780198736233
- eISBN:
- 9780191853722
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198736233.003.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, European Literature
This introductory chapter provides an overview of the Anglo-Scottish Union in Scottish literature, and will set out the central objective of the volume, which is to effect a rapprochement between a ...
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This introductory chapter provides an overview of the Anglo-Scottish Union in Scottish literature, and will set out the central objective of the volume, which is to effect a rapprochement between a new British-oriented Scottish historiography and an essentialist–nationalist tradition of Scottish literary criticism. The Union has rarely surfaced directly in Scottish literature, a consequence of the inarticulate ‘banal unionism’ which has until recently reigned in Scottish political culture. Nevertheless, the chapter examines the few cases where the Union has surfaced in imaginative literature, most obviously in Burns, in Scott and in MacDiarmid. It also assesses other phenomena—religious as well political—which have pushed the matter of Union into the literary background. James Hogg’s Memoirs and Confessions of a Justified Sinner, a novel set around the Union of 1707, but where the grand themes of Calvinism push the Union itself off-stage, is a classic example.Less
This introductory chapter provides an overview of the Anglo-Scottish Union in Scottish literature, and will set out the central objective of the volume, which is to effect a rapprochement between a new British-oriented Scottish historiography and an essentialist–nationalist tradition of Scottish literary criticism. The Union has rarely surfaced directly in Scottish literature, a consequence of the inarticulate ‘banal unionism’ which has until recently reigned in Scottish political culture. Nevertheless, the chapter examines the few cases where the Union has surfaced in imaginative literature, most obviously in Burns, in Scott and in MacDiarmid. It also assesses other phenomena—religious as well political—which have pushed the matter of Union into the literary background. James Hogg’s Memoirs and Confessions of a Justified Sinner, a novel set around the Union of 1707, but where the grand themes of Calvinism push the Union itself off-stage, is a classic example.
Neil MacCormick
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263310
- eISBN:
- 9780191734144
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263310.003.0016
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter recommends a reversion from the 1707 Union of Parliaments to the 1603 Union of Crowns (though not of governments). Its argument is originally submitted to the joint attention of the ...
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This chapter recommends a reversion from the 1707 Union of Parliaments to the 1603 Union of Crowns (though not of governments). Its argument is originally submitted to the joint attention of the Royal Society and the British Academy on a date very close to 5 November 2003. James succeeded in preserving peace in the islands during his long reign — long in England itself, longer yet in Scotland. In Westminster as well as Edinburgh and elsewhere, real power has come to be invested in parliaments, and thus in the governments that command parliamentary majorities through the dominance of political parties. The UK system works so long as party ties make more or less unquestioned the loyalty of the head of a devolved Scottish government to the head of the United Kingdom government. Generally, the present contribution is offered primarily as a scholarly, not a political one. It is enough if it has sketched grounds for taking seriously the question what ‘new unions for old’ might mean.Less
This chapter recommends a reversion from the 1707 Union of Parliaments to the 1603 Union of Crowns (though not of governments). Its argument is originally submitted to the joint attention of the Royal Society and the British Academy on a date very close to 5 November 2003. James succeeded in preserving peace in the islands during his long reign — long in England itself, longer yet in Scotland. In Westminster as well as Edinburgh and elsewhere, real power has come to be invested in parliaments, and thus in the governments that command parliamentary majorities through the dominance of political parties. The UK system works so long as party ties make more or less unquestioned the loyalty of the head of a devolved Scottish government to the head of the United Kingdom government. Generally, the present contribution is offered primarily as a scholarly, not a political one. It is enough if it has sketched grounds for taking seriously the question what ‘new unions for old’ might mean.
Colin Kidd
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205968
- eISBN:
- 9780191676871
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205968.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, History of Religion
The effects of the French Revolutionary threat on Britain's two national religious establishments, the Church of England and the Church, or Kirk, of Scotland, differed substantially. The Church of ...
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The effects of the French Revolutionary threat on Britain's two national religious establishments, the Church of England and the Church, or Kirk, of Scotland, differed substantially. The Church of England had at its disposal a powerful conservative political theology which, even though the diverse ranks of the clergy were by no means tied to a rigid ideology, could nevertheless be deployed unreservedly against the Jacobin menace. In Scotland, attitudes to the crisis were complicated by the embarrassment attaching to the presbyterian Kirk's radical pedigree.Less
The effects of the French Revolutionary threat on Britain's two national religious establishments, the Church of England and the Church, or Kirk, of Scotland, differed substantially. The Church of England had at its disposal a powerful conservative political theology which, even though the diverse ranks of the clergy were by no means tied to a rigid ideology, could nevertheless be deployed unreservedly against the Jacobin menace. In Scotland, attitudes to the crisis were complicated by the embarrassment attaching to the presbyterian Kirk's radical pedigree.
Richard Hingley
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199641413
- eISBN:
- 9780191745720
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199641413.003.0006
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Archaeology: Classical
In 1695, a new edition of Camden's Britannia was published. Although there was little additional information on the Picts' Wall, antiquarian interest in the monument increased significantly during ...
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In 1695, a new edition of Camden's Britannia was published. Although there was little additional information on the Picts' Wall, antiquarian interest in the monument increased significantly during the early decades of the eighteenth century. This chapter explores the new interpretations of the Wall that developed during the first half of the eighteenth century, up to the Jacobite uprising of 1745–6. It examines the conceptual role of the Wall with regard to the unity and disunity of England and Scotland, the results of the Act of Union of 1707, and the concomitant revival of interest. George Smith's particular interest in the Roman fort at Castlesteads (Cumbria), exemplifies a new approach to the Wall's remains.Less
In 1695, a new edition of Camden's Britannia was published. Although there was little additional information on the Picts' Wall, antiquarian interest in the monument increased significantly during the early decades of the eighteenth century. This chapter explores the new interpretations of the Wall that developed during the first half of the eighteenth century, up to the Jacobite uprising of 1745–6. It examines the conceptual role of the Wall with regard to the unity and disunity of England and Scotland, the results of the Act of Union of 1707, and the concomitant revival of interest. George Smith's particular interest in the Roman fort at Castlesteads (Cumbria), exemplifies a new approach to the Wall's remains.
Thomas Keymer
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- June 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780199574803
- eISBN:
- 9780191869747
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780199574803.003.0023
- Subject:
- Literature, 18th-century Literature, Prose (inc. letters, diaries)
This chapter looks at the fictions of the Union. At the culmination of her influential essay ‘On the Origin and Progress of Novel-Writing’, originally prefixed to her multi-volume anthology The ...
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This chapter looks at the fictions of the Union. At the culmination of her influential essay ‘On the Origin and Progress of Novel-Writing’, originally prefixed to her multi-volume anthology The British Novelists (1810), Anna Laetitia Barbauld makes an arresting claim for the nation-building potential of the novel genre. Where Jane Austen focuses on generalities and universals, Barbauld emphasizes instead the public function of novels, and of the canon enshrined in her anthology. She does so a century after the British nation had been formally inaugurated by the 1707 Act of Union between England and Scotland, and just a decade after union with Ireland had taken effect. Her clear message is that in creating and sustaining a sense of overarching united nationhood, the ‘systems’ binding these composite entities—the principles and mechanisms underlying these unions—might be less efficacious than works of fiction, with their vivid and compelling dramatizations of shared interests, affiliations, and histories.Less
This chapter looks at the fictions of the Union. At the culmination of her influential essay ‘On the Origin and Progress of Novel-Writing’, originally prefixed to her multi-volume anthology The British Novelists (1810), Anna Laetitia Barbauld makes an arresting claim for the nation-building potential of the novel genre. Where Jane Austen focuses on generalities and universals, Barbauld emphasizes instead the public function of novels, and of the canon enshrined in her anthology. She does so a century after the British nation had been formally inaugurated by the 1707 Act of Union between England and Scotland, and just a decade after union with Ireland had taken effect. Her clear message is that in creating and sustaining a sense of overarching united nationhood, the ‘systems’ binding these composite entities—the principles and mechanisms underlying these unions—might be less efficacious than works of fiction, with their vivid and compelling dramatizations of shared interests, affiliations, and histories.
S J Brown and Christopher Whatley (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748638024
- eISBN:
- 9780748672295
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Discontinued
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748638024.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This book brings together chapters that in May 2007 were presented at a Royal Society of Edinburgh (RSE) conference organised to mark the 300th anniversary of the Union of 1707. One of the guiding ...
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This book brings together chapters that in May 2007 were presented at a Royal Society of Edinburgh (RSE) conference organised to mark the 300th anniversary of the Union of 1707. One of the guiding objectives of the RSE event was to showcase the work of younger historians, and to present new work that would provide fresh insights on this defining moment in Scotland's (and the United Kingdom's) history. The seven chapters range widely, in content and coverage, from a detailed study of how the Church of Scotland viewed the Union and how concerns about the Kirk influenced the voting behaviour in the Scottish Parliament, through to the often overlooked broader European context in which the British parliamentary union — only one form of new state formation in the early modern period — was forged. The global War of the Spanish Succession, it is argued, influenced both the timing and shape of the British union. Also examined are elite thinking and public opinion on fundamental questions such as Scottish nationhood and the place and powers of monarchs, as well as burning issues of the time such as the Company of Scotland and trade. Other topics include an investigation of the particular intellectual characteristics of the Scots, a product of the pre-Union educational system, which, it is argued, enabled professionals and entrepreneurs in Scotland to meet the challenges posed by the 1707 settlement. As one of the chapters argues, Union offered the Scots only partial openings within the empire.Less
This book brings together chapters that in May 2007 were presented at a Royal Society of Edinburgh (RSE) conference organised to mark the 300th anniversary of the Union of 1707. One of the guiding objectives of the RSE event was to showcase the work of younger historians, and to present new work that would provide fresh insights on this defining moment in Scotland's (and the United Kingdom's) history. The seven chapters range widely, in content and coverage, from a detailed study of how the Church of Scotland viewed the Union and how concerns about the Kirk influenced the voting behaviour in the Scottish Parliament, through to the often overlooked broader European context in which the British parliamentary union — only one form of new state formation in the early modern period — was forged. The global War of the Spanish Succession, it is argued, influenced both the timing and shape of the British union. Also examined are elite thinking and public opinion on fundamental questions such as Scottish nationhood and the place and powers of monarchs, as well as burning issues of the time such as the Company of Scotland and trade. Other topics include an investigation of the particular intellectual characteristics of the Scots, a product of the pre-Union educational system, which, it is argued, enabled professionals and entrepreneurs in Scotland to meet the challenges posed by the 1707 settlement. As one of the chapters argues, Union offered the Scots only partial openings within the empire.
Gavin Little
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2015
- ISBN:
- 9781845860677
- eISBN:
- 9781474406260
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781845860677.003.0002
- Subject:
- Law, Legal History
This chapter explores the MacCormick case, a Scottish constitutional landmark inquest. John MacCormick, an accomplished solicitor and partner of a law firm based in Glasgow, claimed that the British ...
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This chapter explores the MacCormick case, a Scottish constitutional landmark inquest. John MacCormick, an accomplished solicitor and partner of a law firm based in Glasgow, claimed that the British Parliament breached the basic law of the Treaty of Union of 1707 when they passed the Royal Titles Act 1953. He argued that the passage of the Act demonstrated the excessive power of the Parliament. The Court of Session however still dismissed the case based on the jury's ruling that parliamentary sovereignty was a basic principle of the Scottish constitutional law. The case gained considerable attention not only due to its commitment to the Scottish indigeneity, but also due to the controversial dissenting opinion of Lord Cooper, the Lord President of the Court of Session.Less
This chapter explores the MacCormick case, a Scottish constitutional landmark inquest. John MacCormick, an accomplished solicitor and partner of a law firm based in Glasgow, claimed that the British Parliament breached the basic law of the Treaty of Union of 1707 when they passed the Royal Titles Act 1953. He argued that the passage of the Act demonstrated the excessive power of the Parliament. The Court of Session however still dismissed the case based on the jury's ruling that parliamentary sovereignty was a basic principle of the Scottish constitutional law. The case gained considerable attention not only due to its commitment to the Scottish indigeneity, but also due to the controversial dissenting opinion of Lord Cooper, the Lord President of the Court of Session.
Thomas Keymer
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780198736233
- eISBN:
- 9780191853722
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198736233.003.0005
- Subject:
- Literature, European Literature
This chapter considers the literary representation of union by way of three case studies: Jonathan Swift’s ‘The Story of the Injured Lady’ (written 1707, published 1746), Thomas Finn’s ‘The Painter ...
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This chapter considers the literary representation of union by way of three case studies: Jonathan Swift’s ‘The Story of the Injured Lady’ (written 1707, published 1746), Thomas Finn’s ‘The Painter Cut’ (1810), and Tobias Smollett’s Humphry Clinker (1771). Their polemical energy notwithstanding, the allegories of Swift and Finn also display tensions and articulate contradictions typifying the eighteenth century’s figurations of union. These complications may be explained in part as defences against possible prosecution, but they also imply mixed feelings about nationalist commitment, and an awareness of the conceptual or practical incoherence of unitary national identity. Smollett takes such tendencies to their extreme in his masterpiece Humphry Clinker, which juxtaposes multiple conflicting perspectives on union, and plays ironically on the anti-union rhetoric of Fletcher of Saltoun. He fashions the novel, a generation before Scott, as a genre uniquely equipped to address national identity in all its mobility and multiplicity.Less
This chapter considers the literary representation of union by way of three case studies: Jonathan Swift’s ‘The Story of the Injured Lady’ (written 1707, published 1746), Thomas Finn’s ‘The Painter Cut’ (1810), and Tobias Smollett’s Humphry Clinker (1771). Their polemical energy notwithstanding, the allegories of Swift and Finn also display tensions and articulate contradictions typifying the eighteenth century’s figurations of union. These complications may be explained in part as defences against possible prosecution, but they also imply mixed feelings about nationalist commitment, and an awareness of the conceptual or practical incoherence of unitary national identity. Smollett takes such tendencies to their extreme in his masterpiece Humphry Clinker, which juxtaposes multiple conflicting perspectives on union, and plays ironically on the anti-union rhetoric of Fletcher of Saltoun. He fashions the novel, a generation before Scott, as a genre uniquely equipped to address national identity in all its mobility and multiplicity.
G. C. Peden
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748614325
- eISBN:
- 9780748653348
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748614325.003.0011
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Scottish Studies
This chapter summarizes the preceding discussions and presents some concluding thoughts. By the late twentieth century Scottish GDP per capita was approximately the same as the UK average. Given ...
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This chapter summarizes the preceding discussions and presents some concluding thoughts. By the late twentieth century Scottish GDP per capita was approximately the same as the UK average. Given Scotland's relative backwardness compared with England in 1700, the evolution of the Scottish economy since then may be regarded as a success story, although there have been periods of crisis and decline, especially in the 1920s and 1930s. It is tempting to ascribe that success to the Union of 1707, and certainly the Union has served Scotland well in terms of wider markets from the eighteenth century and in terms of regional policy and net public-sector transfer payments for much of the twentieth century. However, the Scottish response to the opportunities offered by wider markets was vital, and in the nineteenth century the impact of the Union was relatively neutral as Scottish exports achieved market penetration on a world scale.Less
This chapter summarizes the preceding discussions and presents some concluding thoughts. By the late twentieth century Scottish GDP per capita was approximately the same as the UK average. Given Scotland's relative backwardness compared with England in 1700, the evolution of the Scottish economy since then may be regarded as a success story, although there have been periods of crisis and decline, especially in the 1920s and 1930s. It is tempting to ascribe that success to the Union of 1707, and certainly the Union has served Scotland well in terms of wider markets from the eighteenth century and in terms of regional policy and net public-sector transfer payments for much of the twentieth century. However, the Scottish response to the opportunities offered by wider markets was vital, and in the nineteenth century the impact of the Union was relatively neutral as Scottish exports achieved market penetration on a world scale.
Tom M. Devine and Tom M. Devine
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748614325
- eISBN:
- 9780748653348
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748614325.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Scottish Studies
This book offers a comprehensive history of the Scottish economy over the last three centuries. Written by leading scholars in the field, it presents research in an accessible style to all those ...
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This book offers a comprehensive history of the Scottish economy over the last three centuries. Written by leading scholars in the field, it presents research in an accessible style to all those interested in understanding the historical context of modern Scotland. Fresh interpretations are revealed on such key and controversial issues as the impact of the Union of 1707, the Clearances, the rise and fall of Scottish heavy industry, and the recent transformation of the modern economy. The distinctive features of the Scottish economic system are stressed, but these are also analysed within a British and international context. The focus of the volume is both broad and detailed with full treatment of agriculture, finance, industry, and the service sector as well as the impact of momentous economic changes on the lives of the people and the massive new role in the twentieth century of the state in economic affairs. At a time of intense debate on the present and future condition of Scotland under a devolved parliament and executive, this book provides the background and the long-run perspectives on the challenges and opportunities facing the nation.Less
This book offers a comprehensive history of the Scottish economy over the last three centuries. Written by leading scholars in the field, it presents research in an accessible style to all those interested in understanding the historical context of modern Scotland. Fresh interpretations are revealed on such key and controversial issues as the impact of the Union of 1707, the Clearances, the rise and fall of Scottish heavy industry, and the recent transformation of the modern economy. The distinctive features of the Scottish economic system are stressed, but these are also analysed within a British and international context. The focus of the volume is both broad and detailed with full treatment of agriculture, finance, industry, and the service sector as well as the impact of momentous economic changes on the lives of the people and the massive new role in the twentieth century of the state in economic affairs. At a time of intense debate on the present and future condition of Scotland under a devolved parliament and executive, this book provides the background and the long-run perspectives on the challenges and opportunities facing the nation.
Alex Wright
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748639908
- eISBN:
- 9780748672080
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748639908.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter reports the Scottish National Party (SNP)'s understanding of ‘Britain’. Scotland's incorporation within the UK starts from the 1707 Treaty of Union and the Union of Crowns in 1603. It ...
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This chapter reports the Scottish National Party (SNP)'s understanding of ‘Britain’. Scotland's incorporation within the UK starts from the 1707 Treaty of Union and the Union of Crowns in 1603. It was noted even before the SNP's electoral victory that inter-governmental communication between London and the Scotland could have been better. Relations between the Scottish government and the UK experienced some stress during 2009. In the aftermath of secession, Scotland would also retain other connections to the UK. Until Scotland reaches independence, the issue of inter-governmental relations remains contentious. The SNP government has respected the ground rules in its conduct of relations with London. SNP would be unlikely to tolerate the apparent flaws in inter-governmental communication and co-operation. Scotland would remain part of a monarchical and social union within Britain.Less
This chapter reports the Scottish National Party (SNP)'s understanding of ‘Britain’. Scotland's incorporation within the UK starts from the 1707 Treaty of Union and the Union of Crowns in 1603. It was noted even before the SNP's electoral victory that inter-governmental communication between London and the Scotland could have been better. Relations between the Scottish government and the UK experienced some stress during 2009. In the aftermath of secession, Scotland would also retain other connections to the UK. Until Scotland reaches independence, the issue of inter-governmental relations remains contentious. The SNP government has respected the ground rules in its conduct of relations with London. SNP would be unlikely to tolerate the apparent flaws in inter-governmental communication and co-operation. Scotland would remain part of a monarchical and social union within Britain.
Alasdair Raffe
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781474427579
- eISBN:
- 9781474445221
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474427579.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
Scotland in Revolution, 1685–1690 is a study of the transformative reign of the Catholic King James VII and the revolution that brought his fall. Whereas previous accounts concentrate on high ...
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Scotland in Revolution, 1685–1690 is a study of the transformative reign of the Catholic King James VII and the revolution that brought his fall. Whereas previous accounts concentrate on high politics, this book draws on neglected sources to examine the relationship between central power and the Scottish localities. James was a radically experimental ruler, who granted unprecedented religious toleration and intervened systematically in urban government. The book begins with a chapter surveying the principal political developments of the period. There follow two chapters on the major religious reform of James’s reign, the granting of toleration in 1687. Arguing that James’s religious experiment should be understood in the context of European multiconfessionalism, these chapters examine the competition and controversy engendered by the toleration. Chapter four then investigates James’s attempt to reconfigure the leadership of Scotland’s urban communities, and thereby to influence in his favour the composition of a future parliament. Chapter five is a detailed narrative of the revolutionary overthrow of James and his government in Scotland. As chapter six argues, the revolution of 1688–90 saw a reaction in favour of religious uniformity and local autonomy. But the revolution was less decisive than the union settlement of 1707–12 in determining Scotland’s future development.Less
Scotland in Revolution, 1685–1690 is a study of the transformative reign of the Catholic King James VII and the revolution that brought his fall. Whereas previous accounts concentrate on high politics, this book draws on neglected sources to examine the relationship between central power and the Scottish localities. James was a radically experimental ruler, who granted unprecedented religious toleration and intervened systematically in urban government. The book begins with a chapter surveying the principal political developments of the period. There follow two chapters on the major religious reform of James’s reign, the granting of toleration in 1687. Arguing that James’s religious experiment should be understood in the context of European multiconfessionalism, these chapters examine the competition and controversy engendered by the toleration. Chapter four then investigates James’s attempt to reconfigure the leadership of Scotland’s urban communities, and thereby to influence in his favour the composition of a future parliament. Chapter five is a detailed narrative of the revolutionary overthrow of James and his government in Scotland. As chapter six argues, the revolution of 1688–90 saw a reaction in favour of religious uniformity and local autonomy. But the revolution was less decisive than the union settlement of 1707–12 in determining Scotland’s future development.
Gerard Carruthers
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780198736233
- eISBN:
- 9780191853722
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198736233.003.0006
- Subject:
- Literature, European Literature
The matter of Jacobitism and the cause of the Stuarts are at the heart of the modern Scottish literary canon, from the songs of Burns via the novels of Scott to the era of Aytoun and Stevenson. ...
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The matter of Jacobitism and the cause of the Stuarts are at the heart of the modern Scottish literary canon, from the songs of Burns via the novels of Scott to the era of Aytoun and Stevenson. Political Jacobitism between 1707 and 1745–6 was the primary vehicle for Scottish independence and anti-unionist sentiment. However, after the collapse of the Jacobite movement at Culloden, later generations of sentimental Jacobite writers, while continuing to be entranced by the romance of Stuart dynasticism, stood for a more pragmatic strain of political acceptance. Sentimental Jacobite writers did not challenge the Union per se, though they tended to subscribe to the view that it was—and should be—a partnership of equals. Scotland, they argued, was not a province of England, no mere Scotland-shire. Nevertheless, much of Scotland’s Jacobite, or more properly neo-Jacobite, literary canon embodied a sotto voice acceptance of the Union.Less
The matter of Jacobitism and the cause of the Stuarts are at the heart of the modern Scottish literary canon, from the songs of Burns via the novels of Scott to the era of Aytoun and Stevenson. Political Jacobitism between 1707 and 1745–6 was the primary vehicle for Scottish independence and anti-unionist sentiment. However, after the collapse of the Jacobite movement at Culloden, later generations of sentimental Jacobite writers, while continuing to be entranced by the romance of Stuart dynasticism, stood for a more pragmatic strain of political acceptance. Sentimental Jacobite writers did not challenge the Union per se, though they tended to subscribe to the view that it was—and should be—a partnership of equals. Scotland, they argued, was not a province of England, no mere Scotland-shire. Nevertheless, much of Scotland’s Jacobite, or more properly neo-Jacobite, literary canon embodied a sotto voice acceptance of the Union.
Andrew T.N. Muirhead
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- May 2022
- ISBN:
- 9781474447386
- eISBN:
- 9781399509787
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474447386.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Scottish Studies
In 1690, the Church of Scotland rejected episcopal authority and settled as Presbyterian. The adjacent Presbyteries of Stirling and Dunblane covered an area that included both lowland and highland ...
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In 1690, the Church of Scotland rejected episcopal authority and settled as Presbyterian. The adjacent Presbyteries of Stirling and Dunblane covered an area that included both lowland and highland communities, speaking both English and Gaelic and supporting both the new government and the old – thus forming a representative picture of the nation as a whole.
This book examines the ways in which the two Presbyteries operated administratively, theologically and geographically under the new regime. By surveying and analysing surviving church records from 1687 to 1710 at Presbytery and parish level, Andrew Muirhead shows how the two Presbyteries filled their pulpits, related to civil authorities, how they dealt with problematic discipline cases referred by the Kirk Sessions, their involvement in the Union negotiations and their overall functioning as human, as well as religious, institution in late 17th- and early 18th-century Scotland. The resulting study advances our understanding of the profound impact that Presbyteries had on those involved with them in any capacity.Less
In 1690, the Church of Scotland rejected episcopal authority and settled as Presbyterian. The adjacent Presbyteries of Stirling and Dunblane covered an area that included both lowland and highland communities, speaking both English and Gaelic and supporting both the new government and the old – thus forming a representative picture of the nation as a whole.
This book examines the ways in which the two Presbyteries operated administratively, theologically and geographically under the new regime. By surveying and analysing surviving church records from 1687 to 1710 at Presbytery and parish level, Andrew Muirhead shows how the two Presbyteries filled their pulpits, related to civil authorities, how they dealt with problematic discipline cases referred by the Kirk Sessions, their involvement in the Union negotiations and their overall functioning as human, as well as religious, institution in late 17th- and early 18th-century Scotland. The resulting study advances our understanding of the profound impact that Presbyteries had on those involved with them in any capacity.