Jerome Slater
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- November 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190459086
- eISBN:
- 9780190074609
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190459086.003.0021
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter begins with extended summary of the main arguments of this book, especially that Israel has missed or refused a number of opportunities to settle the Arab-Israeli conflict. Almost all ...
More
This chapter begins with extended summary of the main arguments of this book, especially that Israel has missed or refused a number of opportunities to settle the Arab-Israeli conflict. Almost all the wars could have been avoided if Israel had agreed to fair compromises. The second half of this chapter examines possible solutions to the conflict, arguing that the standard two-state solution is dead. Various proposed alternatives, such as a binational single Israeli-Palestine state, are either impractical or undesirable. A mini-Palestinian state is proposed—a “Luxembourg solution”—and the reasons that it could prove acceptable to both sides are examined. If Israel refuses, the United States should employ both pressures and incentives to overcome its opposition. The national interest of the United States in the Middle East is reviewed, in the past and today. The pros and cons of offering Israel a formal mutual defense treaty in the context of a political settlement with the Palestinians are explored.Less
This chapter begins with extended summary of the main arguments of this book, especially that Israel has missed or refused a number of opportunities to settle the Arab-Israeli conflict. Almost all the wars could have been avoided if Israel had agreed to fair compromises. The second half of this chapter examines possible solutions to the conflict, arguing that the standard two-state solution is dead. Various proposed alternatives, such as a binational single Israeli-Palestine state, are either impractical or undesirable. A mini-Palestinian state is proposed—a “Luxembourg solution”—and the reasons that it could prove acceptable to both sides are examined. If Israel refuses, the United States should employ both pressures and incentives to overcome its opposition. The national interest of the United States in the Middle East is reviewed, in the past and today. The pros and cons of offering Israel a formal mutual defense treaty in the context of a political settlement with the Palestinians are explored.
Chaim Gans
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190237547
- eISBN:
- 9780190237561
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190237547.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The chapter explicates some significant implications of egalitarian Zionism's advantages over its Zionist and post-Zionist rivals. It also identifies some additional important advantages of ...
More
The chapter explicates some significant implications of egalitarian Zionism's advantages over its Zionist and post-Zionist rivals. It also identifies some additional important advantages of egalitarian Zionism. Some of these advantages pertain to the historiography of pre-Zionist Judaism. Others relate to the historiography of Zionism itself. The chapter addresses an internal Zionist accusation commonly made against the supporters of the two-state solution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict based on the 1967 borders, namely that this solution is inconsistent with Zionist ideology. It is argued that this is the only solution to the conflict consistent with egalitarian Zionism, although, of course, it is not consistent with proprietary Zionism. The chapter then discusses a major advantage of egalitarian Zionism pertaining to the future course of the Jewish/Palestinian conflict. It concerns the stability of the possible end-state solutions to this conflict that Zionists and post-Zionists can offer.Less
The chapter explicates some significant implications of egalitarian Zionism's advantages over its Zionist and post-Zionist rivals. It also identifies some additional important advantages of egalitarian Zionism. Some of these advantages pertain to the historiography of pre-Zionist Judaism. Others relate to the historiography of Zionism itself. The chapter addresses an internal Zionist accusation commonly made against the supporters of the two-state solution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict based on the 1967 borders, namely that this solution is inconsistent with Zionist ideology. It is argued that this is the only solution to the conflict consistent with egalitarian Zionism, although, of course, it is not consistent with proprietary Zionism. The chapter then discusses a major advantage of egalitarian Zionism pertaining to the future course of the Jewish/Palestinian conflict. It concerns the stability of the possible end-state solutions to this conflict that Zionists and post-Zionists can offer.
Mehran Kamrava
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780300215625
- eISBN:
- 9780300220858
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300215625.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The “two-state solution” is the official policy of Israel, the United States, the United Nations, and the Palestinian Authority alike. However, this book argues that Israel's “state-building” process ...
More
The “two-state solution” is the official policy of Israel, the United States, the United Nations, and the Palestinian Authority alike. However, this book argues that Israel's “state-building” process has never risen above the level of municipal governance, and its goal has never been Palestinian independence. It explains that a coherent Palestinian state has already been rendered an impossibility and, to move forward, Palestine must redefine its present predicament and future aspirations. The book covers the history of Palestine, the process and consequences of Palestine's territorial dismemberment and its subjugation by Israel, the reconstruction of the Palestinian nation, and the Palestinian efforts at state-building. Based on detailed fieldwork, exhaustive scholarship, and an in-depth examination of historical sources, this controversial book will be widely read and debated by all sides.Less
The “two-state solution” is the official policy of Israel, the United States, the United Nations, and the Palestinian Authority alike. However, this book argues that Israel's “state-building” process has never risen above the level of municipal governance, and its goal has never been Palestinian independence. It explains that a coherent Palestinian state has already been rendered an impossibility and, to move forward, Palestine must redefine its present predicament and future aspirations. The book covers the history of Palestine, the process and consequences of Palestine's territorial dismemberment and its subjugation by Israel, the reconstruction of the Palestinian nation, and the Palestinian efforts at state-building. Based on detailed fieldwork, exhaustive scholarship, and an in-depth examination of historical sources, this controversial book will be widely read and debated by all sides.
Charles D. Freilich
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- March 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780190602932
- eISBN:
- 9780190602963
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190602932.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, International Relations and Politics
Chapter 4 argues that diplomatic and demographic challenges are almost as dangerous to Israel’s future as military threats. Efforts to isolate and delegitimize Israel and constrain its freedom of ...
More
Chapter 4 argues that diplomatic and demographic challenges are almost as dangerous to Israel’s future as military threats. Efforts to isolate and delegitimize Israel and constrain its freedom of military action have had mixed success. Israel has broader ties than ever, sanctions and boycotts have achieved little, and it continues to act militarily. Nevertheless, Israel’s international standing has deteriorated severely, and the nature and outcome of military operations have been affected. No issue has undermined Israel’s standing more than the settlement policy. Inexorable demographic trends, stemming from the control of the West Bank, threaten Israel’s Jewish and democratic character. Already today only a small majority of Israel and the West Bank are Jewish. Ongoing settlement undermines the viability of the “two-state solution” and the point of no return may be nearing. Demography also explains Israel’s reluctance to conduct ground maneuver, undermining its ability to achieve military decision.Less
Chapter 4 argues that diplomatic and demographic challenges are almost as dangerous to Israel’s future as military threats. Efforts to isolate and delegitimize Israel and constrain its freedom of military action have had mixed success. Israel has broader ties than ever, sanctions and boycotts have achieved little, and it continues to act militarily. Nevertheless, Israel’s international standing has deteriorated severely, and the nature and outcome of military operations have been affected. No issue has undermined Israel’s standing more than the settlement policy. Inexorable demographic trends, stemming from the control of the West Bank, threaten Israel’s Jewish and democratic character. Already today only a small majority of Israel and the West Bank are Jewish. Ongoing settlement undermines the viability of the “two-state solution” and the point of no return may be nearing. Demography also explains Israel’s reluctance to conduct ground maneuver, undermining its ability to achieve military decision.
Samy Cohen
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190947903
- eISBN:
- 9780190077907
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190947903.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
This chapter tries to take stock of half a century of activism by the dovish left. The peace camp promised peace but has failed to deliver it. Many Israelis no longer believe it is possible to undo ...
More
This chapter tries to take stock of half a century of activism by the dovish left. The peace camp promised peace but has failed to deliver it. Many Israelis no longer believe it is possible to undo everything that the various governments, right and left alike, have done in terms of building settlements. An analysis of the trajectory of the peace camp since the 1960s shows “however” a more nuanced picture. Peace movements did help to change attitudes. They can take credit for eroding the systematic hostility toward recognizing the Palestinian aspiration to nationhood and bringing around the most moderate Israelis, those unhappy with maintaining the status quo, to the idea of the two-state solution. Recognition of Palestinian nationhood became a reality. The majority of Israelis have come around to supporting the two-state solution. Another achievement to put on the dovish left's scorecard: many Israelis wanted to take charge of their future, “to do something concrete,” and to make themselves useful without waiting for policymakers to get around to reaching a peace agreement. In these respects, the Israeli peace camp has quite a respectable track record.Less
This chapter tries to take stock of half a century of activism by the dovish left. The peace camp promised peace but has failed to deliver it. Many Israelis no longer believe it is possible to undo everything that the various governments, right and left alike, have done in terms of building settlements. An analysis of the trajectory of the peace camp since the 1960s shows “however” a more nuanced picture. Peace movements did help to change attitudes. They can take credit for eroding the systematic hostility toward recognizing the Palestinian aspiration to nationhood and bringing around the most moderate Israelis, those unhappy with maintaining the status quo, to the idea of the two-state solution. Recognition of Palestinian nationhood became a reality. The majority of Israelis have come around to supporting the two-state solution. Another achievement to put on the dovish left's scorecard: many Israelis wanted to take charge of their future, “to do something concrete,” and to make themselves useful without waiting for policymakers to get around to reaching a peace agreement. In these respects, the Israeli peace camp has quite a respectable track record.
Jerome Slater
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- November 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190459086
- eISBN:
- 9780190074609
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190459086.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The 1947 UN partition plan divided Palestine into Jewish and Arab states, with Jerusalem designated as an international city. The Zionist leaders “accepted” the plan, but only as a temporary tactic, ...
More
The 1947 UN partition plan divided Palestine into Jewish and Arab states, with Jerusalem designated as an international city. The Zionist leaders “accepted” the plan, but only as a temporary tactic, until Israel could later expand and take over all of historical Palestine. The Palestinians rejected the plan, unwilling to compromise their claim to Palestine and aware of the Zionist expansionist plans. American policies toward the creation of a Jewish state in Palestine were mixed. Roosevelt was sympathetic to Zionist goals, but he was unwilling to jeopardize US ties to the Arab states in the Middle East, especially because of their control of oil vital to the US economy. Similarly, Truman was advised by the State and Defense Departments that it was against the national interests for the United States to support the creation of Israel, but for reasons of both morality and domestic politics, he overrode them.Less
The 1947 UN partition plan divided Palestine into Jewish and Arab states, with Jerusalem designated as an international city. The Zionist leaders “accepted” the plan, but only as a temporary tactic, until Israel could later expand and take over all of historical Palestine. The Palestinians rejected the plan, unwilling to compromise their claim to Palestine and aware of the Zionist expansionist plans. American policies toward the creation of a Jewish state in Palestine were mixed. Roosevelt was sympathetic to Zionist goals, but he was unwilling to jeopardize US ties to the Arab states in the Middle East, especially because of their control of oil vital to the US economy. Similarly, Truman was advised by the State and Defense Departments that it was against the national interests for the United States to support the creation of Israel, but for reasons of both morality and domestic politics, he overrode them.