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This chapter deals with one of the most vulnerable policy resources referred to as Consensus and involving the existence or absence of mutual trust between the three key public policy actors based on the belief of each that the policy is necessary and its implementation credible (secondary legitimation of the policy). Hence, consensus is a basic condition for the existence of a community of actors for every public policy. During periods of mutual distrust, actors have a common interest in saving the policy by means of various trust-building measures. This chapter draws examples from (institutional) mediation processes, environmental policy, family policy and various policy monitoring systems. It presents processes involving a breakdown in consensus and ways in which it can be rebuilt.

Up to this point, the book has discussed all-edge adhocracies as they form among relatively independent workers. But adhocracies can form wherever work is organized within networks and around projects—including hierarchies with organizational charts and payrolls. Although bureaucratic hierarchies and adhocracies are very different forms of organization, optimized for very different outcomes, they aren’t necessarily antithetical: networks can overlay and interact with hierarchies. When they do, we see some fascinating dynamics that deepen our understanding of work in the early 21st century. These dynamics are illustrated in this case study of an internet marketing company, particularly in terms of how different forms of work supported each other.

This chapter explores Ronald Reagan's strategy of “quiet diplomacy” toward the Soviet Union with regard to human rights as a trust-building initiative, arguing that the success of that approach was key in the developments that finally brought the Cold War to an end. It examines Reagan's efforts for exit visas on behalf of human rights activists, Jewish refuseniks, and religious dissidents such as Pentecostals, following the trail of his strategy through the 1985 Geneva and 1986 Reykjavik summits until his departure from office. The chapter demonstrates how Reagan's promise not to “crow” about his successes in this area and his decision to limit public pressure on Gorbachev about human rights led to increasing concessions by the Soviet Union, which fostered a rising level of trust in their relationship and eventually facilitated the end of the Cold War.

This concluding chapter sums up the findings laid out in the preceding chapters and suggests directions for further research. It asserts that trust and mistrust, while intangible and subjective, deeply affect relations among allies, adversaries, and neutrals by influencing perceptions and beliefs. So far, trust is analyzed in this book as a goal, strategy, process, and emotion. Although trust and mistrust are usually conceived of as interpersonal constructs, as the previous chapters illustrate, they may be studied at the individual, societal, and alliance levels. Thus, this chapter offers some further insights on the nature and definitions of trust and how these have played out according to the narratives laid out in the previous chapters, before concluding with a discussion on the development of trust.

We analyze the governance structure of online stolen data markets. As cybercriminal underground economies, stolen data markets are beyond the reach of state intervention, and yet they need form and regulation in order to function. While the illicit nature of the business brings risks to its participants, the online characteristics of these markets enable the participants to communicate easily, which is a crucial means of generating trust. We first identify stolen data markets in terms of their economic organization as two-sided markets, economic platforms with two distinct user groups that provide each other with network synergies. This characterization enables us to understand the role of the forum administrator as that of an intermediary, market creator, and market regulator. Then we clarify the role of communication networks and social structure in creating trust among buyers and sellers.

This chapter argues that business has a fundamental role to play in addressing the current threats to shared prosperity and our planet and make sure capitalism actually helps provide what matters to people around the globe. To become such an agent for positive change, business first and foremost has to regain the trust of society through a renewed sense of purpose, a long-term orientation, and transparency. Drawing on the example of Unilever, the chapter exemplifies what single companies can achieve when moving beyond a shareholder-only focus, but ultimately highlights the need for collective action given the magnitude of the challenge.

Unlike the EAEU and the CIS, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization includes two key actors—Russia and China. The chapter reviews the specifics of the organization and the functioning of the SCO, and also develops an argument about how SCO could contribute to the longevity of autocratic rulers. It tests whether autocracies which belong to the SCO are characterized by longer tenure of the rulers than those which do not belong to the SCO. Through the trust building between nations, the SCO enables more intensive economic cooperation of authoritarian regimes. Apart from economic support through the SCO, the chapter investigates another potential explanation of autocracy consolidation of the region related to the SCO’s role.

The Introduction reviews the basic relationships postulated between transitional justice measures and democratization, state building, and societal reconciliation, situating the post-communist experience within the larger comparative politics debates. The chapter presents a summary of the main theoretical argument, focusing on the differentiated and conditional effects of regional transitional justice measures on political and social trust building and democratization. The chapter explicates the use of mixed research methods employed in the project in order to demonstrate how the research design corrects for some of the current methodological limitations of the impact assessment literature to date. The chapter concludes with a preview of the main findings, and an overview of the structure of the project.

Unlike the blanket criticisms or accolades transitional justice measures receive in the literature, we are confronted with the reality of divergent and contingent relationships between transitional justice measures like lustration, public disclosures, and truth commissions and political and social trust-building goals. These findings force us to reconsider policy recommendations associated with transitional justice programs both because of possibly contrary outcomes, and due to previously unconsidered temporal conditions. With respect to comparative democratization, this study demonstrated a potentially important democracy promotion effect from transitional justice measures meriting continued exploration. This retrospective of nearly twenty-five years of transitional justice in Central and Eastern Europe and parts of the former Soviet Union contributes to the growing body of knowledge on regional regime change, with special attention to how issues of complicity, trust building, and nostalgia constitute unique challenges faced by former communist countries.

The purpose of this chapter is to show the limits of existing IR approaches to the question of how leaders can accurately interpret signals that are aimed at communicating their peaceful intent. The book’s argument is that it requires trust between sender and receiver for accurate signal interpretation and that this trust develops through face-to-face interaction and the process of bonding it makes possible. The five approaches to trust-building that are discussed in the chapter are: (1) ‘leap in the dark’; (2) incrementalist; (3) identity; (4) individualist; and (5) interpersonal. The chapter argues that none of these approaches adequately explains how trust can build between enemies, and hence how signals that are aimed at communicating peaceful intent can be accurately interpreted.

The previous chapter showed the limits of ‘incrementalist’ theories of trust-building when it comes to the building of trust and the accurate interpretation of signals. This chapter examines what identity-based approaches to trust can contribute to the challenge of building trust between two enemies. The chapter examines security community theory and democratic peace theory. It argues that neither of these identity-based approaches has a persuasive causal mechanism for how trust develops. There is imprecision in these theories as to the relationship between trust and identity. What unites both approaches is their neglect of interpersonal relationships and the trust that can emerge from this.