George P. Fletcher
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195156287
- eISBN:
- 9780199872169
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195156285.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter confronts the problem of conferring meaning on the violence of armed conflict – is it crime, or is it war? – and addresses the questions of treason and loyalty that arose during the ...
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This chapter confronts the problem of conferring meaning on the violence of armed conflict – is it crime, or is it war? – and addresses the questions of treason and loyalty that arose during the Reconstruction as the U.S. reached for reconciliation between North and South. These oppositions are illuminated in discussions of the treatment of John Brown following his raid on Harper's Ferry; the fate of Jefferson Davis; and the problem of the Prize Cases, in which the Supreme Court determined the legality of the Southern blockade.Less
This chapter confronts the problem of conferring meaning on the violence of armed conflict – is it crime, or is it war? – and addresses the questions of treason and loyalty that arose during the Reconstruction as the U.S. reached for reconciliation between North and South. These oppositions are illuminated in discussions of the treatment of John Brown following his raid on Harper's Ferry; the fate of Jefferson Davis; and the problem of the Prize Cases, in which the Supreme Court determined the legality of the Southern blockade.
Marion Turner
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199207893
- eISBN:
- 9780191709142
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199207893.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, Early and Medieval Literature
This book explores the textual environment of London in the 1380s and 1390s, revealing a language of betrayal, surveillance, slander, treason, rebellion, flawed idealism, and corrupted compaignyes. ...
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This book explores the textual environment of London in the 1380s and 1390s, revealing a language of betrayal, surveillance, slander, treason, rebellion, flawed idealism, and corrupted compaignyes. Taking a strongly interdisciplinary approach, it examines how discourses about social antagonism work across different kinds of texts written at this time, including Geoffrey Chaucer's House of Fame, Troilus and Criseyde, and Canterbury Tales, and other literary texts such as St. Erkenwald, John Gower's Vox clamantis, Thomas Usk's Testament of Love, and Richard Maidstone's Concordia. Many non-literary texts are also discussed, including the Mercers' Petition, Usk's Appeal, the guild returns, judicial letters, Philippe de Mézières's Letter to Richard II, and chronicle accounts. These were tumultuous decades in London: some of the conflicts and problems discussed include the Peasants' Revolt, the mayoral rivalries of the 1380s, the Merciless Parliament, slander legislation, and contemporary suspicion of urban associations. While contemporary texts try to hold out hope for the future, or imagine an earlier Golden Age, Chaucer's texts foreground social conflict and antagonism. Though most critics have promoted an idea of Chaucer's texts as essentially socially optimistic and congenial, this book argues that Chaucer presents a vision of a society that is inevitably divided and destructive.Less
This book explores the textual environment of London in the 1380s and 1390s, revealing a language of betrayal, surveillance, slander, treason, rebellion, flawed idealism, and corrupted compaignyes. Taking a strongly interdisciplinary approach, it examines how discourses about social antagonism work across different kinds of texts written at this time, including Geoffrey Chaucer's House of Fame, Troilus and Criseyde, and Canterbury Tales, and other literary texts such as St. Erkenwald, John Gower's Vox clamantis, Thomas Usk's Testament of Love, and Richard Maidstone's Concordia. Many non-literary texts are also discussed, including the Mercers' Petition, Usk's Appeal, the guild returns, judicial letters, Philippe de Mézières's Letter to Richard II, and chronicle accounts. These were tumultuous decades in London: some of the conflicts and problems discussed include the Peasants' Revolt, the mayoral rivalries of the 1380s, the Merciless Parliament, slander legislation, and contemporary suspicion of urban associations. While contemporary texts try to hold out hope for the future, or imagine an earlier Golden Age, Chaucer's texts foreground social conflict and antagonism. Though most critics have promoted an idea of Chaucer's texts as essentially socially optimistic and congenial, this book argues that Chaucer presents a vision of a society that is inevitably divided and destructive.
Tracey A. Sowerby
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199584635
- eISBN:
- 9780191723162
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199584635.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This chapter discusses three major polemical works by Morison. It provides the first sustained discussion of the Comfortable Consolation, which was written to celebrate the birth of Prince Edward, ...
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This chapter discusses three major polemical works by Morison. It provides the first sustained discussion of the Comfortable Consolation, which was written to celebrate the birth of Prince Edward, and sheds new light on the Invective against treason (1539) and Exhortation (1539). All three tracts were suffused with evangelical sentiments and providentialist rhetoric that had important implications for contemporary views of Henry's kingship. Morison consistently advocated evangelical initiatives ahead of official policy, offering hope to other evangelicals. 1538–9 was a time of crisis for Henry VIII; this chapter situates the Invective and Exhortation against the internal and external threats to Henry's rule and examines the evidentiary basis of the Invective. Also discussed is the place of Morison's 1539 translation of Frontinus' Stratagems in the polemical campaign.Less
This chapter discusses three major polemical works by Morison. It provides the first sustained discussion of the Comfortable Consolation, which was written to celebrate the birth of Prince Edward, and sheds new light on the Invective against treason (1539) and Exhortation (1539). All three tracts were suffused with evangelical sentiments and providentialist rhetoric that had important implications for contemporary views of Henry's kingship. Morison consistently advocated evangelical initiatives ahead of official policy, offering hope to other evangelicals. 1538–9 was a time of crisis for Henry VIII; this chapter situates the Invective and Exhortation against the internal and external threats to Henry's rule and examines the evidentiary basis of the Invective. Also discussed is the place of Morison's 1539 translation of Frontinus' Stratagems in the polemical campaign.
Keith Smith
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199239757
- eISBN:
- 9780191705151
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199239757.003.0009
- Subject:
- Law, Legal History
This chapter begins with a discussion of offences against the state, government, and its institutions, covering, sedition, treason, and secrets. It then turns to offences against public order, ...
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This chapter begins with a discussion of offences against the state, government, and its institutions, covering, sedition, treason, and secrets. It then turns to offences against public order, covering assembly and riot.Less
This chapter begins with a discussion of offences against the state, government, and its institutions, covering, sedition, treason, and secrets. It then turns to offences against public order, covering assembly and riot.
C. Kavin Rowe
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195377873
- eISBN:
- 9780199869459
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195377873.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, Early Christian Studies
In light of the findings of Chapter 2, this chapter argues that the culturally destabilizing character of the Christian mission entails the potential for outsiders to construe Christianity as ...
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In light of the findings of Chapter 2, this chapter argues that the culturally destabilizing character of the Christian mission entails the potential for outsiders to construe Christianity as sedition or treason. In order to counter such a perception, Luke explicitly raises these charges and repeatedly narrates the course of events so that the Christians—here in the mold of Jesus himself—are found “innocent” by the Romans of seditious criminal activity. In the terms of Roman jurisprudence, they are dikaios (iustus). Thus does Luke bring Paul, the representative of the Christians, before the Roman state in the officials that are its living agents: Gallio, Claudius Lysias, Felix, and Festus. With deft narrative development and considerable jurisprudential skill, Luke moves Paul through to Rome while concurrently negating the charges of his opponents on the basis of a revisionary reading of Roman law: the Christian mission is not a bid for political liberation or a movement that stands in direct opposition to the Roman government.Less
In light of the findings of Chapter 2, this chapter argues that the culturally destabilizing character of the Christian mission entails the potential for outsiders to construe Christianity as sedition or treason. In order to counter such a perception, Luke explicitly raises these charges and repeatedly narrates the course of events so that the Christians—here in the mold of Jesus himself—are found “innocent” by the Romans of seditious criminal activity. In the terms of Roman jurisprudence, they are dikaios (iustus). Thus does Luke bring Paul, the representative of the Christians, before the Roman state in the officials that are its living agents: Gallio, Claudius Lysias, Felix, and Festus. With deft narrative development and considerable jurisprudential skill, Luke moves Paul through to Rome while concurrently negating the charges of his opponents on the basis of a revisionary reading of Roman law: the Christian mission is not a bid for political liberation or a movement that stands in direct opposition to the Roman government.
Steven Gunn, David Grummitt, and Hans Cools
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199207503
- eISBN:
- 9780191708848
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199207503.003.017
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
This chapter asks how war exercised and developed the mutual obligations of princes and peoples. Individuals' obligations to contribute to the defence of the realm through military service and ...
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This chapter asks how war exercised and developed the mutual obligations of princes and peoples. Individuals' obligations to contribute to the defence of the realm through military service and taxation were more closely defined and enforced. Rulers trumpeted their own efforts to defend their subjects, and the martial aspects of the princely image were stressed in many media, especially in the Netherlands under Charles V. Mutiny and desertion were punished with increasing strictness and so was wartime treason, a more prominent issue in the Netherlands than in England.Less
This chapter asks how war exercised and developed the mutual obligations of princes and peoples. Individuals' obligations to contribute to the defence of the realm through military service and taxation were more closely defined and enforced. Rulers trumpeted their own efforts to defend their subjects, and the martial aspects of the princely image were stressed in many media, especially in the Netherlands under Charles V. Mutiny and desertion were punished with increasing strictness and so was wartime treason, a more prominent issue in the Netherlands than in England.
Alastair Dunn
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199263103
- eISBN:
- 9780191718786
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199263103.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Medieval History
This book re-appraises the events surrounding the fall of King Richard II of England and the establishment of the Lancastrian regime. It does so by charting the shifting balance of power between the ...
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This book re-appraises the events surrounding the fall of King Richard II of England and the establishment of the Lancastrian regime. It does so by charting the shifting balance of power between the crown and the higher nobility from the king's recovery of personal power in 1389 following the difficulties of his minority, up until the death of his supplanter, Henry IV, in 1413. This book makes a detailed analysis of the financial records of both the crown and the nobility, and considers the financial and patronage implications of land forfeitures for treason. It concludes that Richard II experienced only limited success in profiting from the re-ordering of the estates of the higher nobility, and that in many cases his strategy was counterproductive. Henry IV is shown to have avoided the worst excesses of Richard II in the treatment of his nobility, and that he was willing to temper retribution with the need to retain the cooperation of hostile noble dynasties throughout his realm.Less
This book re-appraises the events surrounding the fall of King Richard II of England and the establishment of the Lancastrian regime. It does so by charting the shifting balance of power between the crown and the higher nobility from the king's recovery of personal power in 1389 following the difficulties of his minority, up until the death of his supplanter, Henry IV, in 1413. This book makes a detailed analysis of the financial records of both the crown and the nobility, and considers the financial and patronage implications of land forfeitures for treason. It concludes that Richard II experienced only limited success in profiting from the re-ordering of the estates of the higher nobility, and that in many cases his strategy was counterproductive. Henry IV is shown to have avoided the worst excesses of Richard II in the treatment of his nobility, and that he was willing to temper retribution with the need to retain the cooperation of hostile noble dynasties throughout his realm.
Crystal Parikh
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780823230426
- eISBN:
- 9780823235070
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fso/9780823230426.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This book investigates the theme and tropes of betrayal and treason in Asian American and Chicano/Latino literary and cultural narratives. In considering betrayal from an ethical perspective, one ...
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This book investigates the theme and tropes of betrayal and treason in Asian American and Chicano/Latino literary and cultural narratives. In considering betrayal from an ethical perspective, one grounded in the theories of Emmanuel Levinas and Jacques Derrida, the book argues that the minority subject is obligated in a primary, preontological, and irrecusable relation of responsibility to the Other. Episodes of betrayal and treason allegorize the position of this subject, beholden to the many others who embody the alterity of existence and whose demands upon the subject result in transgressions of intimacy and loyalty. In this first major comparative study of narratives by and about Asian Americans and Latinos, the book considers writings by Frank Chin, Gish Jen, Chang-rae Lee, Eric Liu, Américo Paredes, and Richard Rodriguez, as well as narratives about the persecution of Wen Ho Lee and the rescue and return of Elián González. By addressing the conflicts at the heart of filiality, the public dimensions of language in the constitution of minority “community,” and the mercenary mobilizations of “model minority” status, this book seriously engages the challenges of conducting ethnic and critical race studies based on the uncompromising and unromantic ideas of justice, reciprocity, and ethical society.Less
This book investigates the theme and tropes of betrayal and treason in Asian American and Chicano/Latino literary and cultural narratives. In considering betrayal from an ethical perspective, one grounded in the theories of Emmanuel Levinas and Jacques Derrida, the book argues that the minority subject is obligated in a primary, preontological, and irrecusable relation of responsibility to the Other. Episodes of betrayal and treason allegorize the position of this subject, beholden to the many others who embody the alterity of existence and whose demands upon the subject result in transgressions of intimacy and loyalty. In this first major comparative study of narratives by and about Asian Americans and Latinos, the book considers writings by Frank Chin, Gish Jen, Chang-rae Lee, Eric Liu, Américo Paredes, and Richard Rodriguez, as well as narratives about the persecution of Wen Ho Lee and the rescue and return of Elián González. By addressing the conflicts at the heart of filiality, the public dimensions of language in the constitution of minority “community,” and the mercenary mobilizations of “model minority” status, this book seriously engages the challenges of conducting ethnic and critical race studies based on the uncompromising and unromantic ideas of justice, reciprocity, and ethical society.
Alexandra Gajda
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199699681
- eISBN:
- 9780191739057
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199699681.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This chapter examines the Essex rising of 8 February 1601, and introduces the themes that structure the rest of the book. A narrative explains the context of the events that led to the earl’s protest ...
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This chapter examines the Essex rising of 8 February 1601, and introduces the themes that structure the rest of the book. A narrative explains the context of the events that led to the earl’s protest on the streets of London. Then, analysis focuses on the ways that Essex and his followers conceived of the legitimacy of their actions as a loyalist intervention to save queen and state, and to defend the succession of James VI of Scotland from a court-based conspiracy to enthrone the Spanish Infanta. Government propaganda denied the legitimacy of Essex’s protestations of loyalty, insisting that the rising was a treasonous rebellion, and arguing that Essex’s character and conduct reflected long-standing ambitions to usurp the throne, as Henry Bullingbrook had deposed Richard II. These narratives of Essex’s rising exemplify political and ideological divisions that had emerged over the course of the earl’s later career.Less
This chapter examines the Essex rising of 8 February 1601, and introduces the themes that structure the rest of the book. A narrative explains the context of the events that led to the earl’s protest on the streets of London. Then, analysis focuses on the ways that Essex and his followers conceived of the legitimacy of their actions as a loyalist intervention to save queen and state, and to defend the succession of James VI of Scotland from a court-based conspiracy to enthrone the Spanish Infanta. Government propaganda denied the legitimacy of Essex’s protestations of loyalty, insisting that the rising was a treasonous rebellion, and arguing that Essex’s character and conduct reflected long-standing ambitions to usurp the throne, as Henry Bullingbrook had deposed Richard II. These narratives of Essex’s rising exemplify political and ideological divisions that had emerged over the course of the earl’s later career.
Duncan McCargo
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780801449994
- eISBN:
- 9781501709586
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801449994.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Asian Politics
This book investigates how Thailand's judges were tasked by the late King Bhumibol Adulyadej (Rama IX) in 2006 with helping to solve the country's intractable political problems—and what happened ...
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This book investigates how Thailand's judges were tasked by the late King Bhumibol Adulyadej (Rama IX) in 2006 with helping to solve the country's intractable political problems—and what happened next. Across the last decade of Rama IX's rule, the book examines the world of Thai judges: how they were recruited, trained, and promoted, and how they were socialized into a conservative world view that emphasized the proximity between the judiciary and the monarchy. The book delves into three pivotal freedom of expression cases that illuminate Thai legal and cultural understandings of sedition and treason, before examining the ways in which accusations of disloyalty made against controversial former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra came to occupy a central place in the political life of a deeply polarized nation. The book navigates the highly contentious role of the Constitutional Court as a key player in overseeing and regulating Thailand's political order before concluding with reflections on the significance of the Bhumibol era of “judicialization” in Thailand. In the end, under a new king, who appears far less reluctant to assert his own power and authority, the Thai courts may now assume somewhat less significance as a tool of the monarchical network.Less
This book investigates how Thailand's judges were tasked by the late King Bhumibol Adulyadej (Rama IX) in 2006 with helping to solve the country's intractable political problems—and what happened next. Across the last decade of Rama IX's rule, the book examines the world of Thai judges: how they were recruited, trained, and promoted, and how they were socialized into a conservative world view that emphasized the proximity between the judiciary and the monarchy. The book delves into three pivotal freedom of expression cases that illuminate Thai legal and cultural understandings of sedition and treason, before examining the ways in which accusations of disloyalty made against controversial former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra came to occupy a central place in the political life of a deeply polarized nation. The book navigates the highly contentious role of the Constitutional Court as a key player in overseeing and regulating Thailand's political order before concluding with reflections on the significance of the Bhumibol era of “judicialization” in Thailand. In the end, under a new king, who appears far less reluctant to assert his own power and authority, the Thai courts may now assume somewhat less significance as a tool of the monarchical network.
SWAPAN CHAKRAVORTY
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198182665
- eISBN:
- 9780191673856
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198182665.003.0004
- Subject:
- Literature, Drama, 16th-century and Renaissance Literature
Apart from Edward Archer’s dubious attribution to Tourneur, there is no external evidence against Thomas Middleton’s authorship of The Revenger’s ...
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Apart from Edward Archer’s dubious attribution to Tourneur, there is no external evidence against Thomas Middleton’s authorship of The Revenger’s Tragedy (1606); there is overwhelming internal evidence for it. The reluctance to admit the play to the Middleton canon has much to do with the stubborn grip of the authorized narrative of Middleton’s development. Even critics who accept Revenger as Middleton’s foster the three-period account of his career — early London comedies for the boys’ troupes, ‘Fletcherian’ tragicomedies for adult companies in the second decade, the great tragedies and Game at Chess in the final phase. If the three-period theory wobbles when Revenger is excluded, it collapses the moment it is included. Middleton’s early comic style was shaped by Paul’s, but he had tried other companies and genres. This chapter looks at political tyranny and treason in Middleton’s two early tragedies, The Revenger’s Tragedy and The Lady’s Tragedy.Less
Apart from Edward Archer’s dubious attribution to Tourneur, there is no external evidence against Thomas Middleton’s authorship of The Revenger’s Tragedy (1606); there is overwhelming internal evidence for it. The reluctance to admit the play to the Middleton canon has much to do with the stubborn grip of the authorized narrative of Middleton’s development. Even critics who accept Revenger as Middleton’s foster the three-period account of his career — early London comedies for the boys’ troupes, ‘Fletcherian’ tragicomedies for adult companies in the second decade, the great tragedies and Game at Chess in the final phase. If the three-period theory wobbles when Revenger is excluded, it collapses the moment it is included. Middleton’s early comic style was shaped by Paul’s, but he had tried other companies and genres. This chapter looks at political tyranny and treason in Middleton’s two early tragedies, The Revenger’s Tragedy and The Lady’s Tragedy.
Alexandra da Costa
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199653560
- eISBN:
- 9780191742026
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199653560.003.0006
- Subject:
- Literature, 16th-century and Renaissance Literature
This chapter argues that Syon's attention was drawn away from evangelical debate in the early 1530s by Henry VIII's increasingly forceful claim to ecclesiastical supremacy. It questions whether ...
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This chapter argues that Syon's attention was drawn away from evangelical debate in the early 1530s by Henry VIII's increasingly forceful claim to ecclesiastical supremacy. It questions whether Bernard's criticism in The King's Reformation of the lack of active and concerted opposition to Henry is justified given the statutory restrictions on speech, the danger of being accused of treason, and the ultimate power of the king. It applies to Syon Greg Walker's idea that seemingly acquiescent writers ‘used their writings, and the various forms of license that their culture allowed them, to argue the conservative case’. Through this re-evaluation, it demonstrates that two Syon texts—Whitford's Pipe of Perfection and Fewterer's Glass of Christ's Passion—specifically challenge Henry's claims to supremacy: one opposes the policy directly and one holds a mirror to the king, reminding him of his earlier role as Defender of the Faith.Less
This chapter argues that Syon's attention was drawn away from evangelical debate in the early 1530s by Henry VIII's increasingly forceful claim to ecclesiastical supremacy. It questions whether Bernard's criticism in The King's Reformation of the lack of active and concerted opposition to Henry is justified given the statutory restrictions on speech, the danger of being accused of treason, and the ultimate power of the king. It applies to Syon Greg Walker's idea that seemingly acquiescent writers ‘used their writings, and the various forms of license that their culture allowed them, to argue the conservative case’. Through this re-evaluation, it demonstrates that two Syon texts—Whitford's Pipe of Perfection and Fewterer's Glass of Christ's Passion—specifically challenge Henry's claims to supremacy: one opposes the policy directly and one holds a mirror to the king, reminding him of his earlier role as Defender of the Faith.
John H. Langbein
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199287239
- eISBN:
- 9780191718137
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199287239.003.0002
- Subject:
- Law, Criminal Law and Criminology, Legal History
In criminal prosecutions for high treason, the crown was always represented by counsel, but the rule against defense counsel prevented the defendants from having a lawyer. In the decade preceding the ...
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In criminal prosecutions for high treason, the crown was always represented by counsel, but the rule against defense counsel prevented the defendants from having a lawyer. In the decade preceding the Glorious Revolution of 1688-89, a series of sensational treason trials occurred, most notably the Popish Plot trials of 1678-80, in which weak or perjured evidence led to the conviction and execution of many persons, including leading political figures. It became known within a few years of the Popish Plot trials that the accusing evidence had been perjured, and that the executed defendants had been innocent. Many of these defendants had complained at their trials of the unfairness of denying them defense counsel when the crown was represented. In the Treason Trials Act of 1696, Parliament evened the playing field by abrogating the rule against defense counsel, but only in cases of high treason, which were quite rare. The ban on counsel remained for cases of felony.Less
In criminal prosecutions for high treason, the crown was always represented by counsel, but the rule against defense counsel prevented the defendants from having a lawyer. In the decade preceding the Glorious Revolution of 1688-89, a series of sensational treason trials occurred, most notably the Popish Plot trials of 1678-80, in which weak or perjured evidence led to the conviction and execution of many persons, including leading political figures. It became known within a few years of the Popish Plot trials that the accusing evidence had been perjured, and that the executed defendants had been innocent. Many of these defendants had complained at their trials of the unfairness of denying them defense counsel when the crown was represented. In the Treason Trials Act of 1696, Parliament evened the playing field by abrogating the rule against defense counsel, but only in cases of high treason, which were quite rare. The ban on counsel remained for cases of felony.
David Cressy
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199564804
- eISBN:
- 9780191701917
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199564804.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History, Cultural History
This book, filled with insults through the ages, is the full history of scurrilous political speech. Giving a voice to those gossips, rumourmongers and traitors, usually left out of history, this ...
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This book, filled with insults through the ages, is the full history of scurrilous political speech. Giving a voice to those gossips, rumourmongers and traitors, usually left out of history, this book examines the speech of ordinary people, who spoke scornfully of monarchs. The book reveals the lost conversations and expressions that got people into trouble, as well as unveiling moments when private words had public consequence. Although the proverb reads, ‘words were but wind’, tongues caused social damage, words challenged political authority, and treasonous speech imperilled the crown. Royals monitored talk they deemed dangerous in various ways: policing and surveillance, judicial intervention, political propaganda, and the crafting of new law. In early Tudor times, to speak ill of the monarch could risk execution, whereas by the end of the Stuart era, similar words could be dismissed with a shrug. This book traces the development of free speech across five centuries of popular political culture, and demonstrates how formerly treasonable talk, finally gained protection as ‘the birthright of an Englishman’.Less
This book, filled with insults through the ages, is the full history of scurrilous political speech. Giving a voice to those gossips, rumourmongers and traitors, usually left out of history, this book examines the speech of ordinary people, who spoke scornfully of monarchs. The book reveals the lost conversations and expressions that got people into trouble, as well as unveiling moments when private words had public consequence. Although the proverb reads, ‘words were but wind’, tongues caused social damage, words challenged political authority, and treasonous speech imperilled the crown. Royals monitored talk they deemed dangerous in various ways: policing and surveillance, judicial intervention, political propaganda, and the crafting of new law. In early Tudor times, to speak ill of the monarch could risk execution, whereas by the end of the Stuart era, similar words could be dismissed with a shrug. This book traces the development of free speech across five centuries of popular political culture, and demonstrates how formerly treasonable talk, finally gained protection as ‘the birthright of an Englishman’.
Roger G. Kennedy
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195140552
- eISBN:
- 9780199848775
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195140552.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
Two charges were laid against Aaron Burr by Thomas Jefferson in the winter of 1806–7: planning an expedition against the possessions of Spain, and treason. The term “filibuster”, meaning overland ...
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Two charges were laid against Aaron Burr by Thomas Jefferson in the winter of 1806–7: planning an expedition against the possessions of Spain, and treason. The term “filibuster”, meaning overland piracy by private armies, is often used to describe the activity Jefferson accused Burr of getting involved with. This chapter deals with activities from 1770 until 1794, largely in Kentucky and Tennessee, that led George Washington first to issue an executive order against filibustering and then to cause it to be proscribed by statute. Washington wished to prevent French-sponsored filibustering against Spanish Florida and Louisiana. Jefferon's treason charge against Burr stemmed from the latter's alleged attempt to lead a secession from the Union of the states and territories lying west of the Appalachians. One of Jefferson's principal witnesses against Burr with regard to filibustering and to secessionist plots was James Wilkinson.Less
Two charges were laid against Aaron Burr by Thomas Jefferson in the winter of 1806–7: planning an expedition against the possessions of Spain, and treason. The term “filibuster”, meaning overland piracy by private armies, is often used to describe the activity Jefferson accused Burr of getting involved with. This chapter deals with activities from 1770 until 1794, largely in Kentucky and Tennessee, that led George Washington first to issue an executive order against filibustering and then to cause it to be proscribed by statute. Washington wished to prevent French-sponsored filibustering against Spanish Florida and Louisiana. Jefferon's treason charge against Burr stemmed from the latter's alleged attempt to lead a secession from the Union of the states and territories lying west of the Appalachians. One of Jefferson's principal witnesses against Burr with regard to filibustering and to secessionist plots was James Wilkinson.
Ronald Hutton
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205708
- eISBN:
- 9780191676758
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205708.003.0039
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Medieval History, British and Irish Early Modern History
When the Restoration occurred, and a full cycle of ecclesiastical and statutory festivals was reinstalled, the popularity of ‘Gunpowder Treason Day’ continued unabated. It was still the most widely ...
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When the Restoration occurred, and a full cycle of ecclesiastical and statutory festivals was reinstalled, the popularity of ‘Gunpowder Treason Day’ continued unabated. It was still the most widely celebrated of anniversaries in politics, far surpassing the new annual festivity of Restoration Day. Bells were rung upon it in 55 per cent of the parishes that have left accessible accounts from the reign of Charles II. They included a large number of villages in every part of the realm. During the growth of popular feeling against Catholicism during the 1670s, Londoners developed the tradition of parading effigies of the Pope and burning them at Temple Bar, a piece of street theatre that was enacted every year from the conversion of the royal heir to the faith of Rome in 1673 to the collapse of public opposition to his succession in 1682.Less
When the Restoration occurred, and a full cycle of ecclesiastical and statutory festivals was reinstalled, the popularity of ‘Gunpowder Treason Day’ continued unabated. It was still the most widely celebrated of anniversaries in politics, far surpassing the new annual festivity of Restoration Day. Bells were rung upon it in 55 per cent of the parishes that have left accessible accounts from the reign of Charles II. They included a large number of villages in every part of the realm. During the growth of popular feeling against Catholicism during the 1670s, Londoners developed the tradition of parading effigies of the Pope and burning them at Temple Bar, a piece of street theatre that was enacted every year from the conversion of the royal heir to the faith of Rome in 1673 to the collapse of public opposition to his succession in 1682.
Roger G. Kennedy
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195140552
- eISBN:
- 9780199848775
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195140552.003.0022
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
Thomas Jefferson's charges against the character of Aaron Burr were to be placed before judge and jury in a courtroom in Richmond, Virginia, in March and April 1807. Three of Jefferson's Virginian ...
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Thomas Jefferson's charges against the character of Aaron Burr were to be placed before judge and jury in a courtroom in Richmond, Virginia, in March and April 1807. Three of Jefferson's Virginian kinsmen were to take key roles in settling it. The judge was John Marshall, Chief Justice of the United States. The foreman of the grand jury was Representative John Randolph of Roanoke. A cousin, Edmond Randolph, formerly Attorney General of the United States, was one of Burr's attorneys. The then current Attorney General, Caesar Augustus Rodney, had achieved that eminence on January 20, 1807. When Burr was finally brought to trial on May 22 of that year, Rodney's appearance against him was remarkably brief and tepid. James Wilkinson was there as star witness against Burr. It was important to recall to everyone in the courtroom who Justice William Paterson was and enough of the circumstances of the Whiskey Rebellion to permit a comparison of those before Paterson to those before Marshall. Jefferson's case fell apart; for the third time Burr was acquitted of treason.Less
Thomas Jefferson's charges against the character of Aaron Burr were to be placed before judge and jury in a courtroom in Richmond, Virginia, in March and April 1807. Three of Jefferson's Virginian kinsmen were to take key roles in settling it. The judge was John Marshall, Chief Justice of the United States. The foreman of the grand jury was Representative John Randolph of Roanoke. A cousin, Edmond Randolph, formerly Attorney General of the United States, was one of Burr's attorneys. The then current Attorney General, Caesar Augustus Rodney, had achieved that eminence on January 20, 1807. When Burr was finally brought to trial on May 22 of that year, Rodney's appearance against him was remarkably brief and tepid. James Wilkinson was there as star witness against Burr. It was important to recall to everyone in the courtroom who Justice William Paterson was and enough of the circumstances of the Whiskey Rebellion to permit a comparison of those before Paterson to those before Marshall. Jefferson's case fell apart; for the third time Burr was acquitted of treason.
M. S. KEMPSHALL
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207160
- eISBN:
- 9780191677526
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207160.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, European Medieval History, History of Ideas
This chapter discusses the disputations between Philip IV and Boniface VIII when the latter prohibited all taxation of the church which did not have his prior consent, and, more seriously, when the ...
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This chapter discusses the disputations between Philip IV and Boniface VIII when the latter prohibited all taxation of the church which did not have his prior consent, and, more seriously, when the king arrested the bishop of Pamiers on charges of treason. It reports that the first dispute focuses attention on the connection of dominium with ownership of property and, as a result, scholastic discussion concentrated on the respective relations of pope and king to the material goods of the church and the laity. The second dispute extends this idea to cover jurisdiction as well. It further reports that three theologians in particular, Giles of Rome, James of Viterbo, and John of Paris, are drawn into making public statements of their views.Less
This chapter discusses the disputations between Philip IV and Boniface VIII when the latter prohibited all taxation of the church which did not have his prior consent, and, more seriously, when the king arrested the bishop of Pamiers on charges of treason. It reports that the first dispute focuses attention on the connection of dominium with ownership of property and, as a result, scholastic discussion concentrated on the respective relations of pope and king to the material goods of the church and the laity. The second dispute extends this idea to cover jurisdiction as well. It further reports that three theologians in particular, Giles of Rome, James of Viterbo, and John of Paris, are drawn into making public statements of their views.
Robert M. Sandow (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780823279753
- eISBN:
- 9780823281503
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823279753.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
This collection of ten essays explores the contested meanings of patriotismin the Civil War North. The words “loyalty” and “duty” vibrated across Northern society but what did they mean? How were ...
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This collection of ten essays explores the contested meanings of patriotismin the Civil War North. The words “loyalty” and “duty” vibrated across Northern society but what did they mean? How were they to be demonstrated? The central goal of this study is to scrutinize how notions of loyalty were debated and defined under the pressures of a long and destructive war. The chapters within eavesdrop on conversations about loyalty in many contexts within Northern society. Some of those settings offer a familiar frame of reference, surveying the newspapers, pamphlets, letters, and speeches that evidence partisan definitions of loyalty. These scholars, however, strain to hear those voices not just in the statehouses and capital buildings but in the churches, colleges, workshops, city streets, military camps, and even bedrooms of ordinary northern people. What emerges is not a unified consensus on loyal actions and values but a patchwork of experiences in which the meaning of loyalty was often stretched and strained for differing and sometimes conflicting purposes.Less
This collection of ten essays explores the contested meanings of patriotismin the Civil War North. The words “loyalty” and “duty” vibrated across Northern society but what did they mean? How were they to be demonstrated? The central goal of this study is to scrutinize how notions of loyalty were debated and defined under the pressures of a long and destructive war. The chapters within eavesdrop on conversations about loyalty in many contexts within Northern society. Some of those settings offer a familiar frame of reference, surveying the newspapers, pamphlets, letters, and speeches that evidence partisan definitions of loyalty. These scholars, however, strain to hear those voices not just in the statehouses and capital buildings but in the churches, colleges, workshops, city streets, military camps, and even bedrooms of ordinary northern people. What emerges is not a unified consensus on loyal actions and values but a patchwork of experiences in which the meaning of loyalty was often stretched and strained for differing and sometimes conflicting purposes.
Edwin S. Gaustad
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195305357
- eISBN:
- 9780199850662
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195305357.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
In the decade from 1765 to 1775, Benjamin Franklin had to contend with both Parliament and the king. By 1765, Franklin explained as carefully and coolly as possible why Americans should not be ...
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In the decade from 1765 to 1775, Benjamin Franklin had to contend with both Parliament and the king. By 1765, Franklin explained as carefully and coolly as possible why Americans should not be directly taxed by the English Parliament. The British argued that the colonies were the chief beneficiaries of the French and Indian War. Many British officials also asserted that the colonies paid no taxes. The passing of a Quartering Act, which required the colonists to house British soldiers in their homes, inflamed the Americans more. Meanwhile, Britain tightened custom regulations and appointed its own governors to enforce them. By 1772, Franklin was ready to rethink the legitimacy of the pervasive institution of slavery and to set free his own two slaves. In 1774, he was summoned to appear before the Privy Council to answer specific charges that hinted treason against His Majesty.Less
In the decade from 1765 to 1775, Benjamin Franklin had to contend with both Parliament and the king. By 1765, Franklin explained as carefully and coolly as possible why Americans should not be directly taxed by the English Parliament. The British argued that the colonies were the chief beneficiaries of the French and Indian War. Many British officials also asserted that the colonies paid no taxes. The passing of a Quartering Act, which required the colonists to house British soldiers in their homes, inflamed the Americans more. Meanwhile, Britain tightened custom regulations and appointed its own governors to enforce them. By 1772, Franklin was ready to rethink the legitimacy of the pervasive institution of slavery and to set free his own two slaves. In 1774, he was summoned to appear before the Privy Council to answer specific charges that hinted treason against His Majesty.
