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This introductory chapter provides an overview of the book's key themes. The book examines mafias' ability to transplant in new and distant territories. Conventional wisdom suggests that organized crime migrates easily due to the spread of globalization and population migration, and criminal multinational corporations are increasingly unattached to a specific territory. According to Louise Shelley, the director of the Transnational Crime Institute in Washington, DC, “international organized crime has globalized its activities for the same reasons as legitimate multinational corporations.” Many authors argue that the notions of territorial entrenchment and control are becoming obsolete for a “Global Crime Inc.” that “transcends the sovereignty that organizes the modern state system.” The “transnational organized crime consensus” is influential among policymakers.

This chapter analyzes the emergence of substantive provisions with regard to crime. The chapter starts with the oldest and most widely known global regulations, such as maritime piracy, slavery, prostitution and narcotic drugs. It also contains the regulation of political crime and terrorism, which remained difficult to coordinate until late in the 20th century. The main emphasis is placed on more recent crime policies, in particular those related to transnational organized crime like human smuggling or illicit arms trafficking as well as cybercrime. In comparison to Chapter 3, this chapter shows that procedural components like police cooperation developed rather independently from political preferences, while the substantive regulations show a high degree of politics involved. This is in line with rationalization as the major principle of world society formation.

This chapter discusses the territoriality principle and its applications in various fields of the law. It shows that in the criminal law, common law countries have put far more emphasis on the territoriality principle than continental European countries. Because in the latter countries substantive justice has historically been considered as more important than evidentiary due process standards and extraterritorial jurisdiction is uncommon in the common law. Because territoriality has been the cornerstone of jurisdictional order in the common law, and extraterritorial jurisdiction has been shunned, it comes as no surprise that common law countries, the United States in particular, have construed the territorial principle rather broadly in order to get to grips with the challenges posed by transnational crime and economic globalization.

This chapter looks at whether and how international organizations and criminal law can help us deal effectively with transnational environmental crimes and, more broadly, with environmental insecurity and injustice. It explores the question of whether the climate change justice agenda can benefit from the expanded pursuit of transnational environmental crime. The chapter asks whether international environmental law, refurbished, act as a mitigating factor in climate change. It concludes that while current international legal instruments can help spur additional action, by themselves, they will prove inadequate. Consequently, one idea proposed is a new international environmental court to deter all forms of ecocide.

This chapter asks: what is driving criminal justice cooperation between Australia and Indonesia? By tracing various ‘wars on crime’ waged by both countries since the 1970s, it reveals how the politicization—and ultimately ‘securitization’—of transnational crime has provided much of the impetus for cooperation between them. This helps correct the standard view that such cooperation is simply a response to a growth in transnational criminal activity. The chapter concludes that the greater the politicization of a transnational problem, the greater the political will to pursue international cooperation in response. It does not follow, however, that the politicization of transnational crime within each country will necessarily result in cooperation between them. In fact, the very act of politicization can (somewhat paradoxically) make cooperation harder to achieve.

Over the past three decades many regulatory measures aimed at countering transnational crime have been adopted. This article maps the development of these measures and examines their relationship with the ‘global rule of law’. The article is structured on the basis of a typology of production of transnational criminal law norms and examines the production and implementation of transnational criminal law via: ‘hard law’ global multilateral conventions; regionalism, focusing on the work of the Council of Europe; ‘soft’ or ‘informal’ law, focusing on the Financial Action Task Force; ‘global administrative law’, expressed by the UN Security Council; and supranational, EU, law. The article then focuses on the extraterritorial reach of transnational criminal law and asks whether lessons can be learnt by the operation of the principle in EU criminal law. The article then assesses the impact of this typology of transnational criminal law making on the global rule of law.

The main focus of chapter 4 is trafficking of human beings as a crime against humanity in the context of Article 7 of the Rome Statute of the ICC. The chapter discusses the importance and role of the ICC and the enforcement of the Rome Statute with special reference to Article 7 which deals with crimes against humanity. The chapter describes the nature and characterization of crime against humanity followed by a detailed description adopted in Article 7 of the Rome Statute of ICC in its Elements of Crimes in crimes against humanity. It also highlights the nature of each crime of trafficking, namely, drugs, arms and ammunitions and human beings and their inter connectivity. Article 7(1) of the Rome Statute and its clauses with the elements of crime has also been elaborated in the chapter with reference to crimes against humanity and human trafficking.

Chapter 3 explains how the gap between state-centric views on borderlines and transnational realities at the margins turn borderlands in vulnerable regions into extreme cases of complex security dynamics. First, it presents how state-centric views that stop at the borderline have historically shaped security policies toward the Colombia-Ecuador and Colombia-Venezuela borders. It then contrasts these with a transnational perspective that analyzes security dynamics from within the Colombian-Ecuadorian and Colombian-Venezuelan borderlands. Adopting such a transnational borderland lens, the chapter maps violent non-state group interactions in recent history across these borderlands and contextualizes them with the spatial distribution of the various cocaine supply chain stages and interconnected forms of transnational organized crime. Together with socioeconomic and cultural conditions that vary along and across the borders, the logic of these illicit cross-border flows informs the groups’ motives for cooperation, which in turn shape their interactions.

Fighting transnational crime requires coordination among law enforcement agencies from multiple countries, but such cooperation is still relatively shallow. This chapter examines two types of criminal activities—drug trafficking and money laundering. The focus is on the U.S.-led efforts to reduce cocaine trafficking from the Andean countries. Despite significant efforts, first at interdiction and then at reducing the coca supply, cocaine trafficking finds new routes and continues. Similarly, efforts to thwart money laundering, while experiencing some notable successes through the Financial Action Task Force, are ultimately undermined by the vast rewards for countries that choose not to cooperate. Overall, without a significant change in the willingness of countries to cooperate more deeply on law enforcement, transnational crime is likely to continue to flourish.

This chapter examines the recent attention to the issue of human trafficking, first by addressing the claim that trafficking is the new slave trade. In particular, it considers what human trafficking shares with its historical antecedents, noting that the emergence of international legal instruments to combat trafficking dates back more than a century and overlaps with the demise of classic slavery of the colonial era. It then explores three interconnected policy concerns of the early 1990s: a century-old unease about prostitution and female mobility, mass migration in a globalized world, and transnational crime. It also discusses the mobilizing qualities of human trafficking discourse and asks whether traffickers have navels—that is, whether traffickers engage in a form of egregious conduct having a long historical legacy, or whether they are a “first of their kind”: navel-less creatures committing unprecedented horrendous deeds never before witnessed.

Starting with an account of Australia–Indonesia police cooperation after the 2002 Bali bombings, this chapter explains the purpose of the book (to identify the conditions that promote criminal justice cooperation between the two countries) and its argument (cooperation is more likely when a balance exists between political and policy interests). The chapter also discusses the interdisciplinary approach used in the book, looking first at the strengths and limitations of theories of international cooperation from international relations and transnational policing studies, and then describing how a regulatory perspective—which involves a pragmatic inquiry into how different actors influence the governance of a social problem—helps address the limitations. It concludes with an outline of the remaining chapters.

This chapter seeks to identify the conditions that promote criminal justice cooperation between Australia and Indonesia. It argues that there is a structural tension between political and policy interests at the heart of the cooperative relationship. This tension emerges from the two forces that define the cooperative relationship: the politicization of transnational problems and the perception of mutual interests. It is animated by the different categories of actors engaged in the relationship: bureaucrats, politicians, and private actors. The chapter also suggests that cooperation is more likely to occur when political and policy interests are in balance, such that there is sufficient political will to pursue the cooperation and sufficient scope to execute it.

By 2003 ethnic Albanian organized crime reached its height on the agendas of many Western countries. International and governmental agencies have depicted Albanian organized crime as an emerging and serious threat to “civil society” and “national security.” Despite its publicity, however, Albanian organized crime remains an understudied topic. This chapter introduces the numerous myths that arose in the late 1990s about a ruthless, hierarchically structured and ethnically homogenous Albanian Mafia that was quickly taking control over foreign territories. It also elaborates on the research methods used to collect data on organized crime, ranging from interviews with organized crime offenders, victims and law enforcement officials to analysis of court and police files.

This chapter reviews the study’s core findings regarding the drivers and influencers of criminal justice cooperation between Australia and Indonesia, and the scope for such cooperation to occur. It then bring these findings together to create a model of the Australia–Indonesia criminal justice relationship. The chapter also considers what the findings mean in practice by identifying a series of strategies for promoting bilateral cooperation to combat crime. These strategies draw out the deeper story of this book: the perpetual interplay of political and policy interests within transnational governance, and the importance of striking a balance between them to realize the elusive goal of international cooperation.