Richard Caplan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- July 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199263455
- eISBN:
- 9780191602726
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199263450.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Since the mid-1990s, the United Nations and other multilateral organizations have been entrusted with exceptional authority for the administration of war-torn and strife-ridden territories. In Bosnia ...
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Since the mid-1990s, the United Nations and other multilateral organizations have been entrusted with exceptional authority for the administration of war-torn and strife-ridden territories. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, Eastern Slavonia, Kosovo, and East Timor, these organizations have assumed responsibility for governance to a degree unprecedented in recent history. These initiatives represent some of the boldest experiments in the management and settlement of intra-state conflict ever attempted by third parties. This book is a study of recent experiences in the international administration of war-torn territories. Examines the nature of these operations—their mandates, structures, and powers—and distinguishes them from kindred historical and contemporary experiences of peacekeeping, trusteeship, and military occupation. Analyses and assesses the effectiveness of international administrations and discusses, in thematic fashion, the key operational and political challenges that arise in the context of these experiences. Also reflects on the policy implications of these experiences, recommending reforms or new approaches to the challenge posed by localized anarchy in a global context. Argues that despite many of the problems arising from both the design and implementation of international administrations—some of them very serious—international administrations have generally made a positive contribution to the mitigation of conflict in the territories where they have been established.Less
Since the mid-1990s, the United Nations and other multilateral organizations have been entrusted with exceptional authority for the administration of war-torn and strife-ridden territories. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, Eastern Slavonia, Kosovo, and East Timor, these organizations have assumed responsibility for governance to a degree unprecedented in recent history. These initiatives represent some of the boldest experiments in the management and settlement of intra-state conflict ever attempted by third parties.
This book is a study of recent experiences in the international administration of war-torn territories. Examines the nature of these operations—their mandates, structures, and powers—and distinguishes them from kindred historical and contemporary experiences of peacekeeping, trusteeship, and military occupation. Analyses and assesses the effectiveness of international administrations and discusses, in thematic fashion, the key operational and political challenges that arise in the context of these experiences. Also reflects on the policy implications of these experiences, recommending reforms or new approaches to the challenge posed by localized anarchy in a global context. Argues that despite many of the problems arising from both the design and implementation of international administrations—some of them very serious—international administrations have generally made a positive contribution to the mitigation of conflict in the territories where they have been established.
Simon Chesterman
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199263486
- eISBN:
- 9780191600999
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199263485.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Transitional administrations represent the most complex operations attempted by the United Nations. The missions in Kosovo (1999—) and East Timor (1999–2002) are commonly seen as unique in the ...
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Transitional administrations represent the most complex operations attempted by the United Nations. The missions in Kosovo (1999—) and East Timor (1999–2002) are commonly seen as unique in the history of the United Nations. But they may also be seen as the latest in a series of operations that have involved the United Nations in ‘state‐building’ activities, in which it has attempted to develop the institutions of government by assuming some or all of those sovereign powers on a temporary basis. Viewed in light of earlier UN operations, such as those in Namibia (1989–1990), Cambodia (1992–1993), and Eastern Slavonia (1996–1998), the idea that these exceptional circumstances may not recur is somewhat disingenuous. The need for policy research in this area was brought into sharp focus by the weighty but vague responsibilities assigned to the United Nations in Afghanistan (2002—) and its contested role in Iraq (2003—).This book seeks to fill that gap. Aimed at policy‐makers, diplomats, and a wide academic audience (including international relations, political science, international law, war studies, and development studies), the book provides a concise history of transitional administration and a treatment of the five key issues confronting such operations: peace and security, the role of the United Nations as government, establishing the rule of law, economic reconstruction, and exit strategies. Research for the book has been conducted through extensive field research and interviews with key UN staff and local representatives in almost all of the territories under consideration. The unifying theme is that, while the ends of transitional administration may be idealistic, the means cannot be.Less
Transitional administrations represent the most complex operations attempted by the United Nations. The missions in Kosovo (1999—) and East Timor (1999–2002) are commonly seen as unique in the history of the United Nations. But they may also be seen as the latest in a series of operations that have involved the United Nations in ‘state‐building’ activities, in which it has attempted to develop the institutions of government by assuming some or all of those sovereign powers on a temporary basis. Viewed in light of earlier UN operations, such as those in Namibia (1989–1990), Cambodia (1992–1993), and Eastern Slavonia (1996–1998), the idea that these exceptional circumstances may not recur is somewhat disingenuous. The need for policy research in this area was brought into sharp focus by the weighty but vague responsibilities assigned to the United Nations in Afghanistan (2002—) and its contested role in Iraq (2003—).
This book seeks to fill that gap. Aimed at policy‐makers, diplomats, and a wide academic audience (including international relations, political science, international law, war studies, and development studies), the book provides a concise history of transitional administration and a treatment of the five key issues confronting such operations: peace and security, the role of the United Nations as government, establishing the rule of law, economic reconstruction, and exit strategies. Research for the book has been conducted through extensive field research and interviews with key UN staff and local representatives in almost all of the territories under consideration. The unifying theme is that, while the ends of transitional administration may be idealistic, the means cannot be.
John Paul Lederach and R. Scott Appleby
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195395914
- eISBN:
- 9780199776801
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195395914.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
In this chapter, Chesterman grapples with the complex challenges facing the United Nations in post-conflict reconstruction and peacebuilding efforts. He first examines the dilemmas inherent in ...
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In this chapter, Chesterman grapples with the complex challenges facing the United Nations in post-conflict reconstruction and peacebuilding efforts. He first examines the dilemmas inherent in outside interventions for peacebuilding, particularly those with expanded UN mandates and/or transitional administrations. He argues that workable strategies must increase clarity with regard to the following: the political and strategic objectives of the intervention, the dynamic relationship between international and local actors, and the political and resource commitments required of international actors. In examining prospects for improvement, Chesterman evaluates both the challenges and potential of the Peacebuilding Commission to promote coordination and increase funding for more strategic peacebuilding.Less
In this chapter, Chesterman grapples with the complex challenges facing the United Nations in post-conflict reconstruction and peacebuilding efforts. He first examines the dilemmas inherent in outside interventions for peacebuilding, particularly those with expanded UN mandates and/or transitional administrations. He argues that workable strategies must increase clarity with regard to the following: the political and strategic objectives of the intervention, the dynamic relationship between international and local actors, and the political and resource commitments required of international actors. In examining prospects for improvement, Chesterman evaluates both the challenges and potential of the Peacebuilding Commission to promote coordination and increase funding for more strategic peacebuilding.
Siobhán Wills
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199533879
- eISBN:
- 9780191714801
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199533879.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration, Public International Law
International law recognizes no relationship of a general nature between the inhabitants of territory in which a foreign military forces is deployed, and the State or organization that has deployed ...
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International law recognizes no relationship of a general nature between the inhabitants of territory in which a foreign military forces is deployed, and the State or organization that has deployed the force, although. The State or organization concerned may nevertheless have obligations towards the local population under IHL and international human rights law. However, where a State is in occupation of territory outside its own borders as a result of armed conflict, there is an extensive body of law governing the relationship between the occupant and the people of the occupied territory, focussed on Geneva Convention IV Relative to the Protection of Civilians in Time of War, 1949 (Geneva Convention IV). This chapter explores the extent to which this body of occupation law applies to peacekeeping and other multi-national operations that differ from belligerent occupation as traditionally conceived.Less
International law recognizes no relationship of a general nature between the inhabitants of territory in which a foreign military forces is deployed, and the State or organization that has deployed the force, although. The State or organization concerned may nevertheless have obligations towards the local population under IHL and international human rights law. However, where a State is in occupation of territory outside its own borders as a result of armed conflict, there is an extensive body of law governing the relationship between the occupant and the people of the occupied territory, focussed on Geneva Convention IV Relative to the Protection of Civilians in Time of War, 1949 (Geneva Convention IV). This chapter explores the extent to which this body of occupation law applies to peacekeeping and other multi-national operations that differ from belligerent occupation as traditionally conceived.
Cécile Fabre
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780198786245
- eISBN:
- 9780191839092
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198786245.003.0008
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
Restitution, reparations, and punishment are all constituents of a justified peace. This chapter addresses the institutional question (though from a normative point of view) of which actors are prima ...
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Restitution, reparations, and punishment are all constituents of a justified peace. This chapter addresses the institutional question (though from a normative point of view) of which actors are prima facie morally justified in enforcing peace in general and peace agreements in particular. It argues in favour of the most comprehensive institutional mechanisms to be deployed post-war, namely transitional foreign administrations. Under some circumstances, to be specified here, if agents are unable or unwilling to govern themselves and, as a result, threaten prospects for peace, it is prima facie legitimate for outside actors to set up such governance structures, at least on a temporary basis. This claim is vulnerable to the charge of cosmopolitan neocolonialism—a charge which the chapter seeks to rebut.Less
Restitution, reparations, and punishment are all constituents of a justified peace. This chapter addresses the institutional question (though from a normative point of view) of which actors are prima facie morally justified in enforcing peace in general and peace agreements in particular. It argues in favour of the most comprehensive institutional mechanisms to be deployed post-war, namely transitional foreign administrations. Under some circumstances, to be specified here, if agents are unable or unwilling to govern themselves and, as a result, threaten prospects for peace, it is prima facie legitimate for outside actors to set up such governance structures, at least on a temporary basis. This claim is vulnerable to the charge of cosmopolitan neocolonialism—a charge which the chapter seeks to rebut.
Anthony Goldstone
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199760114
- eISBN:
- 9780199949991
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199760114.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
When the UN became transitional administrator in East Timor in late 1999, the UN made a commitment to an exit strategy and convinced itself that it had designed an effective one. Yet four years after ...
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When the UN became transitional administrator in East Timor in late 1999, the UN made a commitment to an exit strategy and convinced itself that it had designed an effective one. Yet four years after independence, in 2006, faced with the prospect of the collapse of state institutions, the UN reengaged in East Timor on a scale approaching that of the transitional administration of 1999–2002. This chapter describes the development of the strategies for the UN’s exit from East Timor as transitional administrator and for the subsequent phased exit, concentrating on two aspects: the political transition leading to independence and the post-independence drawdown of the UN police and military components. It addresses the question of why the exit strategies adopted were not successful, suggesting that despite the claimed aversion of the UN and member states to artificial deadlines, for a variety of reasons the pressures for a rapid withdrawal tended to outweigh calls for a more measured approach geared to the complexities of the postconflict environment.Less
When the UN became transitional administrator in East Timor in late 1999, the UN made a commitment to an exit strategy and convinced itself that it had designed an effective one. Yet four years after independence, in 2006, faced with the prospect of the collapse of state institutions, the UN reengaged in East Timor on a scale approaching that of the transitional administration of 1999–2002. This chapter describes the development of the strategies for the UN’s exit from East Timor as transitional administrator and for the subsequent phased exit, concentrating on two aspects: the political transition leading to independence and the post-independence drawdown of the UN police and military components. It addresses the question of why the exit strategies adopted were not successful, suggesting that despite the claimed aversion of the UN and member states to artificial deadlines, for a variety of reasons the pressures for a rapid withdrawal tended to outweigh calls for a more measured approach geared to the complexities of the postconflict environment.
Sylvia de Bertodano
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199276745
- eISBN:
- 9780191707650
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199276745.003.0005
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
One of the major issues facing the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) when it arrived in East Timor in October 1999 was the question of how those responsible for the ...
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One of the major issues facing the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) when it arrived in East Timor in October 1999 was the question of how those responsible for the violence of the preceding ten months were to be brought to justice. UNTAET created the Special Panels for Serious Crimes (composed of national and international judges) in East Timor's capital Dili, to try suspects in East Timor. These panels are the first specially constructed internationalized courts which have tried serious crimes within a local justice system. However, due to a lack of commitment in terms of funding, personnel, and political will, the success of this experiment has been limited. This chapter reviews the experiment in internationalized justice taking place in Dili. In an attempt to provide an overall assessment, it also discusses the progress of the ad hoc tribunal in Jakarta, Indonesia.Less
One of the major issues facing the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) when it arrived in East Timor in October 1999 was the question of how those responsible for the violence of the preceding ten months were to be brought to justice. UNTAET created the Special Panels for Serious Crimes (composed of national and international judges) in East Timor's capital Dili, to try suspects in East Timor. These panels are the first specially constructed internationalized courts which have tried serious crimes within a local justice system. However, due to a lack of commitment in terms of funding, personnel, and political will, the success of this experiment has been limited. This chapter reviews the experiment in internationalized justice taking place in Dili. In an attempt to provide an overall assessment, it also discusses the progress of the ad hoc tribunal in Jakarta, Indonesia.
Paul D. Miller
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801451492
- eISBN:
- 9780801469541
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801451492.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
This chapter establishes a typology of state-building strategies based on the degree of control or influence exercised by the international community, and the areas of statehood in which it exercises ...
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This chapter establishes a typology of state-building strategies based on the degree of control or influence exercised by the international community, and the areas of statehood in which it exercises such control. It focuses on strategy as the necessary condition for success, although tactical and programmatic considerations also affect the outcome of a state-building operation. The chapter develops two ways of defining strategies of state building. First, a strategy can be organized around an overarching goal that commands the state builder’s priority of effort, such as security or liberalization. Second, a strategy can be organized around the degree of an intervention’s invasiveness—that is, state builders could partner with local institutions, such as through security assistance programs, or simply take over, such as through a transitional administration. The chapter derives from these two concepts hypotheses about what causes success in armed state-building operations.Less
This chapter establishes a typology of state-building strategies based on the degree of control or influence exercised by the international community, and the areas of statehood in which it exercises such control. It focuses on strategy as the necessary condition for success, although tactical and programmatic considerations also affect the outcome of a state-building operation. The chapter develops two ways of defining strategies of state building. First, a strategy can be organized around an overarching goal that commands the state builder’s priority of effort, such as security or liberalization. Second, a strategy can be organized around the degree of an intervention’s invasiveness—that is, state builders could partner with local institutions, such as through security assistance programs, or simply take over, such as through a transitional administration. The chapter derives from these two concepts hypotheses about what causes success in armed state-building operations.