Raymond Plant
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199281756
- eISBN:
- 9780191713040
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199281756.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Theory
This book has two central aims. The first is to give a fair, comprehensive, and analytical account of the central features of the neo‐liberal view about the role and limits of the state in the modern ...
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This book has two central aims. The first is to give a fair, comprehensive, and analytical account of the central features of the neo‐liberal view about the role and limits of the state in the modern world. It considers important ideas such as the contrast between a state based on rules and the one based on outcomes, the implications of this contrast for the rule of law, for the ideas of freedom, social justice, and rights. It provides a full account of the neo‐liberal view of the relationship between the state and the economy and to civil society and voluntary organizations. It draws upon a wide range of works by neo‐liberal thinkers to build up the theoretical case for this conception of the role of government and politics. The thinkers at the heart of this part of the study are Hayek, Buchanan, Mises, Menger, as well as others who while not regarding themselves as neo‐liberals nevertheless have contributed to neo‐liberal ideas. These include Oakeshott, Nozick, and Rothbard. The study also looks at the public policy implications of neo‐liberal ideas in relation to the role of the welfare state and other forms of public sector provision. The second part of the book provides a detailed critical appraisal of some of the central neo‐liberal doctrines particularly in relation to the core ideas of freedom, justice, rights, the role of collective organizations in civil society, and the provision of welfare. The book argues that contrary to neo‐liberal arguments there is no coherent way of providing a sharp and categorical distinction between neo‐liberalism and Social Democracy on the one hand and libertarianism on the other.Less
This book has two central aims. The first is to give a fair, comprehensive, and analytical account of the central features of the neo‐liberal view about the role and limits of the state in the modern world. It considers important ideas such as the contrast between a state based on rules and the one based on outcomes, the implications of this contrast for the rule of law, for the ideas of freedom, social justice, and rights. It provides a full account of the neo‐liberal view of the relationship between the state and the economy and to civil society and voluntary organizations. It draws upon a wide range of works by neo‐liberal thinkers to build up the theoretical case for this conception of the role of government and politics. The thinkers at the heart of this part of the study are Hayek, Buchanan, Mises, Menger, as well as others who while not regarding themselves as neo‐liberals nevertheless have contributed to neo‐liberal ideas. These include Oakeshott, Nozick, and Rothbard. The study also looks at the public policy implications of neo‐liberal ideas in relation to the role of the welfare state and other forms of public sector provision. The second part of the book provides a detailed critical appraisal of some of the central neo‐liberal doctrines particularly in relation to the core ideas of freedom, justice, rights, the role of collective organizations in civil society, and the provision of welfare. The book argues that contrary to neo‐liberal arguments there is no coherent way of providing a sharp and categorical distinction between neo‐liberalism and Social Democracy on the one hand and libertarianism on the other.
Isaac Nakhimovsky
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691148946
- eISBN:
- 9781400838752
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691148946.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter shows how Fichte's response to Kant's essay Perpetual Peace culminated in The Closed Commercial State. Kant's essay defined the legal character of a peaceful international community. It ...
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This chapter shows how Fichte's response to Kant's essay Perpetual Peace culminated in The Closed Commercial State. Kant's essay defined the legal character of a peaceful international community. It also identified the historical processes favoring the emergence of an increasingly legalized and demilitarized European states system. The Closed Commercial State elaborated Kant's historical model into an account of the rise of global trade and its impact on state formation. Fichte concluded that the pacification of Europe envisioned by Kant was predicated on a resolution to the conflicts unleashed by heightened economic competition, both between and within states. In making this argument, Fichte developed an account of commerce and international relations that was closely aligned with contemporary pro-French and anti-English views of global trade and the European states system. Like Kant's Perpetual Peace, Fichte's Closed Commercial State was a highly abstracted theoretical investigation occasioned by a French diplomatic initiative championed by Sieyès. However, Fichte was much more willing than Kant to work out the details of a reform strategy predicated on Sieyès's efforts to engineer a French-led restructuring of the European balance of power.Less
This chapter shows how Fichte's response to Kant's essay Perpetual Peace culminated in The Closed Commercial State. Kant's essay defined the legal character of a peaceful international community. It also identified the historical processes favoring the emergence of an increasingly legalized and demilitarized European states system. The Closed Commercial State elaborated Kant's historical model into an account of the rise of global trade and its impact on state formation. Fichte concluded that the pacification of Europe envisioned by Kant was predicated on a resolution to the conflicts unleashed by heightened economic competition, both between and within states. In making this argument, Fichte developed an account of commerce and international relations that was closely aligned with contemporary pro-French and anti-English views of global trade and the European states system. Like Kant's Perpetual Peace, Fichte's Closed Commercial State was a highly abstracted theoretical investigation occasioned by a French diplomatic initiative championed by Sieyès. However, Fichte was much more willing than Kant to work out the details of a reform strategy predicated on Sieyès's efforts to engineer a French-led restructuring of the European balance of power.
Alfred Stepan
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199915187
- eISBN:
- 9780199933495
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199915187.003.0002
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, South and East Asia
Eminent political scientist Alfred Stepan analyzes the subjective responses of individuals when asked how their conditions have changed and how they see the future without necessarily connecting them ...
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Eminent political scientist Alfred Stepan analyzes the subjective responses of individuals when asked how their conditions have changed and how they see the future without necessarily connecting them to the policies. His findings unequivocally show that a rising proportion of the people say their fortunes are improving while a declining proportion say the opposite. This trend also carries over to their expectations for the future economic prospects.Less
Eminent political scientist Alfred Stepan analyzes the subjective responses of individuals when asked how their conditions have changed and how they see the future without necessarily connecting them to the policies. His findings unequivocally show that a rising proportion of the people say their fortunes are improving while a declining proportion say the opposite. This trend also carries over to their expectations for the future economic prospects.
Isaac Nakhimovsky
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691148946
- eISBN:
- 9781400838752
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691148946.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter considers the broader implications of Fichte's work. Fichte's The Closed Commercial State was an intensive investigation into the prospects of Europe's transformation into the kind of ...
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This chapter considers the broader implications of Fichte's work. Fichte's The Closed Commercial State was an intensive investigation into the prospects of Europe's transformation into the kind of international federation envisioned by Kant. His analysis was not the product of an alien ideology but represented a notable attempt to join the constitutionalism of Rousseau, Sieyès, and Kant to widespread and fairly mainstream eighteenth-century views of commerce, finance, and the European states system. Fichte's Addresses to the German Nation, delivered in occupied Berlin in the winter of 1808–9, have achieved much greater notoriety than The Closed Commercial State as a supposed transmission of ancien régime power politics into the age of nationalism. In fact, they represent a further effort to extend Fichte's constitutional theory into a strategic response to immensely constricting historical circumstances.Less
This chapter considers the broader implications of Fichte's work. Fichte's The Closed Commercial State was an intensive investigation into the prospects of Europe's transformation into the kind of international federation envisioned by Kant. His analysis was not the product of an alien ideology but represented a notable attempt to join the constitutionalism of Rousseau, Sieyès, and Kant to widespread and fairly mainstream eighteenth-century views of commerce, finance, and the European states system. Fichte's Addresses to the German Nation, delivered in occupied Berlin in the winter of 1808–9, have achieved much greater notoriety than The Closed Commercial State as a supposed transmission of ancien régime power politics into the age of nationalism. In fact, they represent a further effort to extend Fichte's constitutional theory into a strategic response to immensely constricting historical circumstances.
Lord Moser
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263518
- eISBN:
- 9780191734021
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263518.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This lecture discusses the broad ideas that underlie the Robbins Report, as well as its passionate belief in the crucial value of universities to society. It addresses four broad issues that were ...
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This lecture discusses the broad ideas that underlie the Robbins Report, as well as its passionate belief in the crucial value of universities to society. It addresses four broad issues that were considered by both Robbins and Dearing. These issues are concerned with the overall number of students going into higher education, the possibility of financial backing, further expansion, and concerns regarding the relations between universities and the State. The lecture expresses a worry over the gradual degradation of the universities, and stresses that high-ranking officials should help solve the problem of continuous underfunding.Less
This lecture discusses the broad ideas that underlie the Robbins Report, as well as its passionate belief in the crucial value of universities to society. It addresses four broad issues that were considered by both Robbins and Dearing. These issues are concerned with the overall number of students going into higher education, the possibility of financial backing, further expansion, and concerns regarding the relations between universities and the State. The lecture expresses a worry over the gradual degradation of the universities, and stresses that high-ranking officials should help solve the problem of continuous underfunding.
Stephan E. C. Wendehorst
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199265305
- eISBN:
- 9780191730849
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199265305.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, History of Religion
Part II examines how British Jews related to Zionist state- and nation-building in the Middle East as participants in the transnational Jewish sphere of interaction. It charts the Peel Commission, ...
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Part II examines how British Jews related to Zionist state- and nation-building in the Middle East as participants in the transnational Jewish sphere of interaction. It charts the Peel Commission, the White Paper, the shoah, rescue, post-war-reconstruction, the displaced persons problem, the Anglo-American Committee of Enquiry, the birth of the State of Israel, and the Suez crisis, and explores how British Zionists responded to these challenges by lobbying, fundraising, aliyah, and military engagement. While the part focuses on the principal channels through which British Zionists participated in Zionist state- and nation-building it also traces how competing liberal assimilationist, Communist, and radical Orthodox British Jews related to the Zionist project in the Middle East.lobbying the Peel Report the White Paper the Jewish Fighting Force the Jewish Brigade rescue displaced persons the Anglo-American Committee of Enquiry birth of the State of Israel the machalniks the Suez crisis aliyah economic supportLess
Part II examines how British Jews related to Zionist state- and nation-building in the Middle East as participants in the transnational Jewish sphere of interaction. It charts the Peel Commission, the White Paper, the shoah, rescue, post-war-reconstruction, the displaced persons problem, the Anglo-American Committee of Enquiry, the birth of the State of Israel, and the Suez crisis, and explores how British Zionists responded to these challenges by lobbying, fundraising, aliyah, and military engagement. While the part focuses on the principal channels through which British Zionists participated in Zionist state- and nation-building it also traces how competing liberal assimilationist, Communist, and radical Orthodox British Jews related to the Zionist project in the Middle East.lobbying the Peel Report the White Paper the Jewish Fighting Force the Jewish Brigade rescue displaced persons the Anglo-American Committee of Enquiry birth of the State of Israel the machalniks the Suez crisis aliyah economic support
Jean-Philippe Robé
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781529213164
- eISBN:
- 9781529213201
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781529213164.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
The Chapter deals with the relationship between the two concepts of sovereignty and property. It first addresses the thesis developed by North, Wallis and Weingast on the role of organized violence ...
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The Chapter deals with the relationship between the two concepts of sovereignty and property. It first addresses the thesis developed by North, Wallis and Weingast on the role of organized violence in the development of a modern, open access society. Their intuition is that the « limited access order » of the « natural state » in which personal relationships form the basis of social organization had to leave the way to an « open access order » in which impersonal categories of individuals interact. This is generally correct. But they neglected the role of law in the process and, in particular, the role of the development of constitutional modes of government. Via modern international law, starting in Europe in the middle of the seventeenth century, sovereignty was allocated among States. Via modern liberal constitutions, internal sovereignty was decentralized as a matter of principle to owners, who are decision-makers as a matter of principle towards the objects of property. The operations of political Organs of the State, of administrative Organs of the State and of law can usefully be viewed in this perspective.Less
The Chapter deals with the relationship between the two concepts of sovereignty and property. It first addresses the thesis developed by North, Wallis and Weingast on the role of organized violence in the development of a modern, open access society. Their intuition is that the « limited access order » of the « natural state » in which personal relationships form the basis of social organization had to leave the way to an « open access order » in which impersonal categories of individuals interact. This is generally correct. But they neglected the role of law in the process and, in particular, the role of the development of constitutional modes of government. Via modern international law, starting in Europe in the middle of the seventeenth century, sovereignty was allocated among States. Via modern liberal constitutions, internal sovereignty was decentralized as a matter of principle to owners, who are decision-makers as a matter of principle towards the objects of property. The operations of political Organs of the State, of administrative Organs of the State and of law can usefully be viewed in this perspective.
Chitra Sinha
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198078944
- eISBN:
- 9780199081479
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198078944.003.0031
- Subject:
- Law, Family Law
The chapter assesses the contribution of the Hindu Code Bill in the construction of the modern Indian nation. Contrary to the existing perception that the Hindu Code Bill in its diluted form failed ...
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The chapter assesses the contribution of the Hindu Code Bill in the construction of the modern Indian nation. Contrary to the existing perception that the Hindu Code Bill in its diluted form failed to create a significant impact on modern Indian society, the analysis tries to capture the lasting imprints of the Hindu Code Bill on the modern Indian mind. With the help of theoretical tools and empirical analysis, the section locates the significance of the Hindu Code Bill controversy in independent India. It attempts to demonstrate that not only did the Hindu Code Bill provide the benchmark for the second wave of feminist activism in India in the 1970s and 1980s, it also shaped much of the subsequent legal debates surrounding the proper implementation of Hindu laws. The chapter argues that even in its truncated form, the passage of the Hindu Code Bill was important in shaping the gender consciousness in independent India and thereby influencing the process of law formation over the longer term.Less
The chapter assesses the contribution of the Hindu Code Bill in the construction of the modern Indian nation. Contrary to the existing perception that the Hindu Code Bill in its diluted form failed to create a significant impact on modern Indian society, the analysis tries to capture the lasting imprints of the Hindu Code Bill on the modern Indian mind. With the help of theoretical tools and empirical analysis, the section locates the significance of the Hindu Code Bill controversy in independent India. It attempts to demonstrate that not only did the Hindu Code Bill provide the benchmark for the second wave of feminist activism in India in the 1970s and 1980s, it also shaped much of the subsequent legal debates surrounding the proper implementation of Hindu laws. The chapter argues that even in its truncated form, the passage of the Hindu Code Bill was important in shaping the gender consciousness in independent India and thereby influencing the process of law formation over the longer term.
Paul C. Gutjahr
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199740420
- eISBN:
- 9780199894703
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199740420.003.0049
- Subject:
- Religion, Church History
Chapter forty-nine examines Hodge’s early engagement in the events surround the beginning of the Civil War. Hodge was strongly pro-Union, and wrote early about the need to keep the Union intact. In ...
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Chapter forty-nine examines Hodge’s early engagement in the events surround the beginning of the Civil War. Hodge was strongly pro-Union, and wrote early about the need to keep the Union intact. In this effort, he wrote one of his most famous and widely read Repertory articles: “The State of the Country.” Once it became clear that Lincoln’s election would lead to succession, Hodge attempted to keep Southern and Northern Old School Presbyterians united. This effort also failed as James Thornwell and Benjamin Morgan Palmer led Southern Old School Presbyterians to form their own denomination. Hodge had little sympathy for the South, who he saw unlawfully seceding as it turned its back on the Constitution, but he worked hard to attempt to avoid the breakup of the Union.Less
Chapter forty-nine examines Hodge’s early engagement in the events surround the beginning of the Civil War. Hodge was strongly pro-Union, and wrote early about the need to keep the Union intact. In this effort, he wrote one of his most famous and widely read Repertory articles: “The State of the Country.” Once it became clear that Lincoln’s election would lead to succession, Hodge attempted to keep Southern and Northern Old School Presbyterians united. This effort also failed as James Thornwell and Benjamin Morgan Palmer led Southern Old School Presbyterians to form their own denomination. Hodge had little sympathy for the South, who he saw unlawfully seceding as it turned its back on the Constitution, but he worked hard to attempt to avoid the breakup of the Union.
Martin Loughlin
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198262732
- eISBN:
- 9780191682407
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198262732.003.0003
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter looks at the historical relationship between the Crown, the State, and the law in Great Britain. It expresses a deep disapproval on the continued influence of ancient notions of the ...
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This chapter looks at the historical relationship between the Crown, the State, and the law in Great Britain. It expresses a deep disapproval on the continued influence of ancient notions of the Crown and the consequent failure of English law to develop a coherent concept of the modern State. It argues that modern constitutional scholars have grossly distorted history with their emphasis on Parliamentary sovereignty and suggests that the sovereignty of the State is more accurately represented as the sovereign authority of the Crown acting through Parliament.Less
This chapter looks at the historical relationship between the Crown, the State, and the law in Great Britain. It expresses a deep disapproval on the continued influence of ancient notions of the Crown and the consequent failure of English law to develop a coherent concept of the modern State. It argues that modern constitutional scholars have grossly distorted history with their emphasis on Parliamentary sovereignty and suggests that the sovereignty of the State is more accurately represented as the sovereign authority of the Crown acting through Parliament.
Jean-Philippe Robé
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781529213164
- eISBN:
- 9781529213201
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781529213164.003.0003
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
The notions of State and of the « Organs of the State » are explained in some details to distinguish their prerogatives from private prerogatives. Private property, in this respect, grants autonomy ...
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The notions of State and of the « Organs of the State » are explained in some details to distinguish their prerogatives from private prerogatives. Private property, in this respect, grants autonomy from the « Organs of the State ». It is part of the constitutional prerogatives protecting private persons against excessive public governmental encroachments. It is part of a constitutional order which combines both democracy and distrust for democracy, by limiting the prerogatives of the Organs of the State. The approach developed proposes a unitary view of the Constitution as providing for both public and private prerogatives, the first ones being exercised by Organs of the State and the second ones by legal persons which are not Organs of the State. Public and private prerogatives operate via fundamentally different rules, private property rights entitling their holders to exercise their prerogatives in a despotic manner, i.e. they can do what they want with what they have without the need to take anybody’s advice or authorization - which is the definition of despotism.Less
The notions of State and of the « Organs of the State » are explained in some details to distinguish their prerogatives from private prerogatives. Private property, in this respect, grants autonomy from the « Organs of the State ». It is part of the constitutional prerogatives protecting private persons against excessive public governmental encroachments. It is part of a constitutional order which combines both democracy and distrust for democracy, by limiting the prerogatives of the Organs of the State. The approach developed proposes a unitary view of the Constitution as providing for both public and private prerogatives, the first ones being exercised by Organs of the State and the second ones by legal persons which are not Organs of the State. Public and private prerogatives operate via fundamentally different rules, private property rights entitling their holders to exercise their prerogatives in a despotic manner, i.e. they can do what they want with what they have without the need to take anybody’s advice or authorization - which is the definition of despotism.
Richard M. Titmuss
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781447349518
- eISBN:
- 9781447349525
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447349518.003.0002
- Subject:
- Social Work, Social Policy
This chapter looks at how some students of social policy see the development of ‘The Welfare State’ in historical perspective as part of a broad, ascending road of social betterment provided for the ...
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This chapter looks at how some students of social policy see the development of ‘The Welfare State’ in historical perspective as part of a broad, ascending road of social betterment provided for the working classes since the nineteenth century and achieving its goal in the present time. This interpretation of change as a process of unilinear progression in collective benevolence for these classes led to the belief that in the year 1948 ‘The Welfare State’ was established. Since then, successive governments, Conservative and Labour, have busied themselves with the more effective operation of the various services. Both parties have also claimed the maintenance of ‘The Welfare State’ as an article of faith.Less
This chapter looks at how some students of social policy see the development of ‘The Welfare State’ in historical perspective as part of a broad, ascending road of social betterment provided for the working classes since the nineteenth century and achieving its goal in the present time. This interpretation of change as a process of unilinear progression in collective benevolence for these classes led to the belief that in the year 1948 ‘The Welfare State’ was established. Since then, successive governments, Conservative and Labour, have busied themselves with the more effective operation of the various services. Both parties have also claimed the maintenance of ‘The Welfare State’ as an article of faith.
Carlo de Stefano
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- March 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780198844648
- eISBN:
- 9780191880179
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198844648.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
Chapter III elucidates the application of attribution rules by international investment tribunals. This chapter is similar in structure to Chapter II, which is a consequence of the proximity of ...
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Chapter III elucidates the application of attribution rules by international investment tribunals. This chapter is similar in structure to Chapter II, which is a consequence of the proximity of international investment law to public international law with regard to the topic of attribution of conduct to a party. In addition, this chapter contains critical discussion on investor–State dispute settlement (ISDS), chiefly on the dialectics between lex generalis (customary international law) and lex specialis (international investment law) as to the resolution of attribution issues, and on the distinction between treaty claims and contract claims for the purposes of the operation of so-called ‘umbrella clauses’. More generally, the chapter critiques the reasoning of arbitrators who have applied the test for attribution of conduct under ARSIWA Articles 4, 5, and 8 in a holistic way, rather than implementing each single test autonomously.Less
Chapter III elucidates the application of attribution rules by international investment tribunals. This chapter is similar in structure to Chapter II, which is a consequence of the proximity of international investment law to public international law with regard to the topic of attribution of conduct to a party. In addition, this chapter contains critical discussion on investor–State dispute settlement (ISDS), chiefly on the dialectics between lex generalis (customary international law) and lex specialis (international investment law) as to the resolution of attribution issues, and on the distinction between treaty claims and contract claims for the purposes of the operation of so-called ‘umbrella clauses’. More generally, the chapter critiques the reasoning of arbitrators who have applied the test for attribution of conduct under ARSIWA Articles 4, 5, and 8 in a holistic way, rather than implementing each single test autonomously.
Aziz al-Azmeh
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781474447461
- eISBN:
- 9781474480697
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474447461.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This book provides a study of secularisation and secularism in the Arab World, between middle of the nineteenth century and the end of the twentieth. It approaches the its subject in the modern ...
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This book provides a study of secularisation and secularism in the Arab World, between middle of the nineteenth century and the end of the twentieth. It approaches the its subject in the modern history of the Arab World as a set of historical changes which affected the regulation of social, political, religious and cultural order which permeated the concrete workings of society, rather than as an ideological discussion framed from the outset by the presumed opposition between Islam and secularism. The book traces social, institutional and cultural changes of a secularising character, the emergence and consolidation of a secular political and legal system, the rise of a new type of educational and political arrangements with their complement of a modern intelligentsia, the social and institutional attrition of the Muslim religious institution and the strong reformist current in Islam, the rise of modern cognitive regimes, ideologies and secular culture, and the balances of secular and religious elements in nationalism. The book traces the rise of secularist and anti-religious culture in the variety of its manifestations, and of anti-modernism as well, and the emergence of associated religious and anti-modernist currents in the wake of the 1967 war, the associated strengthening of Islamist politics and its move from the margins to the centre in the last quarter of the twentieth century.Less
This book provides a study of secularisation and secularism in the Arab World, between middle of the nineteenth century and the end of the twentieth. It approaches the its subject in the modern history of the Arab World as a set of historical changes which affected the regulation of social, political, religious and cultural order which permeated the concrete workings of society, rather than as an ideological discussion framed from the outset by the presumed opposition between Islam and secularism. The book traces social, institutional and cultural changes of a secularising character, the emergence and consolidation of a secular political and legal system, the rise of a new type of educational and political arrangements with their complement of a modern intelligentsia, the social and institutional attrition of the Muslim religious institution and the strong reformist current in Islam, the rise of modern cognitive regimes, ideologies and secular culture, and the balances of secular and religious elements in nationalism. The book traces the rise of secularist and anti-religious culture in the variety of its manifestations, and of anti-modernism as well, and the emergence of associated religious and anti-modernist currents in the wake of the 1967 war, the associated strengthening of Islamist politics and its move from the margins to the centre in the last quarter of the twentieth century.
Joan C. Tonn
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300096217
- eISBN:
- 9780300128024
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300096217.003.0016
- Subject:
- History, Political History
In her book The New State, published in 1918, Mary P. Follett claims that representative government has failed “because it was not a method by which men could govern themselves.” Hailed as “an ...
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In her book The New State, published in 1918, Mary P. Follett claims that representative government has failed “because it was not a method by which men could govern themselves.” Hailed as “an American classic of participatory democracy” by Benjamin R. Barber, Kekst Professor of Civil Society at the University of Maryland, the book describes democracy as “a genuine union of true individuals” that had never existed in America. According to Follett, a mythological democracy should be replaced with the actual workings of democracy through the principle of association. She argues that democracy must be created through an integrative group process, that interpenetration rather than imitation is the heart of the social process, and that social progress depends on the continual integrating of difference. Follett also tackles other issues such as socialism, new forms of association in American society. pluralism, sovereignty, and federalism.Less
In her book The New State, published in 1918, Mary P. Follett claims that representative government has failed “because it was not a method by which men could govern themselves.” Hailed as “an American classic of participatory democracy” by Benjamin R. Barber, Kekst Professor of Civil Society at the University of Maryland, the book describes democracy as “a genuine union of true individuals” that had never existed in America. According to Follett, a mythological democracy should be replaced with the actual workings of democracy through the principle of association. She argues that democracy must be created through an integrative group process, that interpenetration rather than imitation is the heart of the social process, and that social progress depends on the continual integrating of difference. Follett also tackles other issues such as socialism, new forms of association in American society. pluralism, sovereignty, and federalism.
Jane A. Russo
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199744664
- eISBN:
- 9780199932863
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199744664.003.0025
- Subject:
- Social Work, Social Policy
Jane A. Russo examines the growth and proliferation of psychoanalytic culture in Brazil during the military dictatorship of the 1970s. A strong case is made that the increase in psychoanalysis seen ...
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Jane A. Russo examines the growth and proliferation of psychoanalytic culture in Brazil during the military dictatorship of the 1970s. A strong case is made that the increase in psychoanalysis seen at this time was not just a direct response to political repression. Instead Russo places it as part of a longer process of modernization that began in the 1950s and was greatly influenced by the social reform movements in the 1960s and 1970s. This influence meant that individual transformation was seen as a prerequisite for social transformation. Additionally, the Brazilian psychoanalytic community was influenced by both Jewish and Nazi European exiles. Russo argues that the development of a psychoanalytic culture during a military dictatorship produced particular features in Brazilian psychoanalytic culture that remain today, between (bad) conservative, orthodox psychoanalysis, and (good) libertarian psychoanalysis.Less
Jane A. Russo examines the growth and proliferation of psychoanalytic culture in Brazil during the military dictatorship of the 1970s. A strong case is made that the increase in psychoanalysis seen at this time was not just a direct response to political repression. Instead Russo places it as part of a longer process of modernization that began in the 1950s and was greatly influenced by the social reform movements in the 1960s and 1970s. This influence meant that individual transformation was seen as a prerequisite for social transformation. Additionally, the Brazilian psychoanalytic community was influenced by both Jewish and Nazi European exiles. Russo argues that the development of a psychoanalytic culture during a military dictatorship produced particular features in Brazilian psychoanalytic culture that remain today, between (bad) conservative, orthodox psychoanalysis, and (good) libertarian psychoanalysis.
Tracy B. Strong
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780226623191
- eISBN:
- 9780226623368
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226623368.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
The aftermath of World War I sees the granting of suffrage to women (by the narrowest of margins). The Great Depression makes these deficiencies dramatically clear. The New Deal is an attempt by non- ...
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The aftermath of World War I sees the granting of suffrage to women (by the narrowest of margins). The Great Depression makes these deficiencies dramatically clear. The New Deal is an attempt by non- or semi-socialist forces in America to deal with the weaknesses of the American state, now that America had grown into the major industrial power. The forces behind Roosevelt soon split into two main factions. Roosevelt’s 1944 State of the Union Message lays out a new bill of rights that is strongly of the Wallace vision. Wallace is Vice-President until 1944 when he is replaced by Harry Truman. Truman is much less open to co-existence with the Soviets. The USSR is increasingly aggressive in Western Europe – the Cold War is on the doorstep and enters with the publication of George Kennan’s famous ‘Long Telegram’ advocating a policy of containment. Containment is in turn made cheaper by the development of atomic weapons and delivery systems that would have to be in flying range of the USSR. Domestically the fear of Communism leads to a vast shrinking of the political spectrum deemed legitimate.Less
The aftermath of World War I sees the granting of suffrage to women (by the narrowest of margins). The Great Depression makes these deficiencies dramatically clear. The New Deal is an attempt by non- or semi-socialist forces in America to deal with the weaknesses of the American state, now that America had grown into the major industrial power. The forces behind Roosevelt soon split into two main factions. Roosevelt’s 1944 State of the Union Message lays out a new bill of rights that is strongly of the Wallace vision. Wallace is Vice-President until 1944 when he is replaced by Harry Truman. Truman is much less open to co-existence with the Soviets. The USSR is increasingly aggressive in Western Europe – the Cold War is on the doorstep and enters with the publication of George Kennan’s famous ‘Long Telegram’ advocating a policy of containment. Containment is in turn made cheaper by the development of atomic weapons and delivery systems that would have to be in flying range of the USSR. Domestically the fear of Communism leads to a vast shrinking of the political spectrum deemed legitimate.
Andrew Pettinger
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199601745
- eISBN:
- 9780191741524
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199601745.003.0003
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, European History: BCE to 500CE
This chapter, along with the previous chapter, proposes that Drusus Libo was treated as an enemy of the State. The evidence is as follows: Drusus Libo was abandoned by family and friends; he was ...
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This chapter, along with the previous chapter, proposes that Drusus Libo was treated as an enemy of the State. The evidence is as follows: Drusus Libo was abandoned by family and friends; he was placed under a guard of praetorians; efforts were made to remove him from public memory (damnatio memoriae); the day of his suicide was made a holiday; and public thanks were given to the goddess Concordia, who was usually invoked when a great social disturbance had occurred. Republican precedents are explored to place Drusus Libo’s treatment in context. It is argued that Drusus Libo’s treatment is best explained by placing him among those involved in the conspiracy of Clemens, which occurred at the same time.Less
This chapter, along with the previous chapter, proposes that Drusus Libo was treated as an enemy of the State. The evidence is as follows: Drusus Libo was abandoned by family and friends; he was placed under a guard of praetorians; efforts were made to remove him from public memory (damnatio memoriae); the day of his suicide was made a holiday; and public thanks were given to the goddess Concordia, who was usually invoked when a great social disturbance had occurred. Republican precedents are explored to place Drusus Libo’s treatment in context. It is argued that Drusus Libo’s treatment is best explained by placing him among those involved in the conspiracy of Clemens, which occurred at the same time.
Robin Roberts
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781496815569
- eISBN:
- 9781496815606
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781496815569.003.0006
- Subject:
- Sociology, Culture
A multi-media exhibit entitled The Untold Story in the World Heritage site Blenheim Palace uses new media not to emphasize great public triumphs, but instead to reveal private family relationships. ...
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A multi-media exhibit entitled The Untold Story in the World Heritage site Blenheim Palace uses new media not to emphasize great public triumphs, but instead to reveal private family relationships. Told by a projected apparition of the first duchess’s lady’s maid, Grace Ridley, the exhibit addresses the tourists by including them in intimate, behind-the-scenes views of three hundred years of family stories. The ghostly female narrator stands in for the tourist, a feminized outsider fascinated by the gossipy version of family history. Baton Rouge’s Old State Capitol exhibit, The Ghost of the Castle , functions similarly to The Untold Story . The Ghost of the Castle is a far more modest enterprise, consisting of a short video in a few rooms. Comparing the two reveals a fundamental similarity of outlook and a similar portrayal of the female ghost for heritage purposes.Less
A multi-media exhibit entitled The Untold Story in the World Heritage site Blenheim Palace uses new media not to emphasize great public triumphs, but instead to reveal private family relationships. Told by a projected apparition of the first duchess’s lady’s maid, Grace Ridley, the exhibit addresses the tourists by including them in intimate, behind-the-scenes views of three hundred years of family stories. The ghostly female narrator stands in for the tourist, a feminized outsider fascinated by the gossipy version of family history. Baton Rouge’s Old State Capitol exhibit, The Ghost of the Castle , functions similarly to The Untold Story . The Ghost of the Castle is a far more modest enterprise, consisting of a short video in a few rooms. Comparing the two reveals a fundamental similarity of outlook and a similar portrayal of the female ghost for heritage purposes.
Joan C. Tonn
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300096217
- eISBN:
- 9780300128024
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300096217.003.0017
- Subject:
- History, Political History
Of all the reviews that came for Mary P. Follett's book The New State (1918), the most appreciative were from philosophers. Among them were Hartly Burr Alexander, the 1919 president of the American ...
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Of all the reviews that came for Mary P. Follett's book The New State (1918), the most appreciative were from philosophers. Among them were Hartly Burr Alexander, the 1919 president of the American Philosophical Association, Bernard Bosanquet, England's leading proponent of Absolute Idealism, James H. Tufts, a professor at the University of Chicago, and Harry A. Overstreet, the pluralist proponent of vocational schemes of political representation. Charles A. Ellwood, a University of Missouri professor, called The New State a notable contribution to social and political theory. Harold J. Laski's critique seemed more a restatement of his attack on sovereignty than a review, while Thomas P. Bailey, a professor of ethology at the University of the South, accused Follett of being a communist sympathizer. Follett wrote a paper for Philosophical Review not only to clear up misunderstandings regarding her book but also to reiterate the importance of new modes of association and the integrative group process, rather than neighborhood groups or occupational groups per se, in creating democracy.Less
Of all the reviews that came for Mary P. Follett's book The New State (1918), the most appreciative were from philosophers. Among them were Hartly Burr Alexander, the 1919 president of the American Philosophical Association, Bernard Bosanquet, England's leading proponent of Absolute Idealism, James H. Tufts, a professor at the University of Chicago, and Harry A. Overstreet, the pluralist proponent of vocational schemes of political representation. Charles A. Ellwood, a University of Missouri professor, called The New State a notable contribution to social and political theory. Harold J. Laski's critique seemed more a restatement of his attack on sovereignty than a review, while Thomas P. Bailey, a professor of ethology at the University of the South, accused Follett of being a communist sympathizer. Follett wrote a paper for Philosophical Review not only to clear up misunderstandings regarding her book but also to reiterate the importance of new modes of association and the integrative group process, rather than neighborhood groups or occupational groups per se, in creating democracy.
