Peer Hull Kristensen
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199595341
- eISBN:
- 9780191750755
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199595341.003.0009
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Political Economy
Boltanski and Chiapello identify a new mode of organizing capitalism which they identify in terms of project work and mobility. They argue that the problem for this mode of organizing is the ...
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Boltanski and Chiapello identify a new mode of organizing capitalism which they identify in terms of project work and mobility. They argue that the problem for this mode of organizing is the inequalities which it sets up between those who are mobile and those who are immobile. The rewards in terms of autonomy and income that are achieved by the successful in this system are, they argue, dependent on the exploitation of those who cannot move around. This chapter shows that immobility is not a fixed characteristic but the outcome of political and social processes. Thus the Nordic countries seem to have found templates for the development of conditions under which large sections of the population can be mobile and the sphere of the immobile and exploited is reduced. They had begun from the 1990s to construct the projective city in ways which met the tests such a mode of organizing set for itself — in terms of providing opportunities for all groups to participate on a relatively equal basis and resisting the effort to exclude a substantial section of society and to exploit this group in order to maximize the gains of the mobile. Nordic countries in different and diverse ways had been able to increase the abilities of men and women, young and old, able-bodied and disabled — to participate in this new economy.Less
Boltanski and Chiapello identify a new mode of organizing capitalism which they identify in terms of project work and mobility. They argue that the problem for this mode of organizing is the inequalities which it sets up between those who are mobile and those who are immobile. The rewards in terms of autonomy and income that are achieved by the successful in this system are, they argue, dependent on the exploitation of those who cannot move around. This chapter shows that immobility is not a fixed characteristic but the outcome of political and social processes. Thus the Nordic countries seem to have found templates for the development of conditions under which large sections of the population can be mobile and the sphere of the immobile and exploited is reduced. They had begun from the 1990s to construct the projective city in ways which met the tests such a mode of organizing set for itself — in terms of providing opportunities for all groups to participate on a relatively equal basis and resisting the effort to exclude a substantial section of society and to exploit this group in order to maximize the gains of the mobile. Nordic countries in different and diverse ways had been able to increase the abilities of men and women, young and old, able-bodied and disabled — to participate in this new economy.
David M. Willumsen
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- August 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780198805434
- eISBN:
- 9780191843501
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198805434.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The book starts its empirical section in the most-likely case of party influence: Four Nordic countries (Denmark, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden). Analysing parliamentary survey data, it is argued that ...
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The book starts its empirical section in the most-likely case of party influence: Four Nordic countries (Denmark, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden). Analysing parliamentary survey data, it is argued that a very large proportion of voting unity can be explained by there simply being a lack of policy incentives to defect from the party line for a very large proportion of the members of the Nordic parliaments. However, it is also shown that preferences alone cannot explain the near-perfect voting unity found in these countries. Modelling legislators’ attitudes to party unity, the chapter shows that the most credible explanation of their decision to vote the party line against their preferred policy position is that MPs are aware of the long-term benefits of belonging to a united political party, and are willing to incur the short-term cost of voting against their preferred policy in order to obtain these benefits.Less
The book starts its empirical section in the most-likely case of party influence: Four Nordic countries (Denmark, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden). Analysing parliamentary survey data, it is argued that a very large proportion of voting unity can be explained by there simply being a lack of policy incentives to defect from the party line for a very large proportion of the members of the Nordic parliaments. However, it is also shown that preferences alone cannot explain the near-perfect voting unity found in these countries. Modelling legislators’ attitudes to party unity, the chapter shows that the most credible explanation of their decision to vote the party line against their preferred policy position is that MPs are aware of the long-term benefits of belonging to a united political party, and are willing to incur the short-term cost of voting against their preferred policy in order to obtain these benefits.
Benjamin R. Teitelbaum
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- February 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190212599
- eISBN:
- 9780190212629
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190212599.001.0001
- Subject:
- Music, Ethnomusicology, World Music
This book uses ethnography to analyze the musical practices of contemporary radical nationalism in the Nordic region. The region—and Sweden in particular—gained international distinction during the ...
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This book uses ethnography to analyze the musical practices of contemporary radical nationalism in the Nordic region. The region—and Sweden in particular—gained international distinction during the 1990s as a global center for neo-Nazi skinhead culture and white power music. During the first decade of the twenty-first century, however, skinheadism and its attendant music industry withered, and in its place nationalists began experimenting with alternative musical expressions as they sought to articulate a new identity and agenda for anti-immigrant, antiliberal activism. This book explores these new musical creations and the discourses surrounding them. The opening two chapters discuss the history of Nordic radical nationalism, trends in insiders’ efforts to escape their skinhead stereotypes, and differences among nationalist actors today. Chapters 3 through 5 offer case studies of contrasting musical projects in this new era, moving from hip-hop and reggae, to Nordic folk music, to soft-rock styles known as “freedom pop.” The final chapter investigates a contrasting drive among contemporary nationalists, namely, to purge their movement of its reliance on music altogether. The book argues that these musical phenomena reveal the inner tensions and challenges shaping Nordic radical nationalism as it attempts to reform itself.Less
This book uses ethnography to analyze the musical practices of contemporary radical nationalism in the Nordic region. The region—and Sweden in particular—gained international distinction during the 1990s as a global center for neo-Nazi skinhead culture and white power music. During the first decade of the twenty-first century, however, skinheadism and its attendant music industry withered, and in its place nationalists began experimenting with alternative musical expressions as they sought to articulate a new identity and agenda for anti-immigrant, antiliberal activism. This book explores these new musical creations and the discourses surrounding them. The opening two chapters discuss the history of Nordic radical nationalism, trends in insiders’ efforts to escape their skinhead stereotypes, and differences among nationalist actors today. Chapters 3 through 5 offer case studies of contrasting musical projects in this new era, moving from hip-hop and reggae, to Nordic folk music, to soft-rock styles known as “freedom pop.” The final chapter investigates a contrasting drive among contemporary nationalists, namely, to purge their movement of its reliance on music altogether. The book argues that these musical phenomena reveal the inner tensions and challenges shaping Nordic radical nationalism as it attempts to reform itself.
David M. Willumsen
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- August 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780198805434
- eISBN:
- 9780191843501
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198805434.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The central argument of this book is that voting unity in European legislatures is not primarily the result of the ‘disciplining’ power of the leadership of parliamentary parties, but rather the ...
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The central argument of this book is that voting unity in European legislatures is not primarily the result of the ‘disciplining’ power of the leadership of parliamentary parties, but rather the result of a combination of ideological homogeneity through self-selection into political parties and the calculations of individual legislators about their own long-term benefits. Despite the central role of policy preferences in the subsequent behaviour of legislators, preferences at the level of the individual legislator have been almost entirely neglected in the study of parliaments and legislative behaviour. The book measures these using an until now under-utilized resource: parliamentary surveys. Building on these, the book develops measures of policy incentives of legislators to dissent from their parliamentary parties, and show that preference similarity amongst legislators explains a very substantial proportion of party unity, yet alone cannot explain all of it. Analysing the attitudes of legislators to the demands of party unity, and what drives these attitudes, the book argues that what explains the observed unity (beyond what preference similarity would explain) is the conscious acceptance by MPs that the long-term benefits of belonging to a united party (such as increased influence on legislation, lower transaction costs, and better chances of gaining office) outweigh the short-terms benefits of always voting for their ideal policy outcome. The book buttresses this argument through the analysis of both open-ended survey questions as well as survey questions on the costs and benefits of belonging to a political party in a legislature.Less
The central argument of this book is that voting unity in European legislatures is not primarily the result of the ‘disciplining’ power of the leadership of parliamentary parties, but rather the result of a combination of ideological homogeneity through self-selection into political parties and the calculations of individual legislators about their own long-term benefits. Despite the central role of policy preferences in the subsequent behaviour of legislators, preferences at the level of the individual legislator have been almost entirely neglected in the study of parliaments and legislative behaviour. The book measures these using an until now under-utilized resource: parliamentary surveys. Building on these, the book develops measures of policy incentives of legislators to dissent from their parliamentary parties, and show that preference similarity amongst legislators explains a very substantial proportion of party unity, yet alone cannot explain all of it. Analysing the attitudes of legislators to the demands of party unity, and what drives these attitudes, the book argues that what explains the observed unity (beyond what preference similarity would explain) is the conscious acceptance by MPs that the long-term benefits of belonging to a united party (such as increased influence on legislation, lower transaction costs, and better chances of gaining office) outweigh the short-terms benefits of always voting for their ideal policy outcome. The book buttresses this argument through the analysis of both open-ended survey questions as well as survey questions on the costs and benefits of belonging to a political party in a legislature.
