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In practice, the United States has abandoned the ideal of undivided national membership. Although every administration through the present has officially opposed dual citizenship, millions of Americans have multiple national identities, which the United States tolerates. This chapter discusses recent developments in the policy of expatriation in light of the War on Terror. Several proposals for new expatriation laws, such as the Domestic Security Enhancement Act and Senator Joseph Lieberman's Terrorist Expatriation Act, exemplify the reemergence of the idea of exclusive national allegiance, which applies even to native-born Americans and even when it contradicts U.S. Supreme Court rulings. The case of Yaser Esam Hamdi is further explored to illustrate the reemergence of expatriation as punishment.

This concluding chapter returns to the major themes presented in this book. It also addresses some recent studies and analyses on terrorism. In addition to these, the chapter reflects on the question of “what makes a homegrown terrorist.” Next, it considers reviews of this work as a whole and takes a look at the public discourse on terrorism, which it states to be mixed. Despite this, however, the chapter notes that American officials continue to exploit the public's fear of terrorists. It argues that public officials should not raise the specter of terrorist acts occurring within specified time periods unless they have an empirical basis for doing so.

This chapter considers how the concept of ‘Muslim extremist’ functions as racialised category, an object of scrutiny, and the subject of the policing function of law. The requirement in the definition of terrorist act for an accused to advance a ‘political ideological or religious cause’ formally introduces a motive element to terrorism offences. It locates belief and identity, while purporting to criminalise only actions: that is, motive provides implicit evidence of an extremist identity. Drawing on the prosecution of Faheem Lodhi as case study, it argues the ‘motive’ of violent jihad secures criminal responsibility in law. In turn, preparatory offences rely on reading Islamism as incipient violence. Lodhi's case exemplifies the normal function of criminal law in knowing and regulating the dangerous subject. The concept of extremism elaborates the law's constitutive power to act on the cultural and religious assemblage of race, without referencing race.

In practice, the United States has abandoned the ideal of undivided national membership. Although every administration through the present has officially opposed dual citizenship, millions of Americans have multiple national identities, which the United States tolerates. This chapter discusses recent developments in the policy of expatriation in light of the War on Terror. Several proposals for new expatriation laws, such as the Domestic Security Enhancement Act and Senator Joseph Lieberman's Terrorist Expatriation Act, exemplify the reemergence of the idea of exclusive national allegiance, which applies even to native-born Americans and even when it contradicts U.S. Supreme Court rulings. The case of Yaser Esam Hamdi is further explored to illustrate the reemergence of expatriation as punishment.

This chapter examines how social movement activists, specifically animal rights activists, talk about their feelings. The approach taken is basically that of symbolic interactionism. It looks at how activists interpret their emotions in the context of their interactions with significant others — particularly the media and opponents from the biomedical research community. The analysis looks at why a social movement takes the form it does. It seeks to explain why the animal rights movement embraces a scientific, philosophical outlook rather than taking the form of a movement for compassion and kindness led by middle-class women — as its predecessor, the humane movement, did in the nineteenth century. At the same time, activists define “acceptable anger,” which allows the more flamboyant, even violent forms of protest to be romanticized, thus allowing alleged terrorist acts to coexist within the movement's “rational,” professional, scientific outlook.

This chapter describes how the black citizens of South Dallas suffered more than fifteen racially motivated bombings in 1950. Like bombings in Birmingham, Alabama, and other southern cities, the terrorist acts in Dallas stemmed from the migration of blacks out of overcrowded segregated neighborhoods and into areas zoned for white use. In South Dallas, however, two of the main suspects were Mexican American men who felt threatened by the encroachment of African American families into white neighborhoods. One of these individuals, Pete Garcia, later admitted that he had painted “For Whites Only” signs in the neighborhood, threatened black home buyers with a knife, and chased two African American real estate agents out of the area.

The primary statute of criminal law in Japan is the Criminal Code of 1907. There are various separate laws which provide for specific crimes, generally denoted as ‘special criminal laws’. Some offences were added by way of such special laws in the recent years including the law against terrorist acts of 2019. The The Criminal Code is divided into the General Part and the Special Part. The former lays down the general principles and basic concepts of criminal law such as intention, negligence, attempt, accomplice, etc. The latter lists specific offences. Constitution guarantees the rights of defendants and suspects. Criminal procedure has become much more transparent, and better protection is given to suspects.