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Emotional programs are a prime example of how natural selection designed our brains to respond to environmental challenges. Biological and psychological studies of an emotion such as fear thus tell us a great deal about how our bodies predispose us to specific kinds of religious experience. In the recent Left Behind series, apocalyptic religion elicits fear‐driven emotional responses that imbue this distinctive style of religion with characteristic moods and motivations.

Whereas the previous chapter considered the extent to which we should link between group members when resolving legal problems associated with groups, this chapter asks how to deal with the international element of the MEG insolvency, i.e., whether we should aim to unify insolvency process across borders. It considers the main schools of thought in cross-border insolvency, mainly the universality-territoriality dilemma, as well as the application of these theories in practice — examining different frameworks for cross-border insolvency including international initiatives at harmonization of insolvency laws. The chapter concludes with suggesting that both universalism and territorialism have a role to play in resolving the group insolvency problem. In deciding whether to apply universalism or territorialism based solutions consideration should be given to the degree to which the solution will achieve the goals of insolvency, but also to the type of MEG in default and the level of interference with state separateness which is invoked.

This chapter focuses on the Jews in the Kingdom of Poland in the years between 1881 and 1914. The integrationist view of the Jewish future—the belief that the Jews could and should be transformed into ‘Poles of the Mosaic faith’—which had been the vision both of the Positivists, who had dominated intellectual life in the Kingdom of Poland in the previous generation, and of the Polonized leadership of the Jewish community, had now lost most of its attraction. Among Poles, political antisemitism became increasingly widely accepted, as the view gained ground that the Jews had failed to respond to the call to ‘assimilate’ themselves. In Jewish circles, partly a cause and partly a consequence of these developments, the ‘assimilationists’ were now seen as pusillanimous in the face of the onslaught on the Jewish community, and autonomist concepts of Jewish self-understanding—primarily Zionism, territorialism, and Bundism—increasingly held sway on the Jewish street. So too did revolutionary socialism, with its argument that only the socialist millennium could ‘solve’ the ‘Jewish question’, bringing to an end the differences between Jew and non-Jew through the creation of a ‘new’ Socialist Man.

Brenner chose to emigrate to London’s East End, a teeming East European Jewish microcosm. He edited Yiddish journals, mostly published by the Bund, the anarchists, and the Social Revolutionaries. His new novel, Misaviv lanekuda (Around the point) described the life and ideas of circles of Jewish youth in various stages of acculturation. The book revolves around the conflict between being true to the Jewish people, symbolized by adherence to the Hebrew language, as opposed to the prevalent socialist ideas of devoting one's life to the redemption of the Russian people. The book was acclaimed by writers and readers alike. Following the news of the Russian Revolution, Brenner suffered deep depression. That did not prevent him from starting a Hebrew journal, Hameorer, which became the organ of the young modernist Hebrew writers and gained Brenner a unique position as a leader of the young generation of writers.

This chapter traces how the British and French mandates and League drew on Ottoman, Greek/Turkish, and Zionist and “territorialist” models of mass ethnic resettlement to construct plans of removal and resettlement for Assyrian and Armenian communities in Iraq and Syria. These plans, which ranged from regional resettlement in difficult-to-control border areas to mass removal to faraway locations like Brazil or British Guiana, fundamentally relied on imperial frameworks for their implementation. As challenges to empire mounted in the 1930s, such transfer plans were gradually scaled down or abandoned.

This chapter examines how the Birobidzhan project and its doctrine of Territorialism helped the Association for Jewish Colonization in the Soviet Union (ICOR), an American Communist “front” group founded in 1924 to support Jewish agricultural colonization in the new Soviet Union, thrive during the 1930s. The Birobidzhan project can be understood in the context of Territorialism, a form of Jewish nationalism that called for the establishment of a sovereign Jewish collective in a suitable territory anywhere in the world, and not necessarily in Israel. The Jewish Communists envisioned the creation of a “new” Jew in the Soviet Far East, rather than in Palestine. This chapter begins with an overview of the origins of the ICOR before turning to a discussion of the American Commission of Scientists and Experts' assessment of Birobidzhan and how it had convinced many Jews in the United States that Birobidzhan was a viable enterprise.

This chapter examines how Yiddish, as the language of a diasporic minority, has been associated with a sense of place. Within its European “heartland,” the isoglosses of Yiddish dialects articulate geographic boundaries distinct to Ashkenazi Jews and reflect their long history across the continent. Though early twentieth-century efforts to create a Yiddish-speaking polity were short-lived, their aspirations constitute a significant shift in conceptualizing a geographic place for Yiddish. Conversely, the diaspora nationalist ideology of doikeyt (“here-ness”) and the notion of Yiddishland as a locus defined by the use of the language offer provocative alternatives to ideologies of nationhood tied to sovereignty and turf.

Non-geographical economic theorists of globalizing capitalism offer two contrasting visions of its evolution. Proponents emphasize harmony and equilibrium, examining ‘golden’ growth paths of untrammelled exogenous or endogenous dynamic equilibrium, or economies cycling smoothly around equilibrium states. Economic actors are accorded superhuman abilities: Turing-machine calculative powers, and rational expectations enabling them to anticipate and realize equilibrium. The diagnosis: globalizing capitalism is characteristically close to and convergent on equilibrium, enabling economic development for all who act rationally. Critics stress globalizing capitalism’s inherently crisis-laden nature, seen variously as due to over-accumulation, under-consumption, disproportionality problems (economic sectors growing at different rates), and a falling rate of profit. Both groups of theorists neglect how the spatialities of globalizing capitalism shape these dynamics, taking the methodologically territorial view that the dynamics of each (national or regional) economy can be examined in isolation.

Chapter 3 elaborates this theoretical approach through detailed analysis of the particular historical trajectory of gangs in Glasgow. The chapter identifies five key meso-level variables that have contributed to the continuities of gang identities in Glasgow—persistent inequality, territorial identity, violent masculinities, neighbourhood nationalism, and economies of crime and justice—in an effort to delineate the particularities to Glasgow’s gang phenomenon. Focusing on three particular historical periods in which gangs came to public attention, the chapter situates gang identities from these periods within the broader currents of social change occurring in the city at the time, whilst seeking out continuities between these epochal moments.

This chapter reviews the book Zionism without Zion: The Jewish Territorial Organization and Its Conflict with the Zionist Organization (2016), by Gur Alroey. In Zionism without Zion, Alroey examines the movement that became Zionism’s fiercest rival—Territorialism—and how it ultimately lost the ideological contest concerning the location of the future Jewish state. Zionism and Territorialism shared the same precursors, and their proponents held a similar worldview with regard to the urgency of providing a refuge for Jews. In contrast, there were those who called for integration of the Jews into the various countries in which they already lived. This group was divided into two, one of which included Communists and Bundists. There was also a “cultural” stream in the Zionist Organization, which was led by Ahad Ha’am. According to Alroey, Ahad Ha’am sought to resolve the problem of Jewish religion in Palestine.

This chapter provides a brief account of the history (beginning in Ancient Greece and moving through Europe) of international choice-of-law doctrine including the move from unilateralism to multilateralism and its importation to the United States by Joseph Story. It then discusses the traditional American choice-of-law approach, as exemplified in the first conflicts Restatement drafted by Joseph Beale. After discussing Beale’s excessive reliance on territoriality and his vested rights theory, the chapter reviews some of the Restatement’s black-letter rules and its contemporary judicial following. It concludes by assessing the Restatement’s flaws, as well as its contributions to the development of American conflicts law.

This chapter depicts the current position of what is called ‘modified universalism’. It also synthesizes the different aspects of modified universalism into the set of emerging norms concerning jurisdiction, choice of law, recognition, assistance, and cooperation, accompanied by global duties and safeguards. Modified universalism has translated the theoretical model of universalism, where one law governs and one forum presides in cross-border insolvency cases, to concrete and more nuanced emerging norms that are fit for the real world and real business structures. It is, however, still held back where it is regarded as a trend and an interim solution in the context of an aspiration for pure universalism. Consequently, one of the challenges laid before the universalist approach, in its various forms, is that even though it is generally beneficial, it is not universally adopted.

This chapter introduces the main question of the book: how did mass violence come to be a primary—perhaps the primary—mode of making political claims in the twentieth and twenty-first century Middle East? It asks when mass violence became a constitutive aspect of the political landscape of the region, why it took precedence over other strategies of state building and establishing political authority, and how governments, armies, and civilians alike came to think of mass violence as a viable and legitimate mode of claiming political space and national rights. Drawing on several different and largely separate historiographies, this introduction argues, makes it possible to produce a synthetic account of violence in the twentieth century Eastern Mediterranean that takes account of regional developments as much as individual national histories.

This chapter explores how critical cross-border functions performed by financial institutions with complex legal structures and operations in multiple jurisdictions could be preserved in a world where resolution regimes are essentially territorial in nature. It describes special resolution regimes to resolve failing financial institutions operating within their borders, and enumerates major hurdles to their application. It looks into the process of achieving an efficient and equitable cross-border solution by analysing the transnational bankruptcy law. It distinguishes three conceptual approaches to resolve conflicts: territorialism, universalism, and contractualism; and proposes the combination of these three to establish a framework for cross-border resolution.