Kenneth Dyson and Kevin Featherstone
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296386
- eISBN:
- 9780191599125
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829638X.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The EMU negotiations are identified as a ‘core executive’ activity and analysed in terms of their structural, strategic, and cognitive dimensions. EMU was a prestructured negotiating process, shaped ...
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The EMU negotiations are identified as a ‘core executive’ activity and analysed in terms of their structural, strategic, and cognitive dimensions. EMU was a prestructured negotiating process, shaped by a historical inheritance of received ideas about vital interests, by institutional structures and policy style, by the hegemony of German monetary ideas, by globalization and deregulation of financial markets, and by policy beliefs and knowledge. EMU negotiations were also a strategic process involving power and interests and choice amongst a range of strategic options, and were both a two‐level game and a nested game. Finally, the EMU negotiations were a cognitive process, in which beliefs, the probing and restructuring of arguments, signalling behaviour, symbolic politics, choice of institutional venues, and policy entrepreneurship played key roles.Less
The EMU negotiations are identified as a ‘core executive’ activity and analysed in terms of their structural, strategic, and cognitive dimensions. EMU was a prestructured negotiating process, shaped by a historical inheritance of received ideas about vital interests, by institutional structures and policy style, by the hegemony of German monetary ideas, by globalization and deregulation of financial markets, and by policy beliefs and knowledge. EMU negotiations were also a strategic process involving power and interests and choice amongst a range of strategic options, and were both a two‐level game and a nested game. Finally, the EMU negotiations were a cognitive process, in which beliefs, the probing and restructuring of arguments, signalling behaviour, symbolic politics, choice of institutional venues, and policy entrepreneurship played key roles.
Rebecca Sager
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195391763
- eISBN:
- 9780199866304
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195391763.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
While most research has focused on federal faith‐based initiatives, what has gone largely unnoticed has been how extensive state faith‐based initiatives have become. State faith‐based initiatives are ...
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While most research has focused on federal faith‐based initiatives, what has gone largely unnoticed has been how extensive state faith‐based initiatives have become. State faith‐based initiatives are in fact more advanced in many ways than implementation at the federal level. States have passed significant faith‐based legislation, something the federal government has never been able to do, and state implementation of these initiatives has begun to shape governmental and faith‐based organizational culture. The consistent efforts of state liaisons and faith‐based conferences, with new faith‐based policies, have created greater opportunities for partnership between faith and government sectors, but have very rarely come up with the resources to make these new efforts work for extended periods of time. Analysis of data illustrates that state faith‐based policies and practices are creating an over‐arching cultural shift away from church/state separation to church/state cooperation.Less
While most research has focused on federal faith‐based initiatives, what has gone largely unnoticed has been how extensive state faith‐based initiatives have become. State faith‐based initiatives are in fact more advanced in many ways than implementation at the federal level. States have passed significant faith‐based legislation, something the federal government has never been able to do, and state implementation of these initiatives has begun to shape governmental and faith‐based organizational culture. The consistent efforts of state liaisons and faith‐based conferences, with new faith‐based policies, have created greater opportunities for partnership between faith and government sectors, but have very rarely come up with the resources to make these new efforts work for extended periods of time. Analysis of data illustrates that state faith‐based policies and practices are creating an over‐arching cultural shift away from church/state separation to church/state cooperation.
Alex Marlow-Mann
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748640669
- eISBN:
- 9780748651214
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748640669.003.0006
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
Following the crisis of Italy's party system precipitated by the tangentopoli scandals of the late 1980s, proposals were made for electoral reforms to move away from a party system based on ...
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Following the crisis of Italy's party system precipitated by the tangentopoli scandals of the late 1980s, proposals were made for electoral reforms to move away from a party system based on proportional representation towards a majoritarian, presidential system. In Naples, the 1993 elections saw Antonio Bassolino of the left-wing Partito Democratico della Sinistra emerge victorious to embark on a series of reforms. Bassolino's impact on the city was seen as nothing short of miraculous and the idea of a sudden and unexpected ‘Neapolitan renaissance’ rapidly took hold. The seven-year period of Bassolino's governance roughly coincides with the rise of the New Neapolitan Cinema (NNC), inviting the question as to the relationship between these two phenomena. Indeed, the NNC has often been seen as an expression of this wider Neapolitan renaissance, despite the fact that it slightly predates Bassolino's election. Murray Edelman's notion of ‘symbolic politics’ has been evoked by a number of commentators in relation to Bassolino's policies. A central part of Bassolino's symbolic politics was the way in which urban space was articulated.Less
Following the crisis of Italy's party system precipitated by the tangentopoli scandals of the late 1980s, proposals were made for electoral reforms to move away from a party system based on proportional representation towards a majoritarian, presidential system. In Naples, the 1993 elections saw Antonio Bassolino of the left-wing Partito Democratico della Sinistra emerge victorious to embark on a series of reforms. Bassolino's impact on the city was seen as nothing short of miraculous and the idea of a sudden and unexpected ‘Neapolitan renaissance’ rapidly took hold. The seven-year period of Bassolino's governance roughly coincides with the rise of the New Neapolitan Cinema (NNC), inviting the question as to the relationship between these two phenomena. Indeed, the NNC has often been seen as an expression of this wider Neapolitan renaissance, despite the fact that it slightly predates Bassolino's election. Murray Edelman's notion of ‘symbolic politics’ has been evoked by a number of commentators in relation to Bassolino's policies. A central part of Bassolino's symbolic politics was the way in which urban space was articulated.
Hugo Gorringe
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- March 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780199468157
- eISBN:
- 9780199088829
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199468157.003.0006
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change, Social Movements and Social Change
One of the key criticisms of Dalit politics across India is that it is too focused on a politics of symbols and identity rather than issues like redistribution. Ambedkar images and statues—or his ...
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One of the key criticisms of Dalit politics across India is that it is too focused on a politics of symbols and identity rather than issues like redistribution. Ambedkar images and statues—or his portrayal in school text-books—exercise as much time as campaigns against atrocities and for land rights. This chapter will chart the VCK’s politics in relation to these issues and engage with the debates over the primacy of symbolic politics. It will be argued that the distinction between ‘symbolic’ and ‘substantive’ politics is often blurred in a situation where Dalits can still be attacked for raising a flag or unveiling a statue.Less
One of the key criticisms of Dalit politics across India is that it is too focused on a politics of symbols and identity rather than issues like redistribution. Ambedkar images and statues—or his portrayal in school text-books—exercise as much time as campaigns against atrocities and for land rights. This chapter will chart the VCK’s politics in relation to these issues and engage with the debates over the primacy of symbolic politics. It will be argued that the distinction between ‘symbolic’ and ‘substantive’ politics is often blurred in a situation where Dalits can still be attacked for raising a flag or unveiling a statue.
Amit Ahuja
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- August 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190916428
- eISBN:
- 9780190916466
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190916428.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The availability of ethnic blocs is a prerequisite for the success of an ethnic party. This chapter illustrates how Dalits’ historical social mobilization weakens bloc voting. Dalit social movements ...
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The availability of ethnic blocs is a prerequisite for the success of an ethnic party. This chapter illustrates how Dalits’ historical social mobilization weakens bloc voting. Dalit social movements generate mobilizers and mobilization symbols that increase competition for Dalit votes at the locality-level, lower the utility of caste for differentiating among parties, shift the emphasis to material goods over symbolic goods, and split Dalit voters’ party preferences. Non-movement states were denied these electoral effects of Dalit social mobilization and hence preserved the possibility of bloc voting. The chapter concludes by reconsidering some of the explanations for ethnic party success.Less
The availability of ethnic blocs is a prerequisite for the success of an ethnic party. This chapter illustrates how Dalits’ historical social mobilization weakens bloc voting. Dalit social movements generate mobilizers and mobilization symbols that increase competition for Dalit votes at the locality-level, lower the utility of caste for differentiating among parties, shift the emphasis to material goods over symbolic goods, and split Dalit voters’ party preferences. Non-movement states were denied these electoral effects of Dalit social mobilization and hence preserved the possibility of bloc voting. The chapter concludes by reconsidering some of the explanations for ethnic party success.
Douglas Hartmann
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780226374840
- eISBN:
- 9780226375038
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226375038.003.0004
- Subject:
- Sociology, Urban and Rural Studies
Chapter 4 puts the early history of midnight basketball in a broader and more explicit political context. Specifically, it argues that these sport-based programs functioned in the media and were used ...
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Chapter 4 puts the early history of midnight basketball in a broader and more explicit political context. Specifically, it argues that these sport-based programs functioned in the media and were used by political leaders to promote a new, neoliberal approach to crime prevention and urban public policy to broad public audiences. These processes and politics are analyzed as examples of the symbolic or cultural politics of sport, highlighting especially sport's unique status as a "deep play" form. Racial coding is also addressed.Less
Chapter 4 puts the early history of midnight basketball in a broader and more explicit political context. Specifically, it argues that these sport-based programs functioned in the media and were used by political leaders to promote a new, neoliberal approach to crime prevention and urban public policy to broad public audiences. These processes and politics are analyzed as examples of the symbolic or cultural politics of sport, highlighting especially sport's unique status as a "deep play" form. Racial coding is also addressed.
Holger Nehring
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199681228
- eISBN:
- 9780191761188
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199681228.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, European Modern History
The Introduction develops the rationale for this book. It highlights the use of sociological conceptions of activism and protest to make sense of how activists campaigned. It stresses the role of ...
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The Introduction develops the rationale for this book. It highlights the use of sociological conceptions of activism and protest to make sense of how activists campaigned. It stresses the role of experiences and symbolic politics in particular.Less
The Introduction develops the rationale for this book. It highlights the use of sociological conceptions of activism and protest to make sense of how activists campaigned. It stresses the role of experiences and symbolic politics in particular.
Margaret Lamberts Bendroth
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- July 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780195173901
- eISBN:
- 9780199835577
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195173902.003.0008
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
Evangelist Billy Sunday’s arrival in Boston demonstrated both the ephemeral nature of urban revivals and their complex role in constructing fundamentalist resistance. Dubbed the “Vaudeville ...
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Evangelist Billy Sunday’s arrival in Boston demonstrated both the ephemeral nature of urban revivals and their complex role in constructing fundamentalist resistance. Dubbed the “Vaudeville revivalist” by his critics, Sunday’s moralistic, combative rhetoric quickly threatened to divide the city’s Protestants into pro- and anti-revivalist camps. But in the end, the Sunday campaign demonstrated the relative weakness of evangelicals in Boston — a prohibition vote in the midst of the campaign went down in defeat — and the relative resilience of liberal Protestants, as the city’s Unitarians launched a vigorous revival of their own in the wake of Sunday’s departure.Less
Evangelist Billy Sunday’s arrival in Boston demonstrated both the ephemeral nature of urban revivals and their complex role in constructing fundamentalist resistance. Dubbed the “Vaudeville revivalist” by his critics, Sunday’s moralistic, combative rhetoric quickly threatened to divide the city’s Protestants into pro- and anti-revivalist camps. But in the end, the Sunday campaign demonstrated the relative weakness of evangelicals in Boston — a prohibition vote in the midst of the campaign went down in defeat — and the relative resilience of liberal Protestants, as the city’s Unitarians launched a vigorous revival of their own in the wake of Sunday’s departure.
William A. Callahan
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199549955
- eISBN:
- 9780191720314
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199549955.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, International Relations and Politics
Asks the question “When is China?” to show how Chinese people produce and consume national identity on special days like National Humiliation Day. Comparing the differing practices of the holiday as ...
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Asks the question “When is China?” to show how Chinese people produce and consume national identity on special days like National Humiliation Day. Comparing the differing practices of the holiday as it was celebrated in the early twentieth century and the early twenty‐first century, the chapter argues that in the early twentieth century the political performances aimed to produce a proper Chinese nation that was worthy of being saved. When National Humiliation Day was revived at the turn of the twenty‐first century, its activities focused on containing nationalism through a commemoration of the crises of the early twentieth century. Because national humiliation discourse has now spread beyond official control, the chapter concludes that we need to appreciate how Chinese people consume nationalism to produce a particular form of identity – and a particular type of security.Less
Asks the question “When is China?” to show how Chinese people produce and consume national identity on special days like National Humiliation Day. Comparing the differing practices of the holiday as it was celebrated in the early twentieth century and the early twenty‐first century, the chapter argues that in the early twentieth century the political performances aimed to produce a proper Chinese nation that was worthy of being saved. When National Humiliation Day was revived at the turn of the twenty‐first century, its activities focused on containing nationalism through a commemoration of the crises of the early twentieth century. Because national humiliation discourse has now spread beyond official control, the chapter concludes that we need to appreciate how Chinese people consume nationalism to produce a particular form of identity – and a particular type of security.
Holger Nehring
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199681228
- eISBN:
- 9780191761188
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199681228.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, European Modern History
This chapter provides a thick description of the symbolic politics and activist experiences at the annual Aldermaston and Easter Marches as well as other protest events. It was primarily on the ...
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This chapter provides a thick description of the symbolic politics and activist experiences at the annual Aldermaston and Easter Marches as well as other protest events. It was primarily on the protest marches themselves that the activists embodied the movements and the definitions of the ‘peace’, national identity, and international relations they stood for, and that they expressed their desire for security against the threat of nuclear war. On the marches, the boundary between the activists and the society surrounding them became visible. At the same time, the marches themselves symbolized the journey the activists intended their society as a whole to take. It was by marching and protesting that British and West German protesters came to experience fellowship and belonging. The marches themselves embodied experiences of conversion and signified progress towards activists’ dream of a more civilized world.Less
This chapter provides a thick description of the symbolic politics and activist experiences at the annual Aldermaston and Easter Marches as well as other protest events. It was primarily on the protest marches themselves that the activists embodied the movements and the definitions of the ‘peace’, national identity, and international relations they stood for, and that they expressed their desire for security against the threat of nuclear war. On the marches, the boundary between the activists and the society surrounding them became visible. At the same time, the marches themselves symbolized the journey the activists intended their society as a whole to take. It was by marching and protesting that British and West German protesters came to experience fellowship and belonging. The marches themselves embodied experiences of conversion and signified progress towards activists’ dream of a more civilized world.
Heather Schoenfeld
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780226520964
- eISBN:
- 9780226521152
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226521152.003.0006
- Subject:
- Law, Criminal Law and Criminology
This chapter describes the punitive political consensus, or “carceral ethos,” that had developed by the mid-1990s and examines the consequences for Florida politics and penal policy. It argues that ...
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This chapter describes the punitive political consensus, or “carceral ethos,” that had developed by the mid-1990s and examines the consequences for Florida politics and penal policy. It argues that that investments in prison capacity created the potential and the ability for newly dominant Republican lawmakers to “govern through crime” where crime control legislation became symbolic politics. Republicans’ ability to pass their crime control agenda was facilitated by the structure of the state legislative process. In turn, the carceral ethos and Republican control of the state legislature empowered public prosecutors to re-write the state’s sentencing laws to emphasize prison time for low-level offenders. Finally, the chapter argues that the move away from the project for racial equality and the racialization of crime and victimhood made it easier for white lawmakers and the public to accept the carceral ethos that offenders were expendable. Yet, it also made it difficult for black lawmakers and their allies to oppose harsh crime control policies.Less
This chapter describes the punitive political consensus, or “carceral ethos,” that had developed by the mid-1990s and examines the consequences for Florida politics and penal policy. It argues that that investments in prison capacity created the potential and the ability for newly dominant Republican lawmakers to “govern through crime” where crime control legislation became symbolic politics. Republicans’ ability to pass their crime control agenda was facilitated by the structure of the state legislative process. In turn, the carceral ethos and Republican control of the state legislature empowered public prosecutors to re-write the state’s sentencing laws to emphasize prison time for low-level offenders. Finally, the chapter argues that the move away from the project for racial equality and the racialization of crime and victimhood made it easier for white lawmakers and the public to accept the carceral ethos that offenders were expendable. Yet, it also made it difficult for black lawmakers and their allies to oppose harsh crime control policies.
John G. Dale
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- August 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780816646463
- eISBN:
- 9781452945897
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816646463.003.0003
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Movements and Social Change
This chapter illustrates the representations of the Saffron Revolution by situating it in a transnational rather than a purely domestic context. The emergence of this movement shows how the dominant ...
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This chapter illustrates the representations of the Saffron Revolution by situating it in a transnational rather than a purely domestic context. The emergence of this movement shows how the dominant theoretical paradigm in social movement research gives insufficient attention to either the transnational or the symbolic dimensions of the political environment in Burma. The chapter argues that symbolic politics, both within and outside of Burma, played a critical role in the Saffron Revolution’s collective action. Attention to transnational networks affects the interpretation of these symbols, as well as the meaning of collective action (and inaction) that took place within Burma. Attention to the transnational context increases our understanding of the initial emergence of Burma’s statewide pro-democracy movement.Less
This chapter illustrates the representations of the Saffron Revolution by situating it in a transnational rather than a purely domestic context. The emergence of this movement shows how the dominant theoretical paradigm in social movement research gives insufficient attention to either the transnational or the symbolic dimensions of the political environment in Burma. The chapter argues that symbolic politics, both within and outside of Burma, played a critical role in the Saffron Revolution’s collective action. Attention to transnational networks affects the interpretation of these symbols, as well as the meaning of collective action (and inaction) that took place within Burma. Attention to the transnational context increases our understanding of the initial emergence of Burma’s statewide pro-democracy movement.
Douglas Hartmann
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780226374840
- eISBN:
- 9780226375038
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226375038.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Urban and Rural Studies
This book is about the late night basketball leagues organized in dozens of American cities in the late 1980s and early 1990s for purposes of social intervention, risk prevention, and crime reduction ...
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This book is about the late night basketball leagues organized in dozens of American cities in the late 1980s and early 1990s for purposes of social intervention, risk prevention, and crime reduction among African American youth and young men. The first chapters trace the historical origins and evolution of these programs set in the context of the social policy transformations of the era. As the chapters unfold, the book also analyzes the racial ideologies, cultures of sport, and policy debates that midnight basketball reveals and that endowed it with larger symbolic significance and political import. Ethnographic fieldwork is used in the final chapters to bring the actual, on-the-ground practices of midnight basketball programs and the young men they were intended to serve to life. Throughout, Midnight Basketball offers a nuanced understanding of the complicated and consequential ways in which sports, race, and risk intersect in contemporary American culture.Less
This book is about the late night basketball leagues organized in dozens of American cities in the late 1980s and early 1990s for purposes of social intervention, risk prevention, and crime reduction among African American youth and young men. The first chapters trace the historical origins and evolution of these programs set in the context of the social policy transformations of the era. As the chapters unfold, the book also analyzes the racial ideologies, cultures of sport, and policy debates that midnight basketball reveals and that endowed it with larger symbolic significance and political import. Ethnographic fieldwork is used in the final chapters to bring the actual, on-the-ground practices of midnight basketball programs and the young men they were intended to serve to life. Throughout, Midnight Basketball offers a nuanced understanding of the complicated and consequential ways in which sports, race, and risk intersect in contemporary American culture.
Takis S. Pappas
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780198837886
- eISBN:
- 9780191874482
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198837886.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Chapter 3 is largely about the essentials of populism—its nuts and bolts, so to speak, that are absolutely necessary to facilitate its emergence—including notions of the people, political leadership, ...
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Chapter 3 is largely about the essentials of populism—its nuts and bolts, so to speak, that are absolutely necessary to facilitate its emergence—including notions of the people, political leadership, and symbolic discourse. The chapter introduces a fine distinction of three different subtypes of “the people,” each with their own characteristics and political mindset, going beyond easy generalizations about alleged uniformity. A comparative analysis of populist leaders follows, which, based on an original reconceptualization of political charisma, demonstrates a surprisingly high correlation between extraordinary leadership and populist success. Ordinary people and extraordinary populist leaders forge their relationship through specific narratives that are based largely on individual fears and deeply held social resentment. The last section in the chapter models the causality of populism, which is also presented as a concise diagram.Less
Chapter 3 is largely about the essentials of populism—its nuts and bolts, so to speak, that are absolutely necessary to facilitate its emergence—including notions of the people, political leadership, and symbolic discourse. The chapter introduces a fine distinction of three different subtypes of “the people,” each with their own characteristics and political mindset, going beyond easy generalizations about alleged uniformity. A comparative analysis of populist leaders follows, which, based on an original reconceptualization of political charisma, demonstrates a surprisingly high correlation between extraordinary leadership and populist success. Ordinary people and extraordinary populist leaders forge their relationship through specific narratives that are based largely on individual fears and deeply held social resentment. The last section in the chapter models the causality of populism, which is also presented as a concise diagram.
Christina Boswell
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- April 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780198834557
- eISBN:
- 9780191872655
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198834557.003.0002
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Public and Welfare
This chapter explores the role of research in immigration politics and policy-making. It starts by distinguishing between three different functions of research: as instrumental to adjusting policy ...
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This chapter explores the role of research in immigration politics and policy-making. It starts by distinguishing between three different functions of research: as instrumental to adjusting policy interventions, as a means of substantiating preferences, and to legitimize decision-makers. It then explores the conditions influencing which of these functions prevails, notably (a) the level of contestation and political salience over the issue; (b) the ‘mode of settlement’ (democratic or technocratic) that is seen as appropriate in political deliberation; and (c) the mode through which policy-makers derive legitimacy (whether through symbolic gestures or outcomes). The chapter argues that these three factors help explain cross-national variations in patterns of knowledge utilization on immigration policy, as well as fluctuation over time and across sub-areas of immigration policy. The chapter goes on to explore how this account can help make sense of the current scepticism about expertise in debates on immigration.Less
This chapter explores the role of research in immigration politics and policy-making. It starts by distinguishing between three different functions of research: as instrumental to adjusting policy interventions, as a means of substantiating preferences, and to legitimize decision-makers. It then explores the conditions influencing which of these functions prevails, notably (a) the level of contestation and political salience over the issue; (b) the ‘mode of settlement’ (democratic or technocratic) that is seen as appropriate in political deliberation; and (c) the mode through which policy-makers derive legitimacy (whether through symbolic gestures or outcomes). The chapter argues that these three factors help explain cross-national variations in patterns of knowledge utilization on immigration policy, as well as fluctuation over time and across sub-areas of immigration policy. The chapter goes on to explore how this account can help make sense of the current scepticism about expertise in debates on immigration.
Edward Schatz
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252040832
- eISBN:
- 9780252099335
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252040832.003.0014
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
This essay examines post-Soviet Central Asia and suggests that it is an example that belies typical depictions of the Muslim world. It shows that anti-Americanism is not inherent to the region, to ...
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This essay examines post-Soviet Central Asia and suggests that it is an example that belies typical depictions of the Muslim world. It shows that anti-Americanism is not inherent to the region, to the people that inhabit it, or to the belief systems they claim. It also argues that Central Asians are not simply reacting to U.S. policies. The reality of emergent (and still fairly limited) anti-Americanism is more complex and hinges on the particular meanings that Central Asians in the 1990s came to ascribe to the United States as a symbol. More than a focus on U.S. policies or a focus on the properties of a faith system, a focus on the United States as an ambiguous and changeable symbol provides analytic leverage as we seek to understand anti-Americanism in Central Asia.Less
This essay examines post-Soviet Central Asia and suggests that it is an example that belies typical depictions of the Muslim world. It shows that anti-Americanism is not inherent to the region, to the people that inhabit it, or to the belief systems they claim. It also argues that Central Asians are not simply reacting to U.S. policies. The reality of emergent (and still fairly limited) anti-Americanism is more complex and hinges on the particular meanings that Central Asians in the 1990s came to ascribe to the United States as a symbol. More than a focus on U.S. policies or a focus on the properties of a faith system, a focus on the United States as an ambiguous and changeable symbol provides analytic leverage as we seek to understand anti-Americanism in Central Asia.
Ko-lin Chin and James O. Finckenauer
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814772577
- eISBN:
- 9780814769683
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814772577.003.0010
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
This chapter discusses the results of the present study. It first deals with the issue of defining and estimating the volume of sex trafficking. Among the findings of the study are that the women ...
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This chapter discusses the results of the present study. It first deals with the issue of defining and estimating the volume of sex trafficking. Among the findings of the study are that the women studied, who would be counted as victims in many of the prevailing estimates of human trafficking, are not really victims at all, if based on the narrow definition that a transnational trafficking victim is one who is forced, deceived, or coerced to go overseas for commercial sex. It calls for the need to make explicit exactly how sex trafficking victims are being defined in any discussions of the scope and magnitude of the problem and of any antitrafficking policies. The chapter then turns to the notion of symbolic politics, which refers to a policy making situation wherein perceptions trump substance; where the appearance of action, sometimes without actually doing or intending to do anything, becomes paramount in reassuring political constituents. It is argued that the dispute about prostitution and sex trafficking may have fallen into this policy trap.Less
This chapter discusses the results of the present study. It first deals with the issue of defining and estimating the volume of sex trafficking. Among the findings of the study are that the women studied, who would be counted as victims in many of the prevailing estimates of human trafficking, are not really victims at all, if based on the narrow definition that a transnational trafficking victim is one who is forced, deceived, or coerced to go overseas for commercial sex. It calls for the need to make explicit exactly how sex trafficking victims are being defined in any discussions of the scope and magnitude of the problem and of any antitrafficking policies. The chapter then turns to the notion of symbolic politics, which refers to a policy making situation wherein perceptions trump substance; where the appearance of action, sometimes without actually doing or intending to do anything, becomes paramount in reassuring political constituents. It is argued that the dispute about prostitution and sex trafficking may have fallen into this policy trap.
Alison Brysk
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780190901516
- eISBN:
- 9780190901554
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190901516.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Political Economy
Social mobilization has been the catalyst, guarantor, and pathway for fulfillment of human rights worldwide. Social movements represent marginalized populations, raise consciousness of new issues, ...
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Social mobilization has been the catalyst, guarantor, and pathway for fulfillment of human rights worldwide. Social movements represent marginalized populations, raise consciousness of new issues, establish or bridge compelling frames for social problems, foster transnational networks, translate international norms into locally appropriate vocabularies, advocate, occupy public and forbidden space, mobilize culture change, and persuade decision makers, elites, and mass publics. This chapter treats the complementary pathways of mobilization to contest violence against women: voice, advocacy, transnationalism, vernacularization, and information politics. We will see voice against femicide in Pakistan and Brazil, alongside public protest and lobbying for reform over all types of gender violence in the Philippines, Algeria, and Argentina. Transnational mobilization strategies in Mexico and Nigeria contrast with vernacular translation of international norms by grassroots movements in India. Meanwhile, online campaigns create new repertoires and vocabularies to protest harassment, rape, and honor cultures in Pakistan, Egypt, India, and Brazil.Less
Social mobilization has been the catalyst, guarantor, and pathway for fulfillment of human rights worldwide. Social movements represent marginalized populations, raise consciousness of new issues, establish or bridge compelling frames for social problems, foster transnational networks, translate international norms into locally appropriate vocabularies, advocate, occupy public and forbidden space, mobilize culture change, and persuade decision makers, elites, and mass publics. This chapter treats the complementary pathways of mobilization to contest violence against women: voice, advocacy, transnationalism, vernacularization, and information politics. We will see voice against femicide in Pakistan and Brazil, alongside public protest and lobbying for reform over all types of gender violence in the Philippines, Algeria, and Argentina. Transnational mobilization strategies in Mexico and Nigeria contrast with vernacular translation of international norms by grassroots movements in India. Meanwhile, online campaigns create new repertoires and vocabularies to protest harassment, rape, and honor cultures in Pakistan, Egypt, India, and Brazil.
Tom R. Tyler
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199778188
- eISBN:
- 9780190256043
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199778188.003.0052
- Subject:
- Psychology, Social Psychology
Tom R. Tyler reflects on his most underappreciated work: a paper on criminal justice and the psychology of punitiveness. Tyler collaborated with Robert Boeckmann to explore the psychology of ...
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Tom R. Tyler reflects on his most underappreciated work: a paper on criminal justice and the psychology of punitiveness. Tyler collaborated with Robert Boeckmann to explore the psychology of punitiveness and sought a more compelling strategy for social change within the context of symbolic politics by focusing on California's “three-strikes law” and the non-instrumental reasons that people had for supporting it. The results revealed a very social psychological perspective on punishment and showed that punitiveness is related to judgments concerning the nature of society.Less
Tom R. Tyler reflects on his most underappreciated work: a paper on criminal justice and the psychology of punitiveness. Tyler collaborated with Robert Boeckmann to explore the psychology of punitiveness and sought a more compelling strategy for social change within the context of symbolic politics by focusing on California's “three-strikes law” and the non-instrumental reasons that people had for supporting it. The results revealed a very social psychological perspective on punishment and showed that punitiveness is related to judgments concerning the nature of society.
