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Citigroup is believed to be the top player in international retail banking because of its ability to make the most of technological advances in electronic banking. Domestically however, Sanwa Bank—which is now a member of the UFJ Group and Financial One alliance, also possesses a high rank in terms of retail banking strategies in Japan. It could be observed though that Citi accounts for Japan's highest growth consumer-market segment. This chapter examines the role of IT in consumer banking, specifically in the case of the said two banks through discussing retail banking in Japan, the development of Sanwa Bank, Citigroup's consumer operations specifically on financial services and banking industries, and the Level 3 IT support structure strategy that Citigroup practices across the globe.

Aggregating insights from Support Structure Theory and introducing others based on original research, this chapter introduces the Support Structure Pyramid. This is a model for conceptualizing litigation-based movement support structures, institutions, and their relationship to legal change. Additionally, this chapter presents three support structure types or strategies—infiltration, supplemental, and parallel alternative. Each of these strategies represents a different way to approach the problem of organizational or institutional creation. This typology of strategies is a way of understanding and contextualizing the choices and initial decisions of Christian Right movement leaders and patrons when they decided to consciously invest in institution building as a means of bolstering the legal support structure for their movement.

This chapter is primarily interested in measures of success. It thus considers the generalizable utility of the models that structured the larger inquiry and evaluates the specific moves made to build legal support structures for the Christian Right. The chapter starts by revisiting the strategies of creating new institutions as well as their virtues and limitations. It then uses the central case studies to argue that the Alliance Defending Freedom’s supplemental approach taken in the form of the Blackstone Legal Fellowship is the most obviously successful by various measures, but that the collective case studies argue for various market considerations that can influence the value of pursuing the parallel alternative approach. Finally, the chapter concludes by arguing that while the institutions struggle when assessed by traditional metrics of success and prestige, their value is best understood via a lens of continued resistance appreciated by the Christian Right.

Research has demonstrated that nonschool hours provide a powerful opportunity for community-based organizations to help children and schools reach their academic goals. For example, Reginald Clark says, “Youngsters who engage in constructive learning activities outside of school are more likely to excel in school and in life than those who do not. By participating in a well-rounded array of activities, they are able to practice and thoroughly learn skills required for academic success.” Based on this knowledge, The Children’s Aid Society (CAS) aims to integrate after-school and summer enrichment programs with classroom instruction through a model that both supports the school’s academic mission and promotes healthy youth development. The vast majority of students in CAS’s 10 community schools, which are located in New York City, struggle with basic skills; in addition, more than half are Spanish speakers grappling with English as a second language. Their parents, teachers, and principals look to after-school and summer programs to help address their needs. The challenge for CAS is to answer this call in a way that is fun and engaging for children and achievable for program staff. A crucial feature of high-quality after-school programs is balanced programming. In keeping with this concept, CAS after-school programs offer children an array of purely recreational activities (such as sports, dance, and visual and dramatic arts) along with academically enriching curricula that meet children’s developmental needs and align with school standards. However, having strong curricula is only the first step. Critical to program quality has been the creation of a support system that incorporates key members of the school community and ensures that curricula are presented clearly so as to be accessible to a range of staff. Simply being located in a community school does not guarantee that an after-school program will align with the school’s academic goals for children. Rather, we have achieved this by partnering with the principal and lead teachers for program planning, by choosing curricula that support the school’s academic goals for children, and by hiring a lead teacher or staff developer from the school to serve as the after-school education coordinator.

This chapter addresses larger political contexts, conditions, actors, and institutions that gave rise to the modern Christian Right and the Christian Conservative Legal Movement. In relaying this history, the chapter discusses how and why the Christian Right first invested in traditional politics and then later moved to develop Christian conservative public interest legal organizations. This history is then used to explain the deficiencies in the Christian Right’s initial legal support structures, and why they moved to found Christian conservative law schools and legal training programs. Central to the decision to create new institutions was Christian conservatives’ long-standing mistrust of lawyers, the legal profession, and the nation’s colleges and universities. Baylor University and University of Notre Dame are used as brief case studies to better explain the decision of Christian Right patrons to avoid investing in existing law schools and, instead, create their own.

This chapter outlines the visions for the intentionally transformative missions—or “Christian Worldviews”—of newly created Christian conservative law schools and training programs. It gives detailed institutional histories of Regent Law School, Liberty Law School, Ave Maria School of Law, and Alliance Defending Freedom’s Blackstone Legal Fellowship. The chapter also previews some of the constraints and challenges these institutions faced initially (and continue to face) in attempting to realize their transformative missions. Principally, these constraints relate to finances and patronage, accreditation, financial aid, and licensing requirements for attorneys. The chapter then relates these constraints back to the Support Structure Pyramid.

This chapter investigates the abilities of Christian Worldview law schools and legal training programs to access courts. To capture a more complete picture of this dynamic, it charts the general cartography of Christian Worldview faculty participation in state and federal litigation as both litigators and as amici curiae. This map of Christian Worldview faculty participation in litigation helps identify potential “conduits” through which ideas or intellectual capital can be transmitted or diffused to judicial decision-makers. Additionally, because intellectual capital need not travel through a Christian Worldview conduit to be useful to judicial decision-makers, this analysis also examines court briefs and judicial opinions for citations to Christian Worldview faculty. The chapter finds that with the exception of five exceptionally active and well-connected faculty, the Christian Worldview faculties are not well-represented when it comes to direct litigation.

This chapter explores newly created Christian Worldview institutions’ efforts and success at recruitment of human capital, highlighting the importance of having faculty committed to the mission as well as a critical mass of “mission students” as opposed to “non-mission students.” In doing so, we introduce their re-conception of diversity as being diversity among law schools and their distinctiveness within the legal market writ large as opposed to diversity within a given law school. This chapter also examines each institution’s core “mission” courses as well as how biblical themes and readings are integrated into other courses throughout the curriculum. Finally, the chapter presents initial data on the relative and collective output of human capital for the Christian conservative legal movement. This is measured via counts of how many graduates are licensed attorneys, what kind of law they go on to practice, and whether they go on to become “culture warriors.”

This chapter analyzes the actual and potential production of two dimensions of “credibility capital”—social capital and cultural capital. To gauge social capital, the chapter looks at the extent to which newly created Christian conservative law schools are networked both with Christian Right movement institutions and with other more mainstream elite conservative institutions and networks like the Federalist Society. To measure cultural capital, the chapter looks at print media appearances for the faculty of each of these institutions. How often and in which media outlets are these faculty engaging with broader publics through Op-eds or by being quoted and cited as experts? Comparisons are drawn along both these dimensions with institutions representative of the rejected supplemental (Blackstone) and infiltration (Notre Dame and Baylor) options.

In 1806 Ørsted obtains a professorship in Copenhagen. He takes inspiration from his lectures to authoring a textbook on natural science. Corresponding with Ritter on issues involved with writing a textbook. Ørsted decides to divide his textbook into two parts: one volume on mechanical physics and a second volume on dynamical physics, tentatively divided into a ‘lower’ and a ‘higher’ dynamics. The first volume was printed in 1807, but the copies were destroyed by the bombardment of Copenhagen, so it was only published two years later. Ørsted also pursued his investigations of Winterl's alleged elements, until Chenevix disclosed his fraud. Ørsted helps support Ritter's hopeless economy. Ørsted's own economical situation is sketched. He works out a plan to form a Practical Institute for the Experimental Sciences that does not materialize.

This chapter analyzes the production and dissemination of intellectual capital for the Christian Conservative Legal Movement. In doing so, the chapter takes multiple approaches to conceiving of and measuring scholarship. First, in considering scholarship’s link to prestige, the chapter examines the extent to which faculty at newly created Christian conservative law schools are publishing scholarly work, where they are publishing such work, and how often it is being cited. In order to provide context, the faculty scholarship from Christian conservative law schools is compared with faculty scholarship from a range of other law schools. Second, in thinking of Christian Worldview scholarship as a movement resource, the chapter also measures faculty scholarship and the schools’ in-house journals as means for producing such resources, for creating an intellectual movement, and for inserting Christian Worldview ideas into broader scholarly discussion.

Chapter 7 explores the links between precipitous declines in fertility rates in most countries and the economic, social, and psychosocial changes associated with transition. It shows how the transitional recession introduced a new level of economic uncertainty in postsocialist society, a major factor in family planning. The chapter describes how institutional and social changes influenced women’s individual decisions to delay or forgo childbearing altogether. It also shows how the elimination of robust state incentives for childbearing after 1989 altered the incentive structure for parenthood, while the privatization of child care and kindergartens, key maternal support structures, led to the closure of many. The implosion of maternal support structures, coupled with “refamilization” plans initiated by many postsocialist governments, pushed women out of the workforce, often depriving families of the resources to have a second child. This chapter also cites the growth of individualism and out-migration of young people as key factors for the decrease in fertility rates.