David Ranc
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719086120
- eISBN:
- 9781781702246
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719086120.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Cultural Studies
‘Mercenaries’, ‘cheats’, ‘destroying the soul of (English) football’, ‘destroying the link between football clubs and their supporters’: foreign football players have been accused of being at the ...
More
‘Mercenaries’, ‘cheats’, ‘destroying the soul of (English) football’, ‘destroying the link between football clubs and their supporters’: foreign football players have been accused of being at the origin of all the ills of contemporary football. How true is this? Foreign players and football supporters: The Old Firm, Arsenal, Paris Saint-Germain is the first academic book to look at supporters' reactions to the increase in the number of foreign players in the very clubs they support week in week out. It shows that football supporters identify with their club through a variety of means, which may change or be replaced with others, and provides the most comprehensive view on football supporters' attachment to their club in the European Union, following the increase in European legislation. Divided into three case studies on Glasgow (Celtic and Rangers), Paris Saint-Germain and Arsenal in London, the book adopts a multidisciplinary approach to chart the evolution of the link between supporters and club between 1995 and today. It is based on extensive research through the press of three nations, as well as interviews with officials and supporters. It provides an excellent read for students and researchers in Sports Studies, Politics, European Studies, French Studies and other Social Sciences, or to anyone interested in one of the most original institutions of contemporary western societies: mass spectator sports.Less
‘Mercenaries’, ‘cheats’, ‘destroying the soul of (English) football’, ‘destroying the link between football clubs and their supporters’: foreign football players have been accused of being at the origin of all the ills of contemporary football. How true is this? Foreign players and football supporters: The Old Firm, Arsenal, Paris Saint-Germain is the first academic book to look at supporters' reactions to the increase in the number of foreign players in the very clubs they support week in week out. It shows that football supporters identify with their club through a variety of means, which may change or be replaced with others, and provides the most comprehensive view on football supporters' attachment to their club in the European Union, following the increase in European legislation. Divided into three case studies on Glasgow (Celtic and Rangers), Paris Saint-Germain and Arsenal in London, the book adopts a multidisciplinary approach to chart the evolution of the link between supporters and club between 1995 and today. It is based on extensive research through the press of three nations, as well as interviews with officials and supporters. It provides an excellent read for students and researchers in Sports Studies, Politics, European Studies, French Studies and other Social Sciences, or to anyone interested in one of the most original institutions of contemporary western societies: mass spectator sports.
Thomas F. Farr
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195179958
- eISBN:
- 9780199869749
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195179958.003.0008
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
The story behind the nomination and confirmation of John Hanford as IRF ambassador brings credit on no one, least of all the IRF supporters who opposed Hanford; the Bush administration which let the ...
More
The story behind the nomination and confirmation of John Hanford as IRF ambassador brings credit on no one, least of all the IRF supporters who opposed Hanford; the Bush administration which let the wrangling proceed too long; or Hanford himself, who delayed in taking his position even after Senate confirmation. When he finally arrived in May 2002, the Bush-Powell team had been operating well over a year and Hanford had to fight even to maintain authority over his own staff. He quickly discovered what his predecessor had learned: IRF was not a mainstream concern at Foggy Bottom. But John Hanford had a certain comfort level with this arrangement. He preferred to oppose persecution rather than advancing religious freedom. The results over the next few years were decidedly mixed, especially in China, but his work in Vietnam and Saudi Arabia was potentially ground-breaking.Less
The story behind the nomination and confirmation of John Hanford as IRF ambassador brings credit on no one, least of all the IRF supporters who opposed Hanford; the Bush administration which let the wrangling proceed too long; or Hanford himself, who delayed in taking his position even after Senate confirmation. When he finally arrived in May 2002, the Bush-Powell team had been operating well over a year and Hanford had to fight even to maintain authority over his own staff. He quickly discovered what his predecessor had learned: IRF was not a mainstream concern at Foggy Bottom. But John Hanford had a certain comfort level with this arrangement. He preferred to oppose persecution rather than advancing religious freedom. The results over the next few years were decidedly mixed, especially in China, but his work in Vietnam and Saudi Arabia was potentially ground-breaking.
Kristen Renwick Monroe
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691151373
- eISBN:
- 9781400840366
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691151373.003.0006
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Psychology and Interaction
This chapter showcases a Dutch collaborator named Fritz. Fritz shared many of Tony's prewar conservative opinions in favor of the monarchy and traditional Dutch values, although he was of ...
More
This chapter showcases a Dutch collaborator named Fritz. Fritz shared many of Tony's prewar conservative opinions in favor of the monarchy and traditional Dutch values, although he was of working-class origins, unlike Tony and Beatrix, who were Dutch bourgeoisie. But unlike Beatrix or Tony, Fritz joined the Nazi Party, wrote propaganda for the Nazi cause, and married the daughter of a German Nazi. When he was interviewed in 1992, Fritz indicated he was appalled at what he later learned about Nazi treatment of Jews but that he still believed in many of the goals of the National Socialist movement and felt that Hitler had betrayed the movement. Fritz is thus classified as a disillusioned Nazi supporter who retains his faith in much of National Socialism, and this chapter is presented as illustrative of the psychology of those who once supported the Nazi regime but who were disillusioned after the war.Less
This chapter showcases a Dutch collaborator named Fritz. Fritz shared many of Tony's prewar conservative opinions in favor of the monarchy and traditional Dutch values, although he was of working-class origins, unlike Tony and Beatrix, who were Dutch bourgeoisie. But unlike Beatrix or Tony, Fritz joined the Nazi Party, wrote propaganda for the Nazi cause, and married the daughter of a German Nazi. When he was interviewed in 1992, Fritz indicated he was appalled at what he later learned about Nazi treatment of Jews but that he still believed in many of the goals of the National Socialist movement and felt that Hitler had betrayed the movement. Fritz is thus classified as a disillusioned Nazi supporter who retains his faith in much of National Socialism, and this chapter is presented as illustrative of the psychology of those who once supported the Nazi regime but who were disillusioned after the war.
Stephen Haliczer
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195148633
- eISBN:
- 9780199869923
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195148630.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
In a society that valued social status, lower‐class mystics tended to be regarded as ‘false.’ They were frequently subjected to the Inquisition, and, as many were uneducated and thus illiterate, they ...
More
In a society that valued social status, lower‐class mystics tended to be regarded as ‘false.’ They were frequently subjected to the Inquisition, and, as many were uneducated and thus illiterate, they were not well acquainted with orthodox catechism and were often accused of heresy. Further, these ‘false’ mystics rarely benefited from the instruction and support of an elite spiritual advisor. Rather, the poorer mystics tended to have an unstable relationship with their confessors, who often were not well educated themselves. While some ‘false’ mystics found supporters within the aristocracy, they rarely secured support from the ecclesiastical hierarchy.Less
In a society that valued social status, lower‐class mystics tended to be regarded as ‘false.’ They were frequently subjected to the Inquisition, and, as many were uneducated and thus illiterate, they were not well acquainted with orthodox catechism and were often accused of heresy. Further, these ‘false’ mystics rarely benefited from the instruction and support of an elite spiritual advisor. Rather, the poorer mystics tended to have an unstable relationship with their confessors, who often were not well educated themselves. While some ‘false’ mystics found supporters within the aristocracy, they rarely secured support from the ecclesiastical hierarchy.
Jeremy Gregory
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198208303
- eISBN:
- 9780191677977
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198208303.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History, History of Religion
Chapter 2 focuses on the clerical profession of the parish clergy, examining their backgrounds, trainings, and political affiliations. Educationally, the great majority of beneficed clergy were ...
More
Chapter 2 focuses on the clerical profession of the parish clergy, examining their backgrounds, trainings, and political affiliations. Educationally, the great majority of beneficed clergy were graduates, which helped close the gap between the higher and lower clergy. Institutionally, the hierarchy was able to control the quality of those entering the profession through ordination. These factors ensured that the clerical profession was not split into sharply distinct categories as it was in the sixteenth century or as it was in France in the eighteenth century, and it helps explain why movements such as richerisme found little outlet in the English situation. Politically, the period witnessed the creation of the parish clergy whose views were in accord with the hierarchy, so that by the 1730s the majority of the clergy in the diocese were Whig supporters. It is suggested that this perhaps contributed to the wider stability of mid-eighteenth century England.Less
Chapter 2 focuses on the clerical profession of the parish clergy, examining their backgrounds, trainings, and political affiliations. Educationally, the great majority of beneficed clergy were graduates, which helped close the gap between the higher and lower clergy. Institutionally, the hierarchy was able to control the quality of those entering the profession through ordination. These factors ensured that the clerical profession was not split into sharply distinct categories as it was in the sixteenth century or as it was in France in the eighteenth century, and it helps explain why movements such as richerisme found little outlet in the English situation. Politically, the period witnessed the creation of the parish clergy whose views were in accord with the hierarchy, so that by the 1730s the majority of the clergy in the diocese were Whig supporters. It is suggested that this perhaps contributed to the wider stability of mid-eighteenth century England.
David Ranc
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719086120
- eISBN:
- 9781781702246
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719086120.003.0002
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Cultural Studies
What is a football supporter? Why do they identify with a given team? What does a review of literature have to say about partisan identification? Determinants of support are looked at from the point ...
More
What is a football supporter? Why do they identify with a given team? What does a review of literature have to say about partisan identification? Determinants of support are looked at from the point of view of critical approaches (including Brohm and Bourdieu, hegemony theory), functionalist approaches. Interpretative and figurational sociology, the thoughts of Roger Caillois are mobilised to understand the behaviour of football supporters. Factors of partisanship are analysed with reference to sports history (class, race, gender, space, place) in particular Richard Holt, sociology (Anthony King), geography (John Bale) or social sciences (Gary Armstrong, Richard Giulianotti). Christian Bromberger and Patrick Mignon's works serve to analyse the symbolisation of identity, the construction of communities (with reference to Benedict Anderson). The press is seen as a focal point in this process (with reference to Rowe, Boyle, Haynes)Less
What is a football supporter? Why do they identify with a given team? What does a review of literature have to say about partisan identification? Determinants of support are looked at from the point of view of critical approaches (including Brohm and Bourdieu, hegemony theory), functionalist approaches. Interpretative and figurational sociology, the thoughts of Roger Caillois are mobilised to understand the behaviour of football supporters. Factors of partisanship are analysed with reference to sports history (class, race, gender, space, place) in particular Richard Holt, sociology (Anthony King), geography (John Bale) or social sciences (Gary Armstrong, Richard Giulianotti). Christian Bromberger and Patrick Mignon's works serve to analyse the symbolisation of identity, the construction of communities (with reference to Benedict Anderson). The press is seen as a focal point in this process (with reference to Rowe, Boyle, Haynes)
Allen Douglas
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520228764
- eISBN:
- 9780520926943
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520228764.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter examines French domestic politics as viewed by the Canard. It shows that the paper wavered between two positions: the first was a “republicanism” located between the Socialist and ...
More
This chapter examines French domestic politics as viewed by the Canard. It shows that the paper wavered between two positions: the first was a “republicanism” located between the Socialist and Radical parties, while the second was a more politically undecided antiparliamentarism. The discussion looks at how the Canard satirized the way the rest of the press covered the Third International supporters and also developed a position that suggested the entire democratic-electoral process was a futile exercise.Less
This chapter examines French domestic politics as viewed by the Canard. It shows that the paper wavered between two positions: the first was a “republicanism” located between the Socialist and Radical parties, while the second was a more politically undecided antiparliamentarism. The discussion looks at how the Canard satirized the way the rest of the press covered the Third International supporters and also developed a position that suggested the entire democratic-electoral process was a futile exercise.
Chikako Kashiwazaki
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520098633
- eISBN:
- 9780520916197
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520098633.003.0007
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Asian Cultural Anthropology
This article appraises the Zainichi community's dealings with foreigners in Japan. The generic term for foreigners, in Japanese, is gaikokujin. However, usage of this term for ex-Korean descendants, ...
More
This article appraises the Zainichi community's dealings with foreigners in Japan. The generic term for foreigners, in Japanese, is gaikokujin. However, usage of this term for ex-Korean descendants, residing in Japan for generations, does not seem to be natural or prudent. For one, pertaining to this foreigner category does not contribute to group solidarity. Second, the Zainichi Koreans are far from the typical image of gaikokujin as it is used as an everyday Japanese idiom. Nevertheless, politically active Zainichi Koreans and their Japanese supporters have emphasized the foreigner category in their fight against social injustice and to maintain Korean cultural identity in Japanese society. One idea emerges, that in the existence of legal citizenship, consolidating under the gaikokujin umbrella, in the face of social unacceptability, group solidarity and, hence, collective bargaining power enhance. It facilitates a unique instance wherein a minority group appropriates an imposed category.Less
This article appraises the Zainichi community's dealings with foreigners in Japan. The generic term for foreigners, in Japanese, is gaikokujin. However, usage of this term for ex-Korean descendants, residing in Japan for generations, does not seem to be natural or prudent. For one, pertaining to this foreigner category does not contribute to group solidarity. Second, the Zainichi Koreans are far from the typical image of gaikokujin as it is used as an everyday Japanese idiom. Nevertheless, politically active Zainichi Koreans and their Japanese supporters have emphasized the foreigner category in their fight against social injustice and to maintain Korean cultural identity in Japanese society. One idea emerges, that in the existence of legal citizenship, consolidating under the gaikokujin umbrella, in the face of social unacceptability, group solidarity and, hence, collective bargaining power enhance. It facilitates a unique instance wherein a minority group appropriates an imposed category.
William W. Buzbee
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801451904
- eISBN:
- 9780801470301
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801451904.003.0014
- Subject:
- Law, Environmental and Energy Law
This chapter considers the aftermath of the trial examined in previous chapters by analyzing some legal close calls on Westway's side. Because the Army Corps had granted the Westway permit and the ...
More
This chapter considers the aftermath of the trial examined in previous chapters by analyzing some legal close calls on Westway's side. Because the Army Corps had granted the Westway permit and the federal natural resource agencies had not played their objections up the executive branch hierarchy, the opponents still faced an uphill battle. Moreover, the norms of judicial deference were complicated here by numerous environmentally protective statutory and regulatory provisions that required worst-case assumptions, permit denials when faced with uncertainty, and prohibitions against avoidable or harmful fill in rivers like the Hudson. The chapter shows how the courts and the lawyers worked to sort out these issues.Less
This chapter considers the aftermath of the trial examined in previous chapters by analyzing some legal close calls on Westway's side. Because the Army Corps had granted the Westway permit and the federal natural resource agencies had not played their objections up the executive branch hierarchy, the opponents still faced an uphill battle. Moreover, the norms of judicial deference were complicated here by numerous environmentally protective statutory and regulatory provisions that required worst-case assumptions, permit denials when faced with uncertainty, and prohibitions against avoidable or harmful fill in rivers like the Hudson. The chapter shows how the courts and the lawyers worked to sort out these issues.
Maria Agren (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- December 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190240615
- eISBN:
- 9780190240653
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190240615.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
This book uses a substantively new research model and source base for studying the working lives of early modern men and women. With an innovative analytic method that is, in turn, yoked to a ...
More
This book uses a substantively new research model and source base for studying the working lives of early modern men and women. With an innovative analytic method that is, in turn, yoked to a specially built database of source materials, the book revises many received opinions about the history of gender and work in Europe. The verb-oriented method finds the “work verbs” that appear incidentally in a wide variety of early modern sources and then analyzes the context in which they appear. By tying information technologies and computer-assisted analysis to the analytic powers—both quantitative and qualitative—of professional historians, the method gets much closer to a participatory observation of the micro-patterns of early modern life than was once believed possible. The book confronts a number of broad problems often debated by historians of gender and early modern Europe. First, it discusses the problem of assessing more accurately the incidence, character, and division of work. Second, it analyzes the configurations of work and human difference. Third, it deals with the extent to which work practices created notions of difference—gender difference but also other forms of difference—and, conversely, to what extent work practices contributed to notions of sameness and gender convergence. Finally, it studies the impact of processes of change: state formation, growing commercialization, and social differentiation.Less
This book uses a substantively new research model and source base for studying the working lives of early modern men and women. With an innovative analytic method that is, in turn, yoked to a specially built database of source materials, the book revises many received opinions about the history of gender and work in Europe. The verb-oriented method finds the “work verbs” that appear incidentally in a wide variety of early modern sources and then analyzes the context in which they appear. By tying information technologies and computer-assisted analysis to the analytic powers—both quantitative and qualitative—of professional historians, the method gets much closer to a participatory observation of the micro-patterns of early modern life than was once believed possible. The book confronts a number of broad problems often debated by historians of gender and early modern Europe. First, it discusses the problem of assessing more accurately the incidence, character, and division of work. Second, it analyzes the configurations of work and human difference. Third, it deals with the extent to which work practices created notions of difference—gender difference but also other forms of difference—and, conversely, to what extent work practices contributed to notions of sameness and gender convergence. Finally, it studies the impact of processes of change: state formation, growing commercialization, and social differentiation.
William W. Buzbee
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801451904
- eISBN:
- 9780801470301
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801451904.003.0014
- Subject:
- Law, Environmental and Energy Law
This chapter considers the aftermath of the trial examined in previous chapters by analyzing some legal close calls on Westway's side. Because the Army Corps had granted the Westway permit and the ...
More
This chapter considers the aftermath of the trial examined in previous chapters by analyzing some legal close calls on Westway's side. Because the Army Corps had granted the Westway permit and the federal natural resource agencies had not played their objections up the executive branch hierarchy, the opponents still faced an uphill battle. Moreover, the norms of judicial deference were complicated here by numerous environmentally protective statutory and regulatory provisions that required worst-case assumptions, permit denials when faced with uncertainty, and prohibitions against avoidable or harmful fill in rivers like the Hudson. The chapter shows how the courts and the lawyers worked to sort out these issues.
Less
This chapter considers the aftermath of the trial examined in previous chapters by analyzing some legal close calls on Westway's side. Because the Army Corps had granted the Westway permit and the federal natural resource agencies had not played their objections up the executive branch hierarchy, the opponents still faced an uphill battle. Moreover, the norms of judicial deference were complicated here by numerous environmentally protective statutory and regulatory provisions that required worst-case assumptions, permit denials when faced with uncertainty, and prohibitions against avoidable or harmful fill in rivers like the Hudson. The chapter shows how the courts and the lawyers worked to sort out these issues.
Scott Gac
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300111989
- eISBN:
- 9780300138368
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300111989.003.0018
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter focuses on how, although the antislavery movement made great strides after the Hutchinson Family Singers went to Europe, the infighting between political abolitionists and moral ...
More
This chapter focuses on how, although the antislavery movement made great strides after the Hutchinson Family Singers went to Europe, the infighting between political abolitionists and moral abolitionists grew. Though they once had mocked him on their sheet music cover, the Hutchinsons probably started liking Clay more in 1847, particularly after southern Whigs pushed General Taylor for president. The Hutchinsons and many other antislavery supporters saw an opportunity for a grand political alliance. The Free Soil Party was the first significant antislavery political party to steer clear of civil rights ideas for African Americans in their platform. The Hutchinsons were always on the side of keeping slavery out. But their own internal divisions were becoming harder to handle.Less
This chapter focuses on how, although the antislavery movement made great strides after the Hutchinson Family Singers went to Europe, the infighting between political abolitionists and moral abolitionists grew. Though they once had mocked him on their sheet music cover, the Hutchinsons probably started liking Clay more in 1847, particularly after southern Whigs pushed General Taylor for president. The Hutchinsons and many other antislavery supporters saw an opportunity for a grand political alliance. The Free Soil Party was the first significant antislavery political party to steer clear of civil rights ideas for African Americans in their platform. The Hutchinsons were always on the side of keeping slavery out. But their own internal divisions were becoming harder to handle.
Kathleen Wellman
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300178852
- eISBN:
- 9780300190656
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300178852.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
This chapter explores the reasons why Marguerite de Valois, daughter of Henry II and Catherine de Medici, was considered an unusual queen of France. Wife of Henry the IV, she was more popularly known ...
More
This chapter explores the reasons why Marguerite de Valois, daughter of Henry II and Catherine de Medici, was considered an unusual queen of France. Wife of Henry the IV, she was more popularly known as “Queen Margot,” and was one of the most maligned women in French history. Although Marguerite was an accomplished princess, political actor, and renowned intellectual, The Satiric Divorce, a pamphlet published in 1660, depicted an image of her which has prevailed for centuries—that of a woman of deranged, aberrant sexuality. This lurid account is the source of many stories told about Marguerite. It has had enduring credibility largely because it has been assumed for centuries that the distinguished humanist, historian, and Henry II's staunch Huguenot supporter Theodore Agrippa d'Aubigne was its author.Less
This chapter explores the reasons why Marguerite de Valois, daughter of Henry II and Catherine de Medici, was considered an unusual queen of France. Wife of Henry the IV, she was more popularly known as “Queen Margot,” and was one of the most maligned women in French history. Although Marguerite was an accomplished princess, political actor, and renowned intellectual, The Satiric Divorce, a pamphlet published in 1660, depicted an image of her which has prevailed for centuries—that of a woman of deranged, aberrant sexuality. This lurid account is the source of many stories told about Marguerite. It has had enduring credibility largely because it has been assumed for centuries that the distinguished humanist, historian, and Henry II's staunch Huguenot supporter Theodore Agrippa d'Aubigne was its author.
Lisa Young
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199661879
- eISBN:
- 9780191748349
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199661879.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This review of current trends regarding party membership demonstrates that the character of party membership has evolved over the past several decades, with membership entailing less commitment on ...
More
This review of current trends regarding party membership demonstrates that the character of party membership has evolved over the past several decades, with membership entailing less commitment on the part of members, but also offering greater privileges to members as parties move toward more participatory, plebiscitary forms of democracy. Despite this, party membership is declining, with younger citizens less inclined to join parties than were members of prior generations. Parties’ memberships are, consequently, significantly less representative of the electorate in demographic terms. Despite this, there is no systematic evidence suggesting that party memberships are consistently unrepresentative of their party’s electorate in ideological orientation. Although the linkage function attributed to party members has undeniably waned, the blurring of the distinction between party members and supporters suggests that supporters may be replacing members in some respects, and that parties’ increasing openness to supporters facilitates this.Less
This review of current trends regarding party membership demonstrates that the character of party membership has evolved over the past several decades, with membership entailing less commitment on the part of members, but also offering greater privileges to members as parties move toward more participatory, plebiscitary forms of democracy. Despite this, party membership is declining, with younger citizens less inclined to join parties than were members of prior generations. Parties’ memberships are, consequently, significantly less representative of the electorate in demographic terms. Despite this, there is no systematic evidence suggesting that party memberships are consistently unrepresentative of their party’s electorate in ideological orientation. Although the linkage function attributed to party members has undeniably waned, the blurring of the distinction between party members and supporters suggests that supporters may be replacing members in some respects, and that parties’ increasing openness to supporters facilitates this.
John G. Turner
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807831854
- eISBN:
- 9781469604756
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807889107_turner.6
- Subject:
- Religion, Religious Studies
This chapter describes how Bill Bright wrote potential supporters to outline his vision, which fused spiritual and political concerns and objectives. After founding the Campus Crusade for Christ, he ...
More
This chapter describes how Bill Bright wrote potential supporters to outline his vision, which fused spiritual and political concerns and objectives. After founding the Campus Crusade for Christ, he asserted that “the average collegian is spiritually illiterate” and “estimated that less than five percent of the college students of America are actively engaged in the church of today.” After noting that virtually all American colleges and universities “were founded as Christian institutions,” Bright lamented that “many of our state universities and colleges and other institutions deny the deity of Christ, the Bible as the Word of God, and offer not so much as one Christian course in their curriculum.”Less
This chapter describes how Bill Bright wrote potential supporters to outline his vision, which fused spiritual and political concerns and objectives. After founding the Campus Crusade for Christ, he asserted that “the average collegian is spiritually illiterate” and “estimated that less than five percent of the college students of America are actively engaged in the church of today.” After noting that virtually all American colleges and universities “were founded as Christian institutions,” Bright lamented that “many of our state universities and colleges and other institutions deny the deity of Christ, the Bible as the Word of God, and offer not so much as one Christian course in their curriculum.”
George C. Edwards III
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691170374
- eISBN:
- 9781400880980
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691170374.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines how the president harnesses the technological advances of new forms of media to reach and potentially mobilize supporters. The White House has embraced the latest technology to ...
More
This chapter examines how the president harnesses the technological advances of new forms of media to reach and potentially mobilize supporters. The White House has embraced the latest technology to take its case to the people. At its core, the new modes of communication offer an opportunity to bypass the press and communicate directly with the public. The chapter first considers the fragmentation of the modern media environment before discussing the potential for the president to exploit the new media to signal likely supporters and reinforce their predispositions to back his initiatives. In particular, it cites Barack Obama’s use of the Internet, and more specifically social media sites like Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, and Flickr, as well as his mobilization of supporters via Organizing for America and Organizing for Action. It also evaluates some of the challenges the new communications environment presents for the White House and the president.Less
This chapter examines how the president harnesses the technological advances of new forms of media to reach and potentially mobilize supporters. The White House has embraced the latest technology to take its case to the people. At its core, the new modes of communication offer an opportunity to bypass the press and communicate directly with the public. The chapter first considers the fragmentation of the modern media environment before discussing the potential for the president to exploit the new media to signal likely supporters and reinforce their predispositions to back his initiatives. In particular, it cites Barack Obama’s use of the Internet, and more specifically social media sites like Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, and Flickr, as well as his mobilization of supporters via Organizing for America and Organizing for Action. It also evaluates some of the challenges the new communications environment presents for the White House and the president.
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226544083
- eISBN:
- 9780226544106
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226544106.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter starts by examining how gay rights supporters define the three issues that the public perceives as least threatening (hate crimes, employment and housing discrimination, and the military ...
More
This chapter starts by examining how gay rights supporters define the three issues that the public perceives as least threatening (hate crimes, employment and housing discrimination, and the military ban) followed by the issues that it perceives as more threatening (legalizing homosexual conduct, same-sex marriage, and adoption). It looks to see if the kinds of issue definitions change across issues, according to their substantive properties or the level of threat that citizens perceive, or if they remain consistent. Next, it compares and contrasts supporters' and opponents' strategies for defining issues and suggest reasons for the similarities and differences. Do gay rights supporters frame debates in terms of consequences and procedures, as their opponents do, or do they emphasize principles? Finally, it considers the implications of these findings for the gay rights movement's successes and failures.Less
This chapter starts by examining how gay rights supporters define the three issues that the public perceives as least threatening (hate crimes, employment and housing discrimination, and the military ban) followed by the issues that it perceives as more threatening (legalizing homosexual conduct, same-sex marriage, and adoption). It looks to see if the kinds of issue definitions change across issues, according to their substantive properties or the level of threat that citizens perceive, or if they remain consistent. Next, it compares and contrasts supporters' and opponents' strategies for defining issues and suggest reasons for the similarities and differences. Do gay rights supporters frame debates in terms of consequences and procedures, as their opponents do, or do they emphasize principles? Finally, it considers the implications of these findings for the gay rights movement's successes and failures.
Victoria E. Bynum
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807833810
- eISBN:
- 9781469604145
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807898215_bynum
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
This book relates uncommon narratives about common Southern folks who fought not with the Confederacy, but against it. Focusing on regions in three Southern states—North Carolina, Mississippi, and ...
More
This book relates uncommon narratives about common Southern folks who fought not with the Confederacy, but against it. Focusing on regions in three Southern states—North Carolina, Mississippi, and Texas—the book introduces Unionist supporters, guerrilla soldiers, defiant women, socialists, populists, free blacks, and large interracial kin groups that belie stereotypes of the South and of Southerners as uniformly supportive of the Confederate cause. Examining regions within the South where the inner civil wars of deadly physical conflict and intense political debate continued well into the era of Reconstruction and beyond, the book explores three central questions. How prevalent was support for the Union among ordinary Southerners during the Civil War? How did Southern Unionists and freed people experience both the Union's victory and the emancipation of slaves during and after Reconstruction? And what were the legacies of the Civil War and Reconstruction for relations among classes and races and between the sexes, both then and now?Less
This book relates uncommon narratives about common Southern folks who fought not with the Confederacy, but against it. Focusing on regions in three Southern states—North Carolina, Mississippi, and Texas—the book introduces Unionist supporters, guerrilla soldiers, defiant women, socialists, populists, free blacks, and large interracial kin groups that belie stereotypes of the South and of Southerners as uniformly supportive of the Confederate cause. Examining regions within the South where the inner civil wars of deadly physical conflict and intense political debate continued well into the era of Reconstruction and beyond, the book explores three central questions. How prevalent was support for the Union among ordinary Southerners during the Civil War? How did Southern Unionists and freed people experience both the Union's victory and the emancipation of slaves during and after Reconstruction? And what were the legacies of the Civil War and Reconstruction for relations among classes and races and between the sexes, both then and now?
David Lucander
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252038624
- eISBN:
- 9780252096556
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252038624.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter provides a historical background to the outpouring of African American protest in wartime St. Louis. In May 1942, A. Philip Randolph and Milton Webster called a meeting at the St. Louis ...
More
This chapter provides a historical background to the outpouring of African American protest in wartime St. Louis. In May 1942, A. Philip Randolph and Milton Webster called a meeting at the St. Louis YWCA, during which they proposed that a local March on Washington Movement (MOWM) unit be established. T. D. McNeal, David Grant, Sallie Parham, Nita Blackwell, and Jordan Chambers are introduced as pioneers of protest in this upstart organization. When available, biographical information of key MOWM supporters illustrates how participating in wartime protests fitted within the arc of an individual's life. There was no singular path toward MOWM, but the people who associated with this organization shared an optimism that the war presented an opportune moment to effectively challenge Jim Crow's insidious multiplicity of forms.Less
This chapter provides a historical background to the outpouring of African American protest in wartime St. Louis. In May 1942, A. Philip Randolph and Milton Webster called a meeting at the St. Louis YWCA, during which they proposed that a local March on Washington Movement (MOWM) unit be established. T. D. McNeal, David Grant, Sallie Parham, Nita Blackwell, and Jordan Chambers are introduced as pioneers of protest in this upstart organization. When available, biographical information of key MOWM supporters illustrates how participating in wartime protests fitted within the arc of an individual's life. There was no singular path toward MOWM, but the people who associated with this organization shared an optimism that the war presented an opportune moment to effectively challenge Jim Crow's insidious multiplicity of forms.
Michael J. Jarvis
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807833216
- eISBN:
- 9781469600291
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9780807833216.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
This chapter describes how Governor William Browne sketched Bermuda's trajectory from active American supporter to loyal British colony in a letter to Prime Minister Lord North. Browne's charitable ...
More
This chapter describes how Governor William Browne sketched Bermuda's trajectory from active American supporter to loyal British colony in a letter to Prime Minister Lord North. Browne's charitable version of Bermuda's recent history hid many blatant acts of disloyalty during the war, but he rightly noted islanders' current optimism. Bermuda's most ambitious sons sought free-port status and dreamed of becoming “the storehouse of the Western World,” an Atlantic version of St. Eustatius worth more “than half a dozen West India islands.” The prewar maritime doldrums of the 1760s seemed a world away. All the same, Browne suggested that “it may not, however, be inexpedient to have a party of the King's Troops posted here” permanently, just in case Bermudians renewed their affections for and connections with kinsmen who were now U.S. citizens.Less
This chapter describes how Governor William Browne sketched Bermuda's trajectory from active American supporter to loyal British colony in a letter to Prime Minister Lord North. Browne's charitable version of Bermuda's recent history hid many blatant acts of disloyalty during the war, but he rightly noted islanders' current optimism. Bermuda's most ambitious sons sought free-port status and dreamed of becoming “the storehouse of the Western World,” an Atlantic version of St. Eustatius worth more “than half a dozen West India islands.” The prewar maritime doldrums of the 1760s seemed a world away. All the same, Browne suggested that “it may not, however, be inexpedient to have a party of the King's Troops posted here” permanently, just in case Bermudians renewed their affections for and connections with kinsmen who were now U.S. citizens.
