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The story behind the nomination and confirmation of John Hanford as IRF ambassador brings credit on no one, least of all the IRF supporters who opposed Hanford; the Bush administration which let the wrangling proceed too long; or Hanford himself, who delayed in taking his position even after Senate confirmation. When he finally arrived in May 2002, the Bush-Powell team had been operating well over a year and Hanford had to fight even to maintain authority over his own staff. He quickly discovered what his predecessor had learned: IRF was not a mainstream concern at Foggy Bottom. But John Hanford had a certain comfort level with this arrangement. He preferred to oppose persecution rather than advancing religious freedom. The results over the next few years were decidedly mixed, especially in China, but his work in Vietnam and Saudi Arabia was potentially ground-breaking.

This chapter showcases a Dutch collaborator named Fritz. Fritz shared many of Tony's prewar conservative opinions in favor of the monarchy and traditional Dutch values, although he was of working-class origins, unlike Tony and Beatrix, who were Dutch bourgeoisie. But unlike Beatrix or Tony, Fritz joined the Nazi Party, wrote propaganda for the Nazi cause, and married the daughter of a German Nazi. When he was interviewed in 1992, Fritz indicated he was appalled at what he later learned about Nazi treatment of Jews but that he still believed in many of the goals of the National Socialist movement and felt that Hitler had betrayed the movement. Fritz is thus classified as a disillusioned Nazi supporter who retains his faith in much of National Socialism, and this chapter is presented as illustrative of the psychology of those who once supported the Nazi regime but who were disillusioned after the war.

In a society that valued social status, lower‐class mystics tended to be regarded as ‘false.’ They were frequently subjected to the Inquisition, and, as many were uneducated and thus illiterate, they were not well acquainted with orthodox catechism and were often accused of heresy. Further, these ‘false’ mystics rarely benefited from the instruction and support of an elite spiritual advisor. Rather, the poorer mystics tended to have an unstable relationship with their confessors, who often were not well educated themselves. While some ‘false’ mystics found supporters within the aristocracy, they rarely secured support from the ecclesiastical hierarchy.

Chapter 2 focuses on the clerical profession of the parish clergy, examining their backgrounds, trainings, and political affiliations. Educationally, the great majority of beneficed clergy were graduates, which helped close the gap between the higher and lower clergy. Institutionally, the hierarchy was able to control the quality of those entering the profession through ordination. These factors ensured that the clerical profession was not split into sharply distinct categories as it was in the sixteenth century or as it was in France in the eighteenth century, and it helps explain why movements such as richerisme found little outlet in the English situation. Politically, the period witnessed the creation of the parish clergy whose views were in accord with the hierarchy, so that by the 1730s the majority of the clergy in the diocese were Whig supporters. It is suggested that this perhaps contributed to the wider stability of mid-eighteenth century England.

This chapter examines French domestic politics as viewed by the Canard. It shows that the paper wavered between two positions: the first was a “republicanism” located between the Socialist and Radical parties, while the second was a more politically undecided antiparliamentarism. The discussion looks at how the Canard satirized the way the rest of the press covered the Third International supporters and also developed a position that suggested the entire democratic-electoral process was a futile exercise.

This article appraises the Zainichi community's dealings with foreigners in Japan. The generic term for foreigners, in Japanese, is gaikokujin. However, usage of this term for ex-Korean descendants, residing in Japan for generations, does not seem to be natural or prudent. For one, pertaining to this foreigner category does not contribute to group solidarity. Second, the Zainichi Koreans are far from the typical image of gaikokujin as it is used as an everyday Japanese idiom. Nevertheless, politically active Zainichi Koreans and their Japanese supporters have emphasized the foreigner category in their fight against social injustice and to maintain Korean cultural identity in Japanese society. One idea emerges, that in the existence of legal citizenship, consolidating under the gaikokujin umbrella, in the face of social unacceptability, group solidarity and, hence, collective bargaining power enhance. It facilitates a unique instance wherein a minority group appropriates an imposed category.

This chapter considers the aftermath of the trial examined in previous chapters by analyzing some legal close calls on Westway's side. Because the Army Corps had granted the Westway permit and the federal natural resource agencies had not played their objections up the executive branch hierarchy, the opponents still faced an uphill battle. Moreover, the norms of judicial deference were complicated here by numerous environmentally protective statutory and regulatory provisions that required worst-case assumptions, permit denials when faced with uncertainty, and prohibitions against avoidable or harmful fill in rivers like the Hudson. The chapter shows how the courts and the lawyers worked to sort out these issues.

This chapter describes how Bill Bright wrote potential supporters to outline his vision, which fused spiritual and political concerns and objectives. After founding the Campus Crusade for Christ, he asserted that “the average collegian is spiritually illiterate” and “estimated that less than five percent of the college students of America are actively engaged in the church of today.” After noting that virtually all American colleges and universities “were founded as Christian institutions,” Bright lamented that “many of our state universities and colleges and other institutions deny the deity of Christ, the Bible as the Word of God, and offer not so much as one Christian course in their curriculum.”

Chapter 6 examines an array of strategic options provided by digital tools, including broadcasting, analytics, convening, and distributed organizing. Such digital strategies can be deployed to broaden participation as a means of generating more inclusive activism and to deepen participation to intensify supporter engagement. Leveraging digital tools and shifting from staff-led to supporter-led activism can help TNGOs become more authentic, representative, and legitimate. But despite these opportunities, features of the legacy architecture make it difficult for TNGOs to invest in new technologies or accord them a major role in shaping programmatic strategies and organizational structures. Moreover, “going digital” carries its own inherent risks. For example TNGOs must be careful to avoid overemphasizing superficial metrics or underappreciating the need to complement digital strategies with other resources and capabilities.

This chapter considers the aftermath of the trial examined in previous chapters by analyzing some legal close calls on Westway's side. Because the Army Corps had granted the Westway permit and the federal natural resource agencies had not played their objections up the executive branch hierarchy, the opponents still faced an uphill battle. Moreover, the norms of judicial deference were complicated here by numerous environmentally protective statutory and regulatory provisions that required worst-case assumptions, permit denials when faced with uncertainty, and prohibitions against avoidable or harmful fill in rivers like the Hudson. The chapter shows how the courts and the lawyers worked to sort out these issues.

This chapter focuses on how, although the antislavery movement made great strides after the Hutchinson Family Singers went to Europe, the infighting between political abolitionists and moral abolitionists grew. Though they once had mocked him on their sheet music cover, the Hutchinsons probably started liking Clay more in 1847, particularly after southern Whigs pushed General Taylor for president. The Hutchinsons and many other antislavery supporters saw an opportunity for a grand political alliance. The Free Soil Party was the first significant antislavery political party to steer clear of civil rights ideas for African Americans in their platform. The Hutchinsons were always on the side of keeping slavery out. But their own internal divisions were becoming harder to handle.

This chapter explores the reasons why Marguerite de Valois, daughter of Henry II and Catherine de Medici, was considered an unusual queen of France. Wife of Henry the IV, she was more popularly known as “Queen Margot,” and was one of the most maligned women in French history. Although Marguerite was an accomplished princess, political actor, and renowned intellectual, The Satiric Divorce, a pamphlet published in 1660, depicted an image of her which has prevailed for centuries—that of a woman of deranged, aberrant sexuality. This lurid account is the source of many stories told about Marguerite. It has had enduring credibility largely because it has been assumed for centuries that the distinguished humanist, historian, and Henry II's staunch Huguenot supporter Theodore Agrippa d'Aubigne was its author.

This chapter looks at the deaths of the people who died in Ireland in 1918. A detachment of the Welsh Regiment in Kilrush adopted an abrasive attitude towards Sinn Féin supporters. On March 24, 1918, soldiers unexpectedly interrupted the weekly meeting of the Carrigaholt Sinn Féin club. National school teacher Thomas Russell was treated for a bayonet wound before being removed to hospital next day, where he died. Meanwhile, in what could arguably be termed the opening clash of the War of Independence, Irish Volunteers under Tom McEllistrim raided the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) Barracks at Gortatlea on April 13, 1918. John Browne was shot in the temple, while Richard Laide was mortally wounded in the stomach. Martial law was then declared in Tralee for three weeks.

This chapter describes how Governor William Browne sketched Bermuda's trajectory from active American supporter to loyal British colony in a letter to Prime Minister Lord North. Browne's charitable version of Bermuda's recent history hid many blatant acts of disloyalty during the war, but he rightly noted islanders' current optimism. Bermuda's most ambitious sons sought free-port status and dreamed of becoming “the storehouse of the Western World,” an Atlantic version of St. Eustatius worth more “than half a dozen West India islands.” The prewar maritime doldrums of the 1760s seemed a world away. All the same, Browne suggested that “it may not, however, be inexpedient to have a party of the King's Troops posted here” permanently, just in case Bermudians renewed their affections for and connections with kinsmen who were now U.S. citizens.

This review of current trends regarding party membership demonstrates that the character of party membership has evolved over the past several decades, with membership entailing less commitment on the part of members, but also offering greater privileges to members as parties move toward more participatory, plebiscitary forms of democracy. Despite this, party membership is declining, with younger citizens less inclined to join parties than were members of prior generations. Parties’ memberships are, consequently, significantly less representative of the electorate in demographic terms. Despite this, there is no systematic evidence suggesting that party memberships are consistently unrepresentative of their party’s electorate in ideological orientation. Although the linkage function attributed to party members has undeniably waned, the blurring of the distinction between party members and supporters suggests that supporters may be replacing members in some respects, and that parties’ increasing openness to supporters facilitates this.

This chapter examines how the president harnesses the technological advances of new forms of media to reach and potentially mobilize supporters. The White House has embraced the latest technology to take its case to the people. At its core, the new modes of communication offer an opportunity to bypass the press and communicate directly with the public. The chapter first considers the fragmentation of the modern media environment before discussing the potential for the president to exploit the new media to signal likely supporters and reinforce their predispositions to back his initiatives. In particular, it cites Barack Obama’s use of the Internet, and more specifically social media sites like Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, and Flickr, as well as his mobilization of supporters via Organizing for America and Organizing for Action. It also evaluates some of the challenges the new communications environment presents for the White House and the president.