Alessandra Giorgi
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199571895
- eISBN:
- 9780191722073
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199571895.001.0001
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Semantics and Pragmatics, Syntax and Morphology
This book considers the syntax of the left periphery of clauses in relation to the extra‐sentential context. The prevailing point of view, in the literature in this field is that the external context ...
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This book considers the syntax of the left periphery of clauses in relation to the extra‐sentential context. The prevailing point of view, in the literature in this field is that the external context does not intervene at all in the syntax of the sentence, and that the interaction between sentence and context takes place post‐syntactically. This monograph challenges this view and proposes that reference to indexicality is syntactically encoded in the left‐most position of the clause, where the speaker's temporal and spatial location is represented. To support this hypothesis, it analyses various kinds of temporal dependencies in embedded clauses, such as indicative versus subjunctive, and proposes a new analysis of the imperfect and the future‐in‐the‐past. The book also compares languages such as Italian and English with languages which have different properties of temporal interpretation, such as Chinese. Finally, analysis of the literary style known as Free Indirect Discourse also supports the hypothesis, showing that it may have a wide range of consequences.Less
This book considers the syntax of the left periphery of clauses in relation to the extra‐sentential context. The prevailing point of view, in the literature in this field is that the external context does not intervene at all in the syntax of the sentence, and that the interaction between sentence and context takes place post‐syntactically. This monograph challenges this view and proposes that reference to indexicality is syntactically encoded in the left‐most position of the clause, where the speaker's temporal and spatial location is represented. To support this hypothesis, it analyses various kinds of temporal dependencies in embedded clauses, such as indicative versus subjunctive, and proposes a new analysis of the imperfect and the future‐in‐the‐past. The book also compares languages such as Italian and English with languages which have different properties of temporal interpretation, such as Chinese. Finally, analysis of the literary style known as Free Indirect Discourse also supports the hypothesis, showing that it may have a wide range of consequences.
Jonathan Bennett
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199258871
- eISBN:
- 9780191597046
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199258872.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Philosophy of Language
Conditionals are of two basic kinds, often called ‘indicative’ and ‘subjunctive’. This book expounds and evaluates the main literature about each kind. It eventually defends the view of Adams and ...
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Conditionals are of two basic kinds, often called ‘indicative’ and ‘subjunctive’. This book expounds and evaluates the main literature about each kind. It eventually defends the view of Adams and Edgington that indicatives are devices for expressing subjective probabilities, and the view of Stalnaker and Lewis that subjunctives are statements about close possible worlds. But it also discusses other views, e.g. that indicatives are really material conditionals, and Goodman's approach to subjunctives.Less
Conditionals are of two basic kinds, often called ‘indicative’ and ‘subjunctive’. This book expounds and evaluates the main literature about each kind. It eventually defends the view of Adams and Edgington that indicatives are devices for expressing subjective probabilities, and the view of Stalnaker and Lewis that subjunctives are statements about close possible worlds. But it also discusses other views, e.g. that indicatives are really material conditionals, and Goodman's approach to subjunctives.
Adam B. Seligman, Robert P. Weller, Michael Puett, and Bennett Simon
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195336009
- eISBN:
- 9780199868933
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195336009.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, World Religions
This book shows how rituals allow us to live in a perennially imperfect world. The book, building on anthropological theories, draws examples of ritual attitudes from a variety of cultural settings, ...
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This book shows how rituals allow us to live in a perennially imperfect world. The book, building on anthropological theories, draws examples of ritual attitudes from a variety of cultural settings, including original comparisons of Chinese and Jewish discussions of ritual and its importance. The book utilizes psychoanalytic and anthropological perspectives on how ritual, like play, creates “as if” worlds, drawing upon the imaginative capacity of the human mind to create a subjunctive universe. This ability to cross between imagined worlds is central to the human capacity for empathy. The limits of this capacity mark the boundaries of empathy. The chapters juxtapose this ritual orientation to a “sincere” search for unity and wholeness. The sincere world sees fragmentation and incoherence as signs of inauthenticity that must be overcome. Our modern world has accepted the sincere viewpoint, at the expense of ritual, to a degree rarely seen in other times. It has often dismissed ritual as mere convention. The chapters point to the modern disavowal of ritual in the creation of fundamentalist movements as well as other extremist positions. Portions of the book take up questions of music, architecture, and literature, which also show the tensions between ritual and sincerity. The book shows that ritual, at least in its relationship to the rest of experience, is never totally coherent and never complete. Ritual is work, endless work. But it is among the most important things that we humans do.Less
This book shows how rituals allow us to live in a perennially imperfect world. The book, building on anthropological theories, draws examples of ritual attitudes from a variety of cultural settings, including original comparisons of Chinese and Jewish discussions of ritual and its importance. The book utilizes psychoanalytic and anthropological perspectives on how ritual, like play, creates “as if” worlds, drawing upon the imaginative capacity of the human mind to create a subjunctive universe. This ability to cross between imagined worlds is central to the human capacity for empathy. The limits of this capacity mark the boundaries of empathy. The chapters juxtapose this ritual orientation to a “sincere” search for unity and wholeness. The sincere world sees fragmentation and incoherence as signs of inauthenticity that must be overcome. Our modern world has accepted the sincere viewpoint, at the expense of ritual, to a degree rarely seen in other times. It has often dismissed ritual as mere convention. The chapters point to the modern disavowal of ritual in the creation of fundamentalist movements as well as other extremist positions. Portions of the book take up questions of music, architecture, and literature, which also show the tensions between ritual and sincerity. The book shows that ritual, at least in its relationship to the rest of experience, is never totally coherent and never complete. Ritual is work, endless work. But it is among the most important things that we humans do.
Theodore Markopoulos
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199539857
- eISBN:
- 9780191716317
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199539857.003.0003
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Syntax and Morphology, Historical Linguistics
This chapter traces the developments of the AVCs in the Hellenistic–Roman period (3rd c. BC–4th c. AD). With the help of material examined for the first time, mainly from the papyri, many standardly ...
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This chapter traces the developments of the AVCs in the Hellenistic–Roman period (3rd c. BC–4th c. AD). With the help of material examined for the first time, mainly from the papyri, many standardly made assumptions regarding the AVCs are challenged; for instance, the “assumed” Latin origin of the future‐referring œχω construction is here shown to have emerged through a “modal branching” situation from its previous ability meaning. Numerous original examples, previously unexamined, shed new light on the various modal meanings of the three AVCs.Less
This chapter traces the developments of the AVCs in the Hellenistic–Roman period (3rd c. BC–4th c. AD). With the help of material examined for the first time, mainly from the papyri, many standardly made assumptions regarding the AVCs are challenged; for instance, the “assumed” Latin origin of the future‐referring œχω construction is here shown to have emerged through a “modal branching” situation from its previous ability meaning. Numerous original examples, previously unexamined, shed new light on the various modal meanings of the three AVCs.
Bettelou Los
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199274765
- eISBN:
- 9780191705885
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199274765.003.0003
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Historical Linguistics
This chapter argues that some purpose adjuncts were reinterpreted as GOAL-arguments of conatives and verbs of persuading and urging. This involved a semantic change of the higher verb. Verbs meaning ...
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This chapter argues that some purpose adjuncts were reinterpreted as GOAL-arguments of conatives and verbs of persuading and urging. This involved a semantic change of the higher verb. Verbs meaning ‘exert oneself’ came to mean ‘exert oneself in order to’, hence ‘strive, try’, i.e., a conative, with the following to-infinitive, originally there as purpose adjunct, becoming a GOAL-argument of that verb. The GOAL-argument of verbs of persuading and urging underwent a similar change. That these to-infinitives are indeed arguments in Old English and no longer adjuncts is shown by syntactic tests. That the to-infinitive after these verbs started out as a purpose adjunct is clear from the fact that the other two expressions that are available to encode the GOAL-argument are the to-prepositional phrase and the subjunctive þæt-clause — both, like the to-infinitive, regularly used to encode purpose adjuncts.Less
This chapter argues that some purpose adjuncts were reinterpreted as GOAL-arguments of conatives and verbs of persuading and urging. This involved a semantic change of the higher verb. Verbs meaning ‘exert oneself’ came to mean ‘exert oneself in order to’, hence ‘strive, try’, i.e., a conative, with the following to-infinitive, originally there as purpose adjunct, becoming a GOAL-argument of that verb. The GOAL-argument of verbs of persuading and urging underwent a similar change. That these to-infinitives are indeed arguments in Old English and no longer adjuncts is shown by syntactic tests. That the to-infinitive after these verbs started out as a purpose adjunct is clear from the fact that the other two expressions that are available to encode the GOAL-argument are the to-prepositional phrase and the subjunctive þæt-clause — both, like the to-infinitive, regularly used to encode purpose adjuncts.
Bettelou Los
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199274765
- eISBN:
- 9780191705885
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199274765.003.0004
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Historical Linguistics
This chapter argues that the occurrence of the to-infinitive after verbs expressing meanings like ‘intend’ or ‘want’, or the negative counterparts ‘fear’ or ‘avoid’ represents an innovation. Unlike ...
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This chapter argues that the occurrence of the to-infinitive after verbs expressing meanings like ‘intend’ or ‘want’, or the negative counterparts ‘fear’ or ‘avoid’ represents an innovation. Unlike the verbs discussed in the previous chapter, these verbs never occurred with a to-prepositional phrase, so that the presence of the to-infinitive requires a different explanation. The best predictor for the distribution of a to-infinitive after verbs of this group in Old English is that of the subjunctive þæt-clause. As subjunctive þæt-clauses and to-infinitives had occurred side by side as expressions of the adjunct of purpose and of the GOAL-argument, this may have led them to be analysed as each other’s equivalents, as if the to-infinitive had come to be regarded as a non-finite subjunctive clause. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the only environment in which bare infinitive and to-infinitive occur side by side: verbs with the meaning ‘begin’.Less
This chapter argues that the occurrence of the to-infinitive after verbs expressing meanings like ‘intend’ or ‘want’, or the negative counterparts ‘fear’ or ‘avoid’ represents an innovation. Unlike the verbs discussed in the previous chapter, these verbs never occurred with a to-prepositional phrase, so that the presence of the to-infinitive requires a different explanation. The best predictor for the distribution of a to-infinitive after verbs of this group in Old English is that of the subjunctive þæt-clause. As subjunctive þæt-clauses and to-infinitives had occurred side by side as expressions of the adjunct of purpose and of the GOAL-argument, this may have led them to be analysed as each other’s equivalents, as if the to-infinitive had come to be regarded as a non-finite subjunctive clause. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the only environment in which bare infinitive and to-infinitive occur side by side: verbs with the meaning ‘begin’.
Bettelou Los
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199274765
- eISBN:
- 9780191705885
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199274765.003.0005
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Historical Linguistics
This chapter identifies a second set of ditransitive verbs: the verbs of commanding and permitting. Unlike the verbs of persuading and urging discussed in the Chapter 3, which have a thematic ...
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This chapter identifies a second set of ditransitive verbs: the verbs of commanding and permitting. Unlike the verbs of persuading and urging discussed in the Chapter 3, which have a thematic structure of AGENT, THEME, and GOAL, the verbs of commanding and permitting have a thematic structure of AGENT, RECIPIENT, and THEME. The different roles are clear from the different cases that express them: THEMES are expressed by accusative NPs, and RECIPIENTS by dative NPs. Verbs of commanding and permitting have two ‘variants’, a three-place and a two-place one. This is not an accidental, idiosyncratic lexical property of these verbs, but a structural feature connected with the basic meanings of this group. It is precisely this structural feature of the verbs of commanding and permitting that is responsible for the appearance of the first to-infinitival ECMs in Middle English.Less
This chapter identifies a second set of ditransitive verbs: the verbs of commanding and permitting. Unlike the verbs of persuading and urging discussed in the Chapter 3, which have a thematic structure of AGENT, THEME, and GOAL, the verbs of commanding and permitting have a thematic structure of AGENT, RECIPIENT, and THEME. The different roles are clear from the different cases that express them: THEMES are expressed by accusative NPs, and RECIPIENTS by dative NPs. Verbs of commanding and permitting have two ‘variants’, a three-place and a two-place one. This is not an accidental, idiosyncratic lexical property of these verbs, but a structural feature connected with the basic meanings of this group. It is precisely this structural feature of the verbs of commanding and permitting that is responsible for the appearance of the first to-infinitival ECMs in Middle English.
Bettelou Los
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199274765
- eISBN:
- 9780191705885
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199274765.003.0006
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Historical Linguistics
This chapter focuses on a third type of ditransitive: commissives, with meanings like ‘promise’. The commissives are interesting in that finite clauses are still their preferred complement in ...
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This chapter focuses on a third type of ditransitive: commissives, with meanings like ‘promise’. The commissives are interesting in that finite clauses are still their preferred complement in Present-day English, unlike the other subject-controlled verbs where finite clauses have been ousted completely by the to-infinitive. Closer investigation suggests that this survival is due to the fact that coreference of the subject of the subclause and an argument of the main clause is less frequent than with the verbs discussed in the previous chapters, i.e., the embedded subject is not ‘controlled’. Secondly, the ratio of modals versus simple subjunctive form is far higher in Old English after the commissives than after other ‘control’ verbs, which suggests that there is a need to distinguish between these types by using different modals for different types, which explains the continued survival of finite clauses.Less
This chapter focuses on a third type of ditransitive: commissives, with meanings like ‘promise’. The commissives are interesting in that finite clauses are still their preferred complement in Present-day English, unlike the other subject-controlled verbs where finite clauses have been ousted completely by the to-infinitive. Closer investigation suggests that this survival is due to the fact that coreference of the subject of the subclause and an argument of the main clause is less frequent than with the verbs discussed in the previous chapters, i.e., the embedded subject is not ‘controlled’. Secondly, the ratio of modals versus simple subjunctive form is far higher in Old English after the commissives than after other ‘control’ verbs, which suggests that there is a need to distinguish between these types by using different modals for different types, which explains the continued survival of finite clauses.
Bettelou Los
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199274765
- eISBN:
- 9780191705885
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199274765.003.0007
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Historical Linguistics
This chapter argues that the to-infinitive cannot be analysed as a prepositional phrase in Old English. Its distribution is no longer that of a to-PP, its dative inflection has fossilized and does ...
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This chapter argues that the to-infinitive cannot be analysed as a prepositional phrase in Old English. Its distribution is no longer that of a to-PP, its dative inflection has fossilized and does not behave like the dative inflection found on true N-heads, and it takes accusative objects rather than the genitive objects that would be expected if it was still nominal. Evidence from relative clauses, the position of the to-infinitival object, and the emergence of an overt complementizer — for — in early Middle English all argue for clausal rather than phrasal status. The most telling piece of evidence is the fact that the to-infinitive has entered into competition with the finite subjunctive clause and can be seen to gradually oust it in a number of environments. All the available evidence suggests that the to-infinitive was being analyzed as a non-finite subjunctive already in OE.Less
This chapter argues that the to-infinitive cannot be analysed as a prepositional phrase in Old English. Its distribution is no longer that of a to-PP, its dative inflection has fossilized and does not behave like the dative inflection found on true N-heads, and it takes accusative objects rather than the genitive objects that would be expected if it was still nominal. Evidence from relative clauses, the position of the to-infinitival object, and the emergence of an overt complementizer — for — in early Middle English all argue for clausal rather than phrasal status. The most telling piece of evidence is the fact that the to-infinitive has entered into competition with the finite subjunctive clause and can be seen to gradually oust it in a number of environments. All the available evidence suggests that the to-infinitive was being analyzed as a non-finite subjunctive already in OE.
Bettelou Los
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199274765
- eISBN:
- 9780191705885
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199274765.003.0008
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Historical Linguistics
This chapter argues that to in Old English is semantically occupying the same niche as the subjunctive ending (or, for Present-day English, the modal verb that has taken over the subjunctive ...
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This chapter argues that to in Old English is semantically occupying the same niche as the subjunctive ending (or, for Present-day English, the modal verb that has taken over the subjunctive function) and should be accommodated in the functional projection that accommodates the subjunctive ending and, later, the modals, say T(ense). This in effect means that there has been no change in the syntactic status of to since it stopped being a preposition in prehistoric times. In early Middle English, split infinitives become possible, a change triggered by the fact that the finite subjunctive was increasingly coming to be expressed by a free form (a modal verb) raising to T overtly, rather than by a bound form (a subjunctive ending), raising to T covertly. The overt movement of to brought it in line with the rest of its paradigm: the modal verbs.Less
This chapter argues that to in Old English is semantically occupying the same niche as the subjunctive ending (or, for Present-day English, the modal verb that has taken over the subjunctive function) and should be accommodated in the functional projection that accommodates the subjunctive ending and, later, the modals, say T(ense). This in effect means that there has been no change in the syntactic status of to since it stopped being a preposition in prehistoric times. In early Middle English, split infinitives become possible, a change triggered by the fact that the finite subjunctive was increasingly coming to be expressed by a free form (a modal verb) raising to T overtly, rather than by a bound form (a subjunctive ending), raising to T covertly. The overt movement of to brought it in line with the rest of its paradigm: the modal verbs.
Jay H. Jasonoff
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199249053
- eISBN:
- 9780191719370
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199249053.003.0006
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Semantics and Pragmatics
This chapter begins with a glance backward. If the perfect, middle, and h2e-conjugation endings go back to a single ‘protomiddle’ set, then the nucleus of the h2e-conjugation must reflect the residue ...
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This chapter begins with a glance backward. If the perfect, middle, and h2e-conjugation endings go back to a single ‘protomiddle’ set, then the nucleus of the h2e-conjugation must reflect the residue of pre-PIE protomiddles that were neither renewed as middles nor specialized as resultative-statives (perfects) in late PIE. Late PIE should therefore have had not only h2e-conjugation presents, but also h2e-conjugation aorists. Two such groups of forms can in fact be identified. The chapter focuses on ‘stative-intransitive aorists’, characterized by *o : *e (whence later *o : zero) ablaut and denoting entry into a state. Reflexes are found in the Indo-Iranian ‘passive aorist’, the class V subjunctives of Tocharian, and Hittite hi-verbs of the type la-a-ki ‘bends’, backformed and transitivized from PIE *lógh-e ‘lay down’.Less
This chapter begins with a glance backward. If the perfect, middle, and h2e-conjugation endings go back to a single ‘protomiddle’ set, then the nucleus of the h2e-conjugation must reflect the residue of pre-PIE protomiddles that were neither renewed as middles nor specialized as resultative-statives (perfects) in late PIE. Late PIE should therefore have had not only h2e-conjugation presents, but also h2e-conjugation aorists. Two such groups of forms can in fact be identified. The chapter focuses on ‘stative-intransitive aorists’, characterized by *o : *e (whence later *o : zero) ablaut and denoting entry into a state. Reflexes are found in the Indo-Iranian ‘passive aorist’, the class V subjunctives of Tocharian, and Hittite hi-verbs of the type la-a-ki ‘bends’, backformed and transitivized from PIE *lógh-e ‘lay down’.
Jean-Yves Pollock
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195179163
- eISBN:
- 9780199788330
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195179163.003.0001
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Syntax and Morphology
This chapter studies French sentences in which the subject follows the verb. In this analysis, multiple leftward movements interact in such a way as to provide accounts for various phenomena that ...
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This chapter studies French sentences in which the subject follows the verb. In this analysis, multiple leftward movements interact in such a way as to provide accounts for various phenomena that were not understood in an earlier framework countenancing rightward movement. The post-verbal position of the subject determiner phrase (DP) in French sentences is attributed to the syntactic computation(s) known as stylistic inversion (SI). Unlike many other Romance languages, French only allows a limited set of sentence types to take post-verbal subjects. The proposed analysis covers cases of SI involving Wh-movement, as well as cases involving subjunctives (and some marginal cases with indicatives). The notion of “trigger for SI” that seemed necessary in earlier work turns out to be superfluous. In addition, French turns out to have no null expletives in SI sentences, contrary to appearances, but it does have quirky subjects that in part resembled those of Icelandic.Less
This chapter studies French sentences in which the subject follows the verb. In this analysis, multiple leftward movements interact in such a way as to provide accounts for various phenomena that were not understood in an earlier framework countenancing rightward movement. The post-verbal position of the subject determiner phrase (DP) in French sentences is attributed to the syntactic computation(s) known as stylistic inversion (SI). Unlike many other Romance languages, French only allows a limited set of sentence types to take post-verbal subjects. The proposed analysis covers cases of SI involving Wh-movement, as well as cases involving subjunctives (and some marginal cases with indicatives). The notion of “trigger for SI” that seemed necessary in earlier work turns out to be superfluous. In addition, French turns out to have no null expletives in SI sentences, contrary to appearances, but it does have quirky subjects that in part resembled those of Icelandic.
Bettelou Los
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199274765
- eISBN:
- 9780191705885
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199274765.003.0011
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Historical Linguistics
This final chapter wraps up the main conclusions of the book: the origin of the to-infinitive and its reanalysis as a non-finite subjunctive clause, and its rise and spread at the expense of the ...
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This final chapter wraps up the main conclusions of the book: the origin of the to-infinitive and its reanalysis as a non-finite subjunctive clause, and its rise and spread at the expense of the finite subjunctive clause. It also reflects on wider issues to do with the interpretation of historical linguistic data, especially the absence of certain constructions (the problem of ‘negative evidence’) and how we can make the most of the data we have. The key to these problems is not to look at syntactic constructions in isolation, but to focus on their function in the language. This means that historical linguists sometimes have to cast their nets wide and look at other fields — discourse, theories of textual cohesion, translation studies, and pragmatics — in order to find the answers to syntactic problems.Less
This final chapter wraps up the main conclusions of the book: the origin of the to-infinitive and its reanalysis as a non-finite subjunctive clause, and its rise and spread at the expense of the finite subjunctive clause. It also reflects on wider issues to do with the interpretation of historical linguistic data, especially the absence of certain constructions (the problem of ‘negative evidence’) and how we can make the most of the data we have. The key to these problems is not to look at syntactic constructions in isolation, but to focus on their function in the language. This means that historical linguists sometimes have to cast their nets wide and look at other fields — discourse, theories of textual cohesion, translation studies, and pragmatics — in order to find the answers to syntactic problems.
Christopher S. Hill
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199275731
- eISBN:
- 9780191706103
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199275731.003.0011
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Philosophy of Mind
Cartesian modal arguments for property dualism presuppose that facts about the essential natures of pain and other qualitative properties can be grasped a priori by merely conceiving of them or ...
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Cartesian modal arguments for property dualism presuppose that facts about the essential natures of pain and other qualitative properties can be grasped a priori by merely conceiving of them or imagining them. This chapter argues that this presupposition fails. It then proposes a theory of metaphysical necessity that in effect reduces it to the subjunctive conditional — to say that it is metaphysically necessary that p, it claims, is equivalent to saying that p would be the case no matter what else was the case. Using this theory of metaphysical necessity as a foundation, the chapter gives an account of how claims concerning metaphysical necessity can be known to be true. This account allows that such claims can, in many cases, be known a priori, but it implies that in many other cases, our grasp of them is a posteriori. The account sustains the criticisms of Cartesian modal arguments offered in the early sections of the chapter.Less
Cartesian modal arguments for property dualism presuppose that facts about the essential natures of pain and other qualitative properties can be grasped a priori by merely conceiving of them or imagining them. This chapter argues that this presupposition fails. It then proposes a theory of metaphysical necessity that in effect reduces it to the subjunctive conditional — to say that it is metaphysically necessary that p, it claims, is equivalent to saying that p would be the case no matter what else was the case. Using this theory of metaphysical necessity as a foundation, the chapter gives an account of how claims concerning metaphysical necessity can be known to be true. This account allows that such claims can, in many cases, be known a priori, but it implies that in many other cases, our grasp of them is a posteriori. The account sustains the criticisms of Cartesian modal arguments offered in the early sections of the chapter.
David Langslow
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780198153023
- eISBN:
- 9780191715211
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198153023.003.0036
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Prose and Writers: Classical, Early, and Medieval
After the briefest introduction, this chapter on the moods of the verb begins (Lectures 36–7) with the imperative (including the ‘future’ imperative) in commands and prohibitions. The chapter then ...
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After the briefest introduction, this chapter on the moods of the verb begins (Lectures 36–7) with the imperative (including the ‘future’ imperative) in commands and prohibitions. The chapter then discusses in turn the modal particles in Greek (□ν, κε, etc.), and uses of the indicative in all three languages (Lecture 38); the subjunctive and optative in Greek (Lectures 39–40); and the subjunctive in Latin, at considerable length (Lectures 41–2), and, much more briefly, Germanic (Lecture 42).Less
After the briefest introduction, this chapter on the moods of the verb begins (Lectures 36–7) with the imperative (including the ‘future’ imperative) in commands and prohibitions. The chapter then discusses in turn the modal particles in Greek (□ν, κε, etc.), and uses of the indicative in all three languages (Lecture 38); the subjunctive and optative in Greek (Lectures 39–40); and the subjunctive in Latin, at considerable length (Lectures 41–2), and, much more briefly, Germanic (Lecture 42).
David Langslow
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780198153023
- eISBN:
- 9780191715211
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198153023.003.0037
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Prose and Writers: Classical, Early, and Medieval
After the briefest introduction, this chapter on the moods of the verb begins (Lectures 36–7) with the imperative (including the ‘future’ imperative) in commands and prohibitions. The chapter then ...
More
After the briefest introduction, this chapter on the moods of the verb begins (Lectures 36–7) with the imperative (including the ‘future’ imperative) in commands and prohibitions. The chapter then discusses in turn the modal particles in Greek (□ν,κε, etc.), and uses of the indicative in all three languages (Lecture 38); the subjunctive and optative in Greek (Lectures 39–40); and the subjunctive in Latin, at considerable length (Lectures 41–2), and, much more briefly, Germanic (Lecture 42).Less
After the briefest introduction, this chapter on the moods of the verb begins (Lectures 36–7) with the imperative (including the ‘future’ imperative) in commands and prohibitions. The chapter then discusses in turn the modal particles in Greek (□ν,κε, etc.), and uses of the indicative in all three languages (Lecture 38); the subjunctive and optative in Greek (Lectures 39–40); and the subjunctive in Latin, at considerable length (Lectures 41–2), and, much more briefly, Germanic (Lecture 42).
David Langslow
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780198153023
- eISBN:
- 9780191715211
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198153023.003.0038
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Prose and Writers: Classical, Early, and Medieval
After the briefest introduction, this chapter on the moods of the verb begins (Lectures 36–7) with the imperative (including the ‘future’ imperative) in commands and prohibitions. The chapter then ...
More
After the briefest introduction, this chapter on the moods of the verb begins (Lectures 36–7) with the imperative (including the ‘future’ imperative) in commands and prohibitions. The chapter then discusses in turn the modal particles in Greek (□ν, κε,etc.), and uses of the indicative in all three languages (Lecture 38); the subjunctive and optative in Greek (Lectures 39–40); and the subjunctive in Latin, at considerable length (Lectures 41–2), and, much more briefly, Germanic (Lecture 42).Less
After the briefest introduction, this chapter on the moods of the verb begins (Lectures 36–7) with the imperative (including the ‘future’ imperative) in commands and prohibitions. The chapter then discusses in turn the modal particles in Greek (□ν, κε,etc.), and uses of the indicative in all three languages (Lecture 38); the subjunctive and optative in Greek (Lectures 39–40); and the subjunctive in Latin, at considerable length (Lectures 41–2), and, much more briefly, Germanic (Lecture 42).
David Langslow
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780198153023
- eISBN:
- 9780191715211
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198153023.003.0039
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Prose and Writers: Classical, Early, and Medieval
After the briefest introduction, this chapter on the moods of the verb begins (Lectures 36–7) with the imperative (including the ‘future’ imperative) in commands and prohibitions. The chapter then ...
More
After the briefest introduction, this chapter on the moods of the verb begins (Lectures 36–7) with the imperative (including the ‘future’ imperative) in commands and prohibitions. The chapter then discusses in turn the modal particles in Greek (□ν, κε, etc.),and uses of the indicative in all three languages (Lecture 38); the subjunctive and optative in Greek (Lectures 39–40); and the subjunctive in Latin, at considerable length (Lectures 41–2), and, much more briefly, Germanic (Lecture 42).Less
After the briefest introduction, this chapter on the moods of the verb begins (Lectures 36–7) with the imperative (including the ‘future’ imperative) in commands and prohibitions. The chapter then discusses in turn the modal particles in Greek (□ν, κε, etc.),and uses of the indicative in all three languages (Lecture 38); the subjunctive and optative in Greek (Lectures 39–40); and the subjunctive in Latin, at considerable length (Lectures 41–2), and, much more briefly, Germanic (Lecture 42).
David Langslow
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780198153023
- eISBN:
- 9780191715211
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198153023.003.0040
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Prose and Writers: Classical, Early, and Medieval
After the briefest introduction, this chapter on the moods of the verb begins (Lectures 36–7) with the imperative (including the ‘future’ imperative) in commands and prohibitions. The chapter then ...
More
After the briefest introduction, this chapter on the moods of the verb begins (Lectures 36–7) with the imperative (including the ‘future’ imperative) in commands and prohibitions. The chapter then discusses in turn the modal particles in Greek (□ν, κε, etc.), and uses of the indicative in all three languages (Lecture 38); the subjunctive and optative in Greek (Lectures 39–40); and the subjunctive in Latin,at considerable length (Lectures 41–2), and, much more briefly, Germanic (Lecture 42).Less
After the briefest introduction, this chapter on the moods of the verb begins (Lectures 36–7) with the imperative (including the ‘future’ imperative) in commands and prohibitions. The chapter then discusses in turn the modal particles in Greek (□ν, κε, etc.), and uses of the indicative in all three languages (Lecture 38); the subjunctive and optative in Greek (Lectures 39–40); and the subjunctive in Latin,at considerable length (Lectures 41–2), and, much more briefly, Germanic (Lecture 42).
David Langslow
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780198153023
- eISBN:
- 9780191715211
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198153023.003.0041
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Prose and Writers: Classical, Early, and Medieval
After the briefest introduction, this chapter on the moods of the verb begins (Lectures 36–7) with the imperative (including the ‘future’ imperative) in commands and prohibitions. The chapter then ...
More
After the briefest introduction, this chapter on the moods of the verb begins (Lectures 36–7) with the imperative (including the ‘future’ imperative) in commands and prohibitions. The chapter then discusses in turn the modal particles in Greek (□ν, κε, etc.), and uses of the indicative in all three languages (Lecture 38); the subjunctive and optative in Greek (Lectures 39–40); and the subjunctive in Latin, at considerable length (Lectures 41–2),and, much more briefly, Germanic (Lecture 42).Less
After the briefest introduction, this chapter on the moods of the verb begins (Lectures 36–7) with the imperative (including the ‘future’ imperative) in commands and prohibitions. The chapter then discusses in turn the modal particles in Greek (□ν, κε, etc.), and uses of the indicative in all three languages (Lecture 38); the subjunctive and optative in Greek (Lectures 39–40); and the subjunctive in Latin, at considerable length (Lectures 41–2),and, much more briefly, Germanic (Lecture 42).
