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This chapter focuses on the link between international education and the human security of international students. It briefly discusses the concept of human security and reviews the political economy of growth in the market for international education services. It discusses the status of international students in the global market, followed by a case study of students' security in Australia, stemming from a programme of 200 in-depth interviews with individuals studying onshore in that country. It argues that international education needs to be ‘re-normed’, principally through re-regulation for student security. It opines that this would more effectively cater for the rights of students to safety and social and economic inclusion in the host society.

This chapter discusses the development of Fourteenth Amendment jurisprudence in the area of students’ rights during the 1960s and 1970s. It focuses in particular on the courts’ interpretation of equal protection in regard to school desegregation, bilingual education, and students with disabilities. The chapter argues that, during the 1970s, the Supreme Court dramatically narrowed its interpretation of equal protection, and in doing so, it limited the ability of advocates for students of color to pursue racial discrimination cases in court. The chapter discusses how advocates for non-English-speaking students and students with disabilities sought to use the Fourteenth Amendment to make claims on behalf of these children, who were sometimes excluded from schools entirely. This chapter also examines the San Antonio v. Rodriguez case, in which the Supreme Court rejected the claim that the Constitution protects a right to education.

The introductionexplains how and why student protest became common in the United States in the late 1960s and places these protests in the context of shifts in the history of education and in broader social movements, including the civil rights movement, the Chicano Movement, and black power activism. The introduction also situates students’ rights within the context of children’s rights more broadly, explaining the legal principles that justified age discrimination and excluded children and students from the basic protections of American constitutional law. The introduction identifies the two decades between the 1960s and 1980s as a constitutional moment that revolutionized the relationship of students to the state. It also connects students’ rights litigation to the issue of school desegregation and the legacy of Brown v. Board of Education.

This chapter elaborates on this chapter's author's experience as a student activist in the Free Speech Movement (FSM) at the University of California, Berkeley. It explains that joining the FSM was an obvious choice for her even as a freshman having already taken part in many political activities in her home state in New York. It discusses the early activities of the FSM, her participation in the Sproul Plaza rally, and her later experience in jail. It describes her feeling of ecstasy at the sense of community bonding and collective power followed by a sense of total powerlessness. The FSM asked for students' rights as citizens, argued for self-directed education, and helped to usher in a whole decade of experimentation.

This chapter describes the chapter's author's experiences as a student activist in the Free Speech Movement (FSM). It explains that he participated in the FSM in the certain knowledge that he had exercised his rights as an undergraduate at the University of North Carolina (UNC) more fully than he was permitted to as a graduate student in Berkeley. It discusses the advantages of UNC over the University of California, Berkeley in terms of student rights.

The funding of teaching in English higher education is underwritten by the fees that students pay and this inevitably casts higher education as a product and students as consumers. The chapter explores the legal framework which guides institutions in their provision of teaching and learning. The judicial deference to academic judgement acts as a strong defence for the universities and limits the regulatory function of the Office of Independent Adjudicator and the contractual rights of students.There is no clear evidence showing whether prospective students are acting as informed consumers when selecting a university. Do they have sufficient information to make an informed choice? Are they guided more by the status of a university than its academic competence? What criteria should they employ when making selections? How do they calculate the potential returns? Pursuing these concerns, the chapter draws upon the American experience , where there is an established market in fees, but no strong regulatory framework to protect students asconsumers.

This chapter discusses the nature of student activism in the Philippines. Filipino activists considered the struggles for student rights and welfare or campus democratization as battles for the benefit of the student masses and also an opportunity to propel to national office. The chapter examines the two conjunctures in postwar Philippine history when student protest reached high numbers and spread across the nation—the period during the First Quarter Storm (FQS) of the 1970s and the period between 1977 and 1980, when a state-mandated increase in tuition fees led to massive boycotts.

Laura Kalman, Distinguished Research Professor at the University of California, Santa Barbara, focuses on the interplay between the political and judicial during two seminal constitutional moments between World War II and Watergate: the threat to civil liberties, embodied in what became known as McCarthyism; and the rebirth of civil rights, encapsulated in what became known as the Second Reconstruction. Her essay also surveys the stunning expansion of constitutional rights—for voters, immigrants, criminal suspects, women, and minorities; and with respect to speech, religion, and privacy—wrought by the majority of the Warren Court. The primary source selections for this chapter cover proponents and opponents of McCarthyism; the road to Brown and school desegregation; the civil rights legislation that ended Jim Crow; voting rights changes brought about through laws, court rulings, and constitutional amendments; and the (limited) free speech rights of students.

This chapter begins with the introduction of a small group of racism profiteers who has been aggressively implementing an agenda that, while enormously beneficial for them, has been devastating to communities of color. The chapter recalls how the ultra-wealthy engaged in rampant profiteering off the privatization of national security functions, mirroring the dynamics around the privatization of education, criminal justice, and immigration enforcement. The chapter also recognizes that the most pressing social problems and racial justice are not only the fight of people of color, but rather the fight of all. The chapter then illustrates how the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC), the Koch network, and other billionaires and multimillionaires are leading efforts to make substantial changes to, and perhaps completely rewrite, the US Constitution. Ultimately, the chapter addresses how the implementation of a Student Bill of Rights and a comprehensive youth development agenda is eminently feasible if the United States finally makes the education of all children a national priority.