Rosemary Feurer and Chad Pearson (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252040818
- eISBN:
- 9780252099311
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252040818.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Movements and Social Change
Employers have enjoyed a tremendous amount of power throughout American history. This nine-chapter collection examines that power as it relates to the so-called “labor question” or “labor problem,” ...
More
Employers have enjoyed a tremendous amount of power throughout American history. This nine-chapter collection examines that power as it relates to the so-called “labor question” or “labor problem,” defined in the late nineteenth century by academics, clergymen, journalists, lawyers, politicians and employers to describe strikes, boycott campaigns, and union organization campaigns. Employers asserted their power in numerous ways; they organized with one another, busted unions, broke strikes, and blacklisted labor activists. They enjoyed largely favorable political climates; judges regularly granted them injunctions against protesting workers, politicians passed laws making union organizing difficult, and armed forces—police forces and National Guardsman--assisted them during strikes and boycott campaigns staged by workers. These chapters examine class conflicts on the local and national levels, demonstrating how employers contested labor in many different contexts—and usually won. The chapters explore how employers used race to divide the working class, how they sought to deflect attention away from their own privileged class positions, how they used the law to their advantages, and how they settled internal disagreements. Taken together, the chapters reveal a rich history of employer organizing, lobbying politicians, and creating new forms of public relations while enriching themselves at the expense of ordinary people.Less
Employers have enjoyed a tremendous amount of power throughout American history. This nine-chapter collection examines that power as it relates to the so-called “labor question” or “labor problem,” defined in the late nineteenth century by academics, clergymen, journalists, lawyers, politicians and employers to describe strikes, boycott campaigns, and union organization campaigns. Employers asserted their power in numerous ways; they organized with one another, busted unions, broke strikes, and blacklisted labor activists. They enjoyed largely favorable political climates; judges regularly granted them injunctions against protesting workers, politicians passed laws making union organizing difficult, and armed forces—police forces and National Guardsman--assisted them during strikes and boycott campaigns staged by workers. These chapters examine class conflicts on the local and national levels, demonstrating how employers contested labor in many different contexts—and usually won. The chapters explore how employers used race to divide the working class, how they sought to deflect attention away from their own privileged class positions, how they used the law to their advantages, and how they settled internal disagreements. Taken together, the chapters reveal a rich history of employer organizing, lobbying politicians, and creating new forms of public relations while enriching themselves at the expense of ordinary people.
Rosemary Feurer and Chad Pearson
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252040818
- eISBN:
- 9780252099311
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252040818.003.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Movements and Social Change
Rosemary Feurer and Chad Pearson introduce the book by describing the importance of study employers, the historiography about this group, and the structure of the book. Feurer and Pearson highlight ...
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Rosemary Feurer and Chad Pearson introduce the book by describing the importance of study employers, the historiography about this group, and the structure of the book. Feurer and Pearson highlight scholarly trends, including the recent popularity of the study of capitalism and conservatism. They make a case of placing class at the center of their study. They note that few scholars of capitalism have focused extensively on the anti-union activities of employers, and that political historians of conservatism have overstated the differences between the Republicans and Democrats with respect to labor relations. This introduction makes a strong case emphasizing the role of employers in shaping politics, public relations, and labor relations.Less
Rosemary Feurer and Chad Pearson introduce the book by describing the importance of study employers, the historiography about this group, and the structure of the book. Feurer and Pearson highlight scholarly trends, including the recent popularity of the study of capitalism and conservatism. They make a case of placing class at the center of their study. They note that few scholars of capitalism have focused extensively on the anti-union activities of employers, and that political historians of conservatism have overstated the differences between the Republicans and Democrats with respect to labor relations. This introduction makes a strong case emphasizing the role of employers in shaping politics, public relations, and labor relations.
Chad Pearson
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252040818
- eISBN:
- 9780252099311
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252040818.003.0003
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Movements and Social Change
Chad Pearson explores the multidimensional ways anti-union activists worked to break strikes and bust unions while attempting to turn “scabs” into “heroes.” He examines this process from different ...
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Chad Pearson explores the multidimensional ways anti-union activists worked to break strikes and bust unions while attempting to turn “scabs” into “heroes.” He examines this process from different angles: from above, from below, and from somewhere in-between. Traditional employers’ associations were joined by unions of non-union workers and supposedly class-neutral Citizens’ Associations. Open-shop movement spokespersons frequently insisted that they were not engaged in a “class movement,” but Pearson disputes this claim by showing these organizations were formed by employers’ or by their middle-class allies.Less
Chad Pearson explores the multidimensional ways anti-union activists worked to break strikes and bust unions while attempting to turn “scabs” into “heroes.” He examines this process from different angles: from above, from below, and from somewhere in-between. Traditional employers’ associations were joined by unions of non-union workers and supposedly class-neutral Citizens’ Associations. Open-shop movement spokespersons frequently insisted that they were not engaged in a “class movement,” but Pearson disputes this claim by showing these organizations were formed by employers’ or by their middle-class allies.
Rosemary Feurer
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252040818
- eISBN:
- 9780252099311
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252040818.003.0007
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Movements and Social Change
Rosemary Feurer traces the leading purveyor of anti-union services in the Midwest, A. A. Ahner, to frame employers’ antiunion strategies during the New Deal. She argues that the long learning curve ...
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Rosemary Feurer traces the leading purveyor of anti-union services in the Midwest, A. A. Ahner, to frame employers’ antiunion strategies during the New Deal. She argues that the long learning curve that took place over decades explains why a thug agency survived and thrived instead of being eradicated during what is usually considered the heroic era of liberal intervention. Ahner became an accepted industrial relations advisor and counselor for major firms during the New Deal, with the assistance of a liberal as well as conservative forces, networks and alliances. Ahner’s career path only seems strange because historians cling to a framework of the post New Deal “Rise of the Right” with Southern origins while ignoring longer antecedents, networks, and learningLess
Rosemary Feurer traces the leading purveyor of anti-union services in the Midwest, A. A. Ahner, to frame employers’ antiunion strategies during the New Deal. She argues that the long learning curve that took place over decades explains why a thug agency survived and thrived instead of being eradicated during what is usually considered the heroic era of liberal intervention. Ahner became an accepted industrial relations advisor and counselor for major firms during the New Deal, with the assistance of a liberal as well as conservative forces, networks and alliances. Ahner’s career path only seems strange because historians cling to a framework of the post New Deal “Rise of the Right” with Southern origins while ignoring longer antecedents, networks, and learning
Michael Dennis
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252040818
- eISBN:
- 9780252099311
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252040818.003.0009
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Movements and Social Change
Michael Dennis looks at grocery workers in the late twentieth century, and the lopsided power mounted against their effort to organize. Despite the clear sentiment in favor of unionization, employers ...
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Michael Dennis looks at grocery workers in the late twentieth century, and the lopsided power mounted against their effort to organize. Despite the clear sentiment in favor of unionization, employers unleased antiunion consultants and legal barriers that countered the millions of dollars spent by the union to organize. Dennis shows that employer determination supported by the state were the chief reasons for management’s victory. Unions’ reliance on legal strategies were no match for employers’ determination to skirt the boundaries of the law.Less
Michael Dennis looks at grocery workers in the late twentieth century, and the lopsided power mounted against their effort to organize. Despite the clear sentiment in favor of unionization, employers unleased antiunion consultants and legal barriers that countered the millions of dollars spent by the union to organize. Dennis shows that employer determination supported by the state were the chief reasons for management’s victory. Unions’ reliance on legal strategies were no match for employers’ determination to skirt the boundaries of the law.
