James A. Wooten
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520242739
- eISBN:
- 9780520931398
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520242739.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
In August 1973, John Dent was taken to task by the president of the Steelworkers union. In September, the House Labor Committee found its jurisdiction over pension reform in jeopardy. The Senate bill ...
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In August 1973, John Dent was taken to task by the president of the Steelworkers union. In September, the House Labor Committee found its jurisdiction over pension reform in jeopardy. The Senate bill included both a portability program and termination insurance. There was to be “a Donnybrook” if H.R. 2 went to the floor without one. Al Ullman warned that if the House acted too quickly, it would send an “irresponsible” bill to conference with “a pretty lousy bill from the Senate.” John Dent and Ullman’s deal on jurisdiction avoided a political brawl, but no one tried to defend it as good policy. The agreement was fundamentally different from the Senate compromise. When H.R. 2 reached the Senate on March 4, the Senate quickly substituted the provisions of H.R. 4200 for the language of the House bill.Less
In August 1973, John Dent was taken to task by the president of the Steelworkers union. In September, the House Labor Committee found its jurisdiction over pension reform in jeopardy. The Senate bill included both a portability program and termination insurance. There was to be “a Donnybrook” if H.R. 2 went to the floor without one. Al Ullman warned that if the House acted too quickly, it would send an “irresponsible” bill to conference with “a pretty lousy bill from the Senate.” John Dent and Ullman’s deal on jurisdiction avoided a political brawl, but no one tried to defend it as good policy. The agreement was fundamentally different from the Senate compromise. When H.R. 2 reached the Senate on March 4, the Senate quickly substituted the provisions of H.R. 4200 for the language of the House bill.
James A. Wooten
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520242739
- eISBN:
- 9780520931398
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520242739.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
H.R. 2, now christened the Employee Retirement Income Security Act of 1974 (ERISA), was among the first measures Gerald Ford signed after assuming the presidency. More than two months after the House ...
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H.R. 2, now christened the Employee Retirement Income Security Act of 1974 (ERISA), was among the first measures Gerald Ford signed after assuming the presidency. More than two months after the House passed H.R. 2, House and Senate staffers appeared still to be deadlocked on a number of issues. The first installment of the staff summary covered jurisdiction, vesting, funding, and portability. These four issues of conferees are addressed, together with termination insurance, effective dates for termination insurance, preemption, fiduciary standards, and taxation of retirement plans. The Steelworkers and Auto Workers pressed the conferees to phase in insurance coverage for benefit increases. They also urged the conferees to reconsider their earlier decision to phase in coverage for existing plans. On September 2, 1974, legislators and committee staff, officials from the executive branch, and representatives of labor and management gathered at the White House. The ERISA of 1974 was law.Less
H.R. 2, now christened the Employee Retirement Income Security Act of 1974 (ERISA), was among the first measures Gerald Ford signed after assuming the presidency. More than two months after the House passed H.R. 2, House and Senate staffers appeared still to be deadlocked on a number of issues. The first installment of the staff summary covered jurisdiction, vesting, funding, and portability. These four issues of conferees are addressed, together with termination insurance, effective dates for termination insurance, preemption, fiduciary standards, and taxation of retirement plans. The Steelworkers and Auto Workers pressed the conferees to phase in insurance coverage for benefit increases. They also urged the conferees to reconsider their earlier decision to phase in coverage for existing plans. On September 2, 1974, legislators and committee staff, officials from the executive branch, and representatives of labor and management gathered at the White House. The ERISA of 1974 was law.
James Nugent
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781501706547
- eISBN:
- 9781501712692
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501706547.003.0007
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Public and Welfare
This chapter explores the difficulties of attempting to bring the different moments of the production process together in a deindustrialized low-income neighborhood in Toronto's inner suburbs. Here, ...
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This chapter explores the difficulties of attempting to bring the different moments of the production process together in a deindustrialized low-income neighborhood in Toronto's inner suburbs. Here, a resident organization backed by the Communication, Energy, and Paperworkers Union (now UNIFOR), the Steelworkers, and the local labor council sought revitalization through green manufacturing, rather than a future of gentrification and big-box retail employment envisioned by developers and the city. The chapter then traces the evolution of the campaign from a focus on industrial heritage preservation to green jobs, and ultimately a broader antipoverty campaign that incorporated gender, race, and ecology. Although the campaign failed to attract a private-sector firm to invest in the site, the coalition managed to overcome some of the dilemmas that labor has faced in similar site fights in the city.Less
This chapter explores the difficulties of attempting to bring the different moments of the production process together in a deindustrialized low-income neighborhood in Toronto's inner suburbs. Here, a resident organization backed by the Communication, Energy, and Paperworkers Union (now UNIFOR), the Steelworkers, and the local labor council sought revitalization through green manufacturing, rather than a future of gentrification and big-box retail employment envisioned by developers and the city. The chapter then traces the evolution of the campaign from a focus on industrial heritage preservation to green jobs, and ultimately a broader antipoverty campaign that incorporated gender, race, and ecology. Although the campaign failed to attract a private-sector firm to invest in the site, the coalition managed to overcome some of the dilemmas that labor has faced in similar site fights in the city.
Michael Innis-Jiménez
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780252041211
- eISBN:
- 9780252099809
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5622/illinois/9780252041211.003.0005
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Latin American Studies
By recognizing and not underestimating the significance of everyday forms of resistance and the politics of culture, as well as institutions and organizations not normally seen as vehicles for ...
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By recognizing and not underestimating the significance of everyday forms of resistance and the politics of culture, as well as institutions and organizations not normally seen as vehicles for everyday and working class change, we can delve into the strategies that helped Mexicans in interwar South Chicago cope with the oppressive environment that surrounded them. Individual Mexican immigrants and Mexican Americans in interwar South Chicago, including steel workers, shop owners, union organizers, and social workers, formed a community that was able to change its physical and cultural environment to help its members and create a degree of resistance that helped Mexicans persevere against intimidation and prejudice. These individual and community histories—the stories of people, organizations, and their physical surroundings—shed light on Mexicano life in a place far from the border and at the industrial heart of the United States.Less
By recognizing and not underestimating the significance of everyday forms of resistance and the politics of culture, as well as institutions and organizations not normally seen as vehicles for everyday and working class change, we can delve into the strategies that helped Mexicans in interwar South Chicago cope with the oppressive environment that surrounded them. Individual Mexican immigrants and Mexican Americans in interwar South Chicago, including steel workers, shop owners, union organizers, and social workers, formed a community that was able to change its physical and cultural environment to help its members and create a degree of resistance that helped Mexicans persevere against intimidation and prejudice. These individual and community histories—the stories of people, organizations, and their physical surroundings—shed light on Mexicano life in a place far from the border and at the industrial heart of the United States.
John H. Flores
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780252041808
- eISBN:
- 9780252050473
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5622/illinois/9780252041808.003.0006
- Subject:
- Sociology, Migration Studies (including Refugee Studies)
This chapter explains why Mexicans joined the CIO and compares the aspirations of radicals and traditionalists within the United Packinghouse Workers of America and the United Steelworkers of ...
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This chapter explains why Mexicans joined the CIO and compares the aspirations of radicals and traditionalists within the United Packinghouse Workers of America and the United Steelworkers of America. Radical Mexican nationalists entered the CIO, because they remained committed to building a broad and left-of-center international labor movement. By comparison, traditionalists supported the CIO, because they defined it as an alternative to the radical Industrial Workers of the World and Magonistas. Repulsed by postrevolutionary Mexican radicalism and anticlericalism, traditionalists naturalized as they joined the CIO, but they did not, however, sever their cultural ties to Mexico. By the 1950s, naturalized traditionalists had developed a deterritorialized brand of mexicanidad that celebrated aspects of Mexican culture but was devoid of any allegiance to the Mexican state. Mexican traditionalists were becoming Mexican Americans.Less
This chapter explains why Mexicans joined the CIO and compares the aspirations of radicals and traditionalists within the United Packinghouse Workers of America and the United Steelworkers of America. Radical Mexican nationalists entered the CIO, because they remained committed to building a broad and left-of-center international labor movement. By comparison, traditionalists supported the CIO, because they defined it as an alternative to the radical Industrial Workers of the World and Magonistas. Repulsed by postrevolutionary Mexican radicalism and anticlericalism, traditionalists naturalized as they joined the CIO, but they did not, however, sever their cultural ties to Mexico. By the 1950s, naturalized traditionalists had developed a deterritorialized brand of mexicanidad that celebrated aspects of Mexican culture but was devoid of any allegiance to the Mexican state. Mexican traditionalists were becoming Mexican Americans.
Oliver Dinius
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804771689
- eISBN:
- 9780804775809
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804771689.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
This book presents a social history of the National Steel Company (CSN), Brazil's foremost state-owned company and largest industrial enterprise in the mid-twentieth century. It focuses on the role ...
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This book presents a social history of the National Steel Company (CSN), Brazil's foremost state-owned company and largest industrial enterprise in the mid-twentieth century. It focuses on the role the steelworkers played in Brazil's social and economic development under the country's import substitution policies from the early 1940s to the 1964 military coup. Counter to prevalent interpretations of industrial labor in Latin America, where workers figure above all as victims of capitalist exploitation, the book shows that CSN workers held strategic power and used it to reshape the company's labor regime, extracting impressive wage gains and benefits. The book argues that these workers, and their peers in similarly strategic industries, had the power to undermine the state capitalist development model prevalent in the large economies of postwar Latin America.Less
This book presents a social history of the National Steel Company (CSN), Brazil's foremost state-owned company and largest industrial enterprise in the mid-twentieth century. It focuses on the role the steelworkers played in Brazil's social and economic development under the country's import substitution policies from the early 1940s to the 1964 military coup. Counter to prevalent interpretations of industrial labor in Latin America, where workers figure above all as victims of capitalist exploitation, the book shows that CSN workers held strategic power and used it to reshape the company's labor regime, extracting impressive wage gains and benefits. The book argues that these workers, and their peers in similarly strategic industries, had the power to undermine the state capitalist development model prevalent in the large economies of postwar Latin America.
Joseph Crespino and Asher Smith
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780813049083
- eISBN:
- 9780813046976
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813049083.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
The chapter describes President Carter’s attempts to chart a middle ground on civil rights that appealed to his liberal constituency and that recognized the growing conservative backlash to civil ...
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The chapter describes President Carter’s attempts to chart a middle ground on civil rights that appealed to his liberal constituency and that recognized the growing conservative backlash to civil rights policies such as affirmative action. Carter chose to support civil rights policies but often opposed the mechanism of implementation. The chapter looks at Carter’s responses to key civil battles on school desegregation and affirmative action.Less
The chapter describes President Carter’s attempts to chart a middle ground on civil rights that appealed to his liberal constituency and that recognized the growing conservative backlash to civil rights policies such as affirmative action. Carter chose to support civil rights policies but often opposed the mechanism of implementation. The chapter looks at Carter’s responses to key civil battles on school desegregation and affirmative action.
Michael K. Rosenow
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252039133
- eISBN:
- 9780252097119
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252039133.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter examines the steelworkers' experiences with death and dying in western Pennsylvania, and more specifically in Monongahela Valley, during the period 1892–1919. It begins by recounting the ...
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This chapter examines the steelworkers' experiences with death and dying in western Pennsylvania, and more specifically in Monongahela Valley, during the period 1892–1919. It begins by recounting the Homestead strike of 1892, which pitted the wealthy owners of the Carnegie Steel Company against the Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel Workers. It then considers other factors that shaped steelworkers' experiences with death after the defeat at Homestead, including work life and life outside of work. It also explores the responses of steelworkers and their families to death, focusing on their creation of networks of mutual aid by turning to religious and secular fraternal societies to help care for the sick and bury the dead. It also discusses the McKees Rocks strike of 1909 and the themes of death and dignity that defined it before concluding with a look at the story of steelman Joe Magarac and its similarities to steelworkers' experiences in turn-of-the-century steel mills. The steelworkers' rituals of death and dying suggests that death provided a key place where they nurtured spirits of resistance.Less
This chapter examines the steelworkers' experiences with death and dying in western Pennsylvania, and more specifically in Monongahela Valley, during the period 1892–1919. It begins by recounting the Homestead strike of 1892, which pitted the wealthy owners of the Carnegie Steel Company against the Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel Workers. It then considers other factors that shaped steelworkers' experiences with death after the defeat at Homestead, including work life and life outside of work. It also explores the responses of steelworkers and their families to death, focusing on their creation of networks of mutual aid by turning to religious and secular fraternal societies to help care for the sick and bury the dead. It also discusses the McKees Rocks strike of 1909 and the themes of death and dignity that defined it before concluding with a look at the story of steelman Joe Magarac and its similarities to steelworkers' experiences in turn-of-the-century steel mills. The steelworkers' rituals of death and dying suggests that death provided a key place where they nurtured spirits of resistance.
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804771689
- eISBN:
- 9780804775809
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804771689.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
In 1941, Getúlio Vargas, president of Brazil, created the National Steel Company (Companhia Siderúrgica Nacional; CSN), which would become the leading state-owned company and the largest industrial ...
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In 1941, Getúlio Vargas, president of Brazil, created the National Steel Company (Companhia Siderúrgica Nacional; CSN), which would become the leading state-owned company and the largest industrial enterprise in the country in the mid-twentieth century. CSN was designed to be the engine of import-substituting industrialization, a set of policies introduced by the Brazilian government to expand domestic industrial production and reduce dependence on imported capital goods. CSN built an integrated steel mill in Volta Redonda, which came to be known as the Cidade do Aço (Steel City). This book examines the history of CSN, focusing on the role of the steelworkers of Volta Redonda in Brazil's economic development and their demand for a fair share of the company's profits. It looks at industrial relations and labor management in Brazil during the late 1940s, the political police and the 1943 federal labor law as instruments of the state in controlling labor at CSN, and the production process and the division of labor in the company's integrated steel mill.Less
In 1941, Getúlio Vargas, president of Brazil, created the National Steel Company (Companhia Siderúrgica Nacional; CSN), which would become the leading state-owned company and the largest industrial enterprise in the country in the mid-twentieth century. CSN was designed to be the engine of import-substituting industrialization, a set of policies introduced by the Brazilian government to expand domestic industrial production and reduce dependence on imported capital goods. CSN built an integrated steel mill in Volta Redonda, which came to be known as the Cidade do Aço (Steel City). This book examines the history of CSN, focusing on the role of the steelworkers of Volta Redonda in Brazil's economic development and their demand for a fair share of the company's profits. It looks at industrial relations and labor management in Brazil during the late 1940s, the political police and the 1943 federal labor law as instruments of the state in controlling labor at CSN, and the production process and the division of labor in the company's integrated steel mill.
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804771689
- eISBN:
- 9780804775809
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804771689.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
Brazilian President Getúlio Vargas envisioned Volta Redonda as the cornerstone of his ambition to start an industrial revolution in Brazil without violent class conflict. To this end, he provided the ...
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Brazilian President Getúlio Vargas envisioned Volta Redonda as the cornerstone of his ambition to start an industrial revolution in Brazil without violent class conflict. To this end, he provided the National Steel Company (Companhia Siderúrgica Nacional; CSN) with the political mandate, financial resources, and institutional power to engineer workers with technical skill, work discipline, and a commitment to social peace. The social engineering began with the physical construction of Volta Redonda and would continue long after construction of the steel mill had been completed. CSN management tried to shape the steelworkers' culture by resorting to paternalism, a strategy used in nineteenth-century Europe that combined coercion with welfare measures. This chapter explores the intellectual origins of state paternalism and how it was translated by CSN into social assistance programs to engineer a peaceful industrial community, the famìlia siderúrgica (steel family). It shows how the implicit social contract became an integral part of the local community's self-perception and assesses its impact on union discourse and demands in later years.Less
Brazilian President Getúlio Vargas envisioned Volta Redonda as the cornerstone of his ambition to start an industrial revolution in Brazil without violent class conflict. To this end, he provided the National Steel Company (Companhia Siderúrgica Nacional; CSN) with the political mandate, financial resources, and institutional power to engineer workers with technical skill, work discipline, and a commitment to social peace. The social engineering began with the physical construction of Volta Redonda and would continue long after construction of the steel mill had been completed. CSN management tried to shape the steelworkers' culture by resorting to paternalism, a strategy used in nineteenth-century Europe that combined coercion with welfare measures. This chapter explores the intellectual origins of state paternalism and how it was translated by CSN into social assistance programs to engineer a peaceful industrial community, the famìlia siderúrgica (steel family). It shows how the implicit social contract became an integral part of the local community's self-perception and assesses its impact on union discourse and demands in later years.
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804771689
- eISBN:
- 9780804775809
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804771689.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
This chapter examines labor management in Brazil during the late 1940s, focusing on the National Steel Company's (Companhia Siderúrgica Nacional; CSN) transition to steel production that necessitated ...
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This chapter examines labor management in Brazil during the late 1940s, focusing on the National Steel Company's (Companhia Siderúrgica Nacional; CSN) transition to steel production that necessitated the creation of a workforce with the skills to operate highly specialized equipment. It discusses the bureaucratization of CSN's labor management and the rationalization of its labor regime by implementing personnel policies, staffing plans, and career ladders without eliminating the essential principles of paternalism, including penalties for failure to comply with work orders and merit-based awards and promotions. This paternalist approach prevented the steelworkers from enjoying some of the opportunities that came with the career ladders as well as legally guaranteed benefits such as profit sharing. The inherent conflict between the paternalist and rational tenets of CSN's labor management would contribute to the revival of the local trade union in the early 1950s.Less
This chapter examines labor management in Brazil during the late 1940s, focusing on the National Steel Company's (Companhia Siderúrgica Nacional; CSN) transition to steel production that necessitated the creation of a workforce with the skills to operate highly specialized equipment. It discusses the bureaucratization of CSN's labor management and the rationalization of its labor regime by implementing personnel policies, staffing plans, and career ladders without eliminating the essential principles of paternalism, including penalties for failure to comply with work orders and merit-based awards and promotions. This paternalist approach prevented the steelworkers from enjoying some of the opportunities that came with the career ladders as well as legally guaranteed benefits such as profit sharing. The inherent conflict between the paternalist and rational tenets of CSN's labor management would contribute to the revival of the local trade union in the early 1950s.
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804771689
- eISBN:
- 9780804775809
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804771689.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
This chapter examines the latent strategic power of steelworkers employed by the National Steel Company (Companhia Siderúrgica Nacional; CSN) in Brazil, focusing on the production process and the ...
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This chapter examines the latent strategic power of steelworkers employed by the National Steel Company (Companhia Siderúrgica Nacional; CSN) in Brazil, focusing on the production process and the division of labor at the integrated steel mill in Volta Redonda. It looks at potential bottlenecks in the production process that led entire departments and individual workers to disrupt production by means of their strategic power. The ability of labor union leaders to think strategically, combined with the workers' strategic power, allowed them to improve their bargaining power, leading to higher salaries and more benefits throughout the 1950s.Less
This chapter examines the latent strategic power of steelworkers employed by the National Steel Company (Companhia Siderúrgica Nacional; CSN) in Brazil, focusing on the production process and the division of labor at the integrated steel mill in Volta Redonda. It looks at potential bottlenecks in the production process that led entire departments and individual workers to disrupt production by means of their strategic power. The ability of labor union leaders to think strategically, combined with the workers' strategic power, allowed them to improve their bargaining power, leading to higher salaries and more benefits throughout the 1950s.
Lane Windham
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781469632070
- eISBN:
- 9781469632094
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469632070.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter recounts the successful effort by a multi-racial group of 19,000 men and women at the Newport News shipyard to form a union with the steelworkers union in 1978, and a brutal strike in ...
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This chapter recounts the successful effort by a multi-racial group of 19,000 men and women at the Newport News shipyard to form a union with the steelworkers union in 1978, and a brutal strike in 1979 in which the workers fought for a union contract. The civil and women’s rights movements clearly fed the union fire in this organizing campaign.Less
This chapter recounts the successful effort by a multi-racial group of 19,000 men and women at the Newport News shipyard to form a union with the steelworkers union in 1978, and a brutal strike in 1979 in which the workers fought for a union contract. The civil and women’s rights movements clearly fed the union fire in this organizing campaign.
Stephanie Elizondo Griest
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781469631592
- eISBN:
- 9781469631615
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469631592.003.0019
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Twelve different jurisdictions wield some degree of power over the Mohawk Nation of Akwesasne: four counties, one state, two provinces, two countries, and three different tribal governments. When ...
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Twelve different jurisdictions wield some degree of power over the Mohawk Nation of Akwesasne: four counties, one state, two provinces, two countries, and three different tribal governments. When calamity strikes, any of the following law enforcement agencies can be summoned: the Akwesasne Mohawk Police, the St. Regis Mohawk Tribal Police, the New York State Police, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the U.S. Border Patrol, the Sûreté du Québec, the Ontario Provincial Police, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, and/or the Canada Border Services Agency. “No wonder we are crazy,” a Mohawk elder tells the author. In this chapter, the author joins hundreds of Mohawks as they shut down their version of a border wall: a series of bridges connecting their nation with Ontario and New York. Also featured is a history of Mohawks’ timeheld trade of steelwork.Less
Twelve different jurisdictions wield some degree of power over the Mohawk Nation of Akwesasne: four counties, one state, two provinces, two countries, and three different tribal governments. When calamity strikes, any of the following law enforcement agencies can be summoned: the Akwesasne Mohawk Police, the St. Regis Mohawk Tribal Police, the New York State Police, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the U.S. Border Patrol, the Sûreté du Québec, the Ontario Provincial Police, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, and/or the Canada Border Services Agency. “No wonder we are crazy,” a Mohawk elder tells the author. In this chapter, the author joins hundreds of Mohawks as they shut down their version of a border wall: a series of bridges connecting their nation with Ontario and New York. Also featured is a history of Mohawks’ timeheld trade of steelwork.
