Scott Eidelman and Christian S. Crandall
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195320916
- eISBN:
- 9780199869541
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195320916.003.004
- Subject:
- Psychology, Social Psychology
This chapter discusses a host of psychological phenomena and their supporting mechanisms that favor status quo maintenance. These phenomena are placed into two loose clusters: those that describe ...
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This chapter discusses a host of psychological phenomena and their supporting mechanisms that favor status quo maintenance. These phenomena are placed into two loose clusters: those that describe cognitive processes and those that describe evaluative processes. The chapter argues these processes work in tandem, providing existing states with a psychological advantage; relative to alternatives, the status quo requires less effort, intention, control, and/or awareness for support and/or endorsement. As such, status quo maintenance is more ubiquitous and subtle than often believed.Less
This chapter discusses a host of psychological phenomena and their supporting mechanisms that favor status quo maintenance. These phenomena are placed into two loose clusters: those that describe cognitive processes and those that describe evaluative processes. The chapter argues these processes work in tandem, providing existing states with a psychological advantage; relative to alternatives, the status quo requires less effort, intention, control, and/or awareness for support and/or endorsement. As such, status quo maintenance is more ubiquitous and subtle than often believed.
Cécile Laborde
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199550210
- eISBN:
- 9780191720857
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199550210.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, Political Theory
Chapter 4 takes both official republicans and their critics to task for their inadequate account of the relationship between ideal norms and social facts and for their inability to deploy normative ...
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Chapter 4 takes both official republicans and their critics to task for their inadequate account of the relationship between ideal norms and social facts and for their inability to deploy normative criteria of assessment of the status quo. It puts forward a theory of ‘critical secularism’, which assesses what treating Muslims fairly means in non-neutral societies, in a way that promotes the republican ideal of the impartial and civic public sphere. It argues that the state should, in general, not support or recognize religions, unless not doing so infringes a basic religious right or gravely undermines contextual parity (the actual parity of status between majority and minority religions).Less
Chapter 4 takes both official republicans and their critics to task for their inadequate account of the relationship between ideal norms and social facts and for their inability to deploy normative criteria of assessment of the status quo. It puts forward a theory of ‘critical secularism’, which assesses what treating Muslims fairly means in non-neutral societies, in a way that promotes the republican ideal of the impartial and civic public sphere. It argues that the state should, in general, not support or recognize religions, unless not doing so infringes a basic religious right or gravely undermines contextual parity (the actual parity of status between majority and minority religions).
Laura Valentini
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199593859
- eISBN:
- 9780191731457
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199593859.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter discusses the complaint that the statist ideal is excessively biased in favour of the status quo and argues that this critique is only partly successful. While the statists’ (especially ...
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This chapter discusses the complaint that the statist ideal is excessively biased in favour of the status quo and argues that this critique is only partly successful. While the statists’ (especially Rawls’s) refusal to extend egalitarian justice to the global realm does not in itself indicate subservience to the status quo, statist principles have unduly conservative implications because they are insufficiently sensitive to morally relevant phenomena characterizing the global realm. Although statists rightly identify peoples (states) as important subjects of international justice in virtue of the particular forms of coercive power they exercise by directly interfering in one another’s affairs, they fail to appreciate that these are not the only forms of international coercion in need of justification. Because the normative outlook underpinning Rawlsian statism is blind to these other potential sources of injustice, its principles may very well turn out to be status-quo biased and, therefore, rightly criticized on guidance grounds.Less
This chapter discusses the complaint that the statist ideal is excessively biased in favour of the status quo and argues that this critique is only partly successful. While the statists’ (especially Rawls’s) refusal to extend egalitarian justice to the global realm does not in itself indicate subservience to the status quo, statist principles have unduly conservative implications because they are insufficiently sensitive to morally relevant phenomena characterizing the global realm. Although statists rightly identify peoples (states) as important subjects of international justice in virtue of the particular forms of coercive power they exercise by directly interfering in one another’s affairs, they fail to appreciate that these are not the only forms of international coercion in need of justification. Because the normative outlook underpinning Rawlsian statism is blind to these other potential sources of injustice, its principles may very well turn out to be status-quo biased and, therefore, rightly criticized on guidance grounds.
Gilles Saint-Paul
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293323
- eISBN:
- 9780191596841
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293321.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Macro- and Monetary Economics
Most economists think that unemployment is high in Europe because of rigid labour market institutions such as minimum wages, unemployment benefits, and employment protection. The book develops a ...
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Most economists think that unemployment is high in Europe because of rigid labour market institutions such as minimum wages, unemployment benefits, and employment protection. The book develops a theory of labour market institutions as the outcome of the political process. A central hypothesis is that they will be chiefly determined by the interests of employed workers with intermediate skill levels. We show that redistributive conflict between these workers and more skilled workers may lead to an outcome where a set of rigid institutions arise. We analyse why reform may be difficult because of status‐quo bias, and discuss how it may nevertheless be implemented by choosing an appropriate design or timing for the reform.Less
Most economists think that unemployment is high in Europe because of rigid labour market institutions such as minimum wages, unemployment benefits, and employment protection. The book develops a theory of labour market institutions as the outcome of the political process. A central hypothesis is that they will be chiefly determined by the interests of employed workers with intermediate skill levels. We show that redistributive conflict between these workers and more skilled workers may lead to an outcome where a set of rigid institutions arise. We analyse why reform may be difficult because of status‐quo bias, and discuss how it may nevertheless be implemented by choosing an appropriate design or timing for the reform.
Laura Valentini
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199593859
- eISBN:
- 9780191731457
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199593859.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter identifies and discusses the methodological flaws that make statism excessively subservient to the status quo. It focuses on three methodological commitments on the basis of which ...
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This chapter identifies and discusses the methodological flaws that make statism excessively subservient to the status quo. It focuses on three methodological commitments on the basis of which statist conclusions have been advocated. These are (a) the view that principles of justice are constructed by interpreting the values informing the specific practices they aim to regulate; (b) the view that principles of justice can only guide the conduct of authoritative agents, such as the state; and (c) the view that principles of justice apply only in the presence of specific cooperative or coercive relations. The chapter shows that all of these methodological commitments contain a bias in favour of the status quo, preventing the principles developed on their basis from being genuinely critical and action-guiding.Less
This chapter identifies and discusses the methodological flaws that make statism excessively subservient to the status quo. It focuses on three methodological commitments on the basis of which statist conclusions have been advocated. These are (a) the view that principles of justice are constructed by interpreting the values informing the specific practices they aim to regulate; (b) the view that principles of justice can only guide the conduct of authoritative agents, such as the state; and (c) the view that principles of justice apply only in the presence of specific cooperative or coercive relations. The chapter shows that all of these methodological commitments contain a bias in favour of the status quo, preventing the principles developed on their basis from being genuinely critical and action-guiding.
Gilles Saint‐Paul
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293323
- eISBN:
- 9780191596841
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293321.003.0007
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Macro- and Monetary Economics
This chapter discusses the constituency effect. By this, it is meant that when a labour market institution is in place, it creates its own political support. This in turn generates status‐quo bias ...
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This chapter discusses the constituency effect. By this, it is meant that when a labour market institution is in place, it creates its own political support. This in turn generates status‐quo bias and resistance to reform. The effect is illustrated in the case of employment protection. Other applications include the role of initial conditions and of pre‐announcing the reform.Less
This chapter discusses the constituency effect. By this, it is meant that when a labour market institution is in place, it creates its own political support. This in turn generates status‐quo bias and resistance to reform. The effect is illustrated in the case of employment protection. Other applications include the role of initial conditions and of pre‐announcing the reform.
Carolyn L. Hafer and Becky L. Choma
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195320916
- eISBN:
- 9780199869541
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195320916.003.005
- Subject:
- Psychology, Social Psychology
This chapter focuses primarily on the system justifying properties of a belief in a just world (BJW); that is, a belief that people get what they deserve. The chapter presents a review of research on ...
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This chapter focuses primarily on the system justifying properties of a belief in a just world (BJW); that is, a belief that people get what they deserve. The chapter presents a review of research on the relation between individual differences in the strength of BJW and attributions and attitudes that justify the status quo by increasing one’s sense that outcomes are fair or deserved. One implication of the system justifying properties of a strong BJW is examined; namely, that a strong BJW is related to less perceived discrimination. The chapter presents original research suggesting that a strong BJW might lead to less perceived discrimination directed at one personally when the presence of that discrimination is relatively ambiguous. System justifying beliefs are more generally examined by discussing moderators and mediators of the relation between these various beliefs (including a BJW) and justification of the status quo.Less
This chapter focuses primarily on the system justifying properties of a belief in a just world (BJW); that is, a belief that people get what they deserve. The chapter presents a review of research on the relation between individual differences in the strength of BJW and attributions and attitudes that justify the status quo by increasing one’s sense that outcomes are fair or deserved. One implication of the system justifying properties of a strong BJW is examined; namely, that a strong BJW is related to less perceived discrimination. The chapter presents original research suggesting that a strong BJW might lead to less perceived discrimination directed at one personally when the presence of that discrimination is relatively ambiguous. System justifying beliefs are more generally examined by discussing moderators and mediators of the relation between these various beliefs (including a BJW) and justification of the status quo.
Michael Freeden
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294146
- eISBN:
- 9780191599323
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829414X.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Both conservatism and liberalism have, on one dimension, been accorded similar treatment by some of the salient schools of ideological analysis, in that they have been denied the status of a fully ...
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Both conservatism and liberalism have, on one dimension, been accorded similar treatment by some of the salient schools of ideological analysis, in that they have been denied the status of a fully fledged ideology by those who would restrict the phenomenon to total, closed, and cohesive views of human beings in society. However, whereas liberals challenge, most conservative ideologists, as well as most exponents of conservative ideology, go out of their way to dispel any suspicion that theirs is an ideology. Obviously, if the notion of ideology is confined to an a priori, abstract, closed, and total system of mass‐consumed political thinking, then a creed that claims (as conservatism usually does) to be experiential, concrete, and delimited is not an ideology. Consideration of conservative thought, however, may query whether conservatives escape the features of that very definition of ideology, and it could not escape categorization within the approach that this book has already advanced: that of presenting ideology as a structural configuration of political concepts. After asking why there is such a dearth of capable and sophisticated enquiry into the nature of conservatism, this chapter addresses the issues outlined here in three sections: (a) [Michael] Oakeshott: conservatism à la carte; (b) The chameleon contra the status quo: two discarded theories; and (c) The conservative core: resolving a morphological puzzle.Less
Both conservatism and liberalism have, on one dimension, been accorded similar treatment by some of the salient schools of ideological analysis, in that they have been denied the status of a fully fledged ideology by those who would restrict the phenomenon to total, closed, and cohesive views of human beings in society. However, whereas liberals challenge, most conservative ideologists, as well as most exponents of conservative ideology, go out of their way to dispel any suspicion that theirs is an ideology. Obviously, if the notion of ideology is confined to an a priori, abstract, closed, and total system of mass‐consumed political thinking, then a creed that claims (as conservatism usually does) to be experiential, concrete, and delimited is not an ideology. Consideration of conservative thought, however, may query whether conservatives escape the features of that very definition of ideology, and it could not escape categorization within the approach that this book has already advanced: that of presenting ideology as a structural configuration of political concepts. After asking why there is such a dearth of capable and sophisticated enquiry into the nature of conservatism, this chapter addresses the issues outlined here in three sections: (a) [Michael] Oakeshott: conservatism à la carte; (b) The chameleon contra the status quo: two discarded theories; and (c) The conservative core: resolving a morphological puzzle.
Ekkehart Schlicht
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292241
- eISBN:
- 9780191596865
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198292244.003.0009
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Microeconomics, History of Economic Thought
Rules are cognitive entities that carry behavioural consequences. Phenomena of commitment, obedience, status quo preference, and reciprocity are brought about by rule preference, viz. the desire of ...
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Rules are cognitive entities that carry behavioural consequences. Phenomena of commitment, obedience, status quo preference, and reciprocity are brought about by rule preference, viz. the desire of men to act sensibly and in a justifiable way.Less
Rules are cognitive entities that carry behavioural consequences. Phenomena of commitment, obedience, status quo preference, and reciprocity are brought about by rule preference, viz. the desire of men to act sensibly and in a justifiable way.
Nathan J. Kelly
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780226665474
- eISBN:
- 9780226665641
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226665641.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
This chapter argues that status quo bias induced by numerous veto points in the American policy making process contributes to an inequality trap. Time series analysis is conducted showing that rising ...
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This chapter argues that status quo bias induced by numerous veto points in the American policy making process contributes to an inequality trap. Time series analysis is conducted showing that rising inequality changes the distributional consequences of status quo bias. When inequality is low and policy stagnates, this policy stagnation has no effect on inequality. But when inequality is high, policy stagnation tends to push inequality even higher, thereby creating a positive feedback loop between policy stagnation and income inequality. The analysis also shows that party polarization is not part of a feedback loop with inequality. Rather, it is the policy stagnation that polarization sometimes produces that is connected most directly to the inequality trap. A key conclusion of this chapter is that the American political framework via institutions contributes to entrenched inequality.Less
This chapter argues that status quo bias induced by numerous veto points in the American policy making process contributes to an inequality trap. Time series analysis is conducted showing that rising inequality changes the distributional consequences of status quo bias. When inequality is low and policy stagnates, this policy stagnation has no effect on inequality. But when inequality is high, policy stagnation tends to push inequality even higher, thereby creating a positive feedback loop between policy stagnation and income inequality. The analysis also shows that party polarization is not part of a feedback loop with inequality. Rather, it is the policy stagnation that polarization sometimes produces that is connected most directly to the inequality trap. A key conclusion of this chapter is that the American political framework via institutions contributes to entrenched inequality.
Charles S. Maier
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199552030
- eISBN:
- 9780191720291
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199552030.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics, European Union
This chapter reminds us that we are still discussing an unfinished period. While one can make the argument for a disrupted relationship between the United States and Europe, “the rupture has been ...
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This chapter reminds us that we are still discussing an unfinished period. While one can make the argument for a disrupted relationship between the United States and Europe, “the rupture has been relatively brief; the [Bush] administration appears to wish to repair it; the imperial intoxication that was one cause of the strains has perhaps worn off.” Deeper continuities may well keep the United States and Europe together: their basic status quo orientation in a world of increasing turmoil, their shared politics of productivity, the basic role of the political center on both sides of the Atlantic, etc. “A shared community of interests, domestic as well as international, make it logical for the United States and Europe to continue cooperation.” The Bush years could then be seen simply as an “imperial interlude.”Less
This chapter reminds us that we are still discussing an unfinished period. While one can make the argument for a disrupted relationship between the United States and Europe, “the rupture has been relatively brief; the [Bush] administration appears to wish to repair it; the imperial intoxication that was one cause of the strains has perhaps worn off.” Deeper continuities may well keep the United States and Europe together: their basic status quo orientation in a world of increasing turmoil, their shared politics of productivity, the basic role of the political center on both sides of the Atlantic, etc. “A shared community of interests, domestic as well as international, make it logical for the United States and Europe to continue cooperation.” The Bush years could then be seen simply as an “imperial interlude.”
Adrian Vermeule
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195333466
- eISBN:
- 9780199855384
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195333466.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
Legal and political theories have focused on supermajority rules, which require a fraction of votes greater than 1/2+1 to change the status quo, and thus empower a minority to block change. This ...
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Legal and political theories have focused on supermajority rules, which require a fraction of votes greater than 1/2+1 to change the status quo, and thus empower a minority to block change. This chapter considers the opposite deviation from simple majority voting — submajority rules — under which a voting minority is granted the affirmative power to change the status quo. Institutions use submajority rules only for preliminary and procedural questions, and to set agendas — for voting on the question of which issues are to come up for a substantive vote by simple or special majorities. Submajority rules enable minorities to force public accountability and a kind of transparency upon majorities.Less
Legal and political theories have focused on supermajority rules, which require a fraction of votes greater than 1/2+1 to change the status quo, and thus empower a minority to block change. This chapter considers the opposite deviation from simple majority voting — submajority rules — under which a voting minority is granted the affirmative power to change the status quo. Institutions use submajority rules only for preliminary and procedural questions, and to set agendas — for voting on the question of which issues are to come up for a substantive vote by simple or special majorities. Submajority rules enable minorities to force public accountability and a kind of transparency upon majorities.
Jacqueline M. Anson, Tom Pyszczynski, Sheldon Solomon, and Jeff Greenberg
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195320916
- eISBN:
- 9780199869541
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195320916.003.009
- Subject:
- Psychology, Social Psychology
This chapter uses terror management theory to explore the psychological functions of political ideology and factors that produce stability and change in ideologically relevant attitudes and ...
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This chapter uses terror management theory to explore the psychological functions of political ideology and factors that produce stability and change in ideologically relevant attitudes and behaviors. Terror management theory perspectives are compared and contrasted with system justification theory, and points of agreement and disagreement between these conceptualizations are discussed. The relationship is explored between "external" cultural ideologies and individual interpretations and how such external belief systems interact with psychological forces to create individualized cultural worldviews. The impact of individual ideological changes on the collective mainstream worldview of a culture is explored. Also discussed is the possibility that some ideological positions may be better at providing existential comfort than others, and the conditions under which this is likely to be the case, as well as conservative and liberal ideological shifts. The chapter concludes with a consideration of variables that determine which aspects of a particular worldview people gravitate toward when their need for protection is aroused.Less
This chapter uses terror management theory to explore the psychological functions of political ideology and factors that produce stability and change in ideologically relevant attitudes and behaviors. Terror management theory perspectives are compared and contrasted with system justification theory, and points of agreement and disagreement between these conceptualizations are discussed. The relationship is explored between "external" cultural ideologies and individual interpretations and how such external belief systems interact with psychological forces to create individualized cultural worldviews. The impact of individual ideological changes on the collective mainstream worldview of a culture is explored. Also discussed is the possibility that some ideological positions may be better at providing existential comfort than others, and the conditions under which this is likely to be the case, as well as conservative and liberal ideological shifts. The chapter concludes with a consideration of variables that determine which aspects of a particular worldview people gravitate toward when their need for protection is aroused.
Glenn Bowman
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231169943
- eISBN:
- 9780231538060
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231169943.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This chapter focuses on the Holy Sepulchre or Church of the Anastasis, the “mother church” of Christianity, in an attempt to shift the analytic logic away from the identities of communities that ...
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This chapter focuses on the Holy Sepulchre or Church of the Anastasis, the “mother church” of Christianity, in an attempt to shift the analytic logic away from the identities of communities that cohabit sites toward institutions that attempt to own, or at least control, those sites. Pilgrims and celebrants in Jerusalem's holy places come to the places as guests; the Anastasis, like all of the other sites falling under the regimen of the status quo agreements, is not a parish church and hence has neither parishioners nor parochial duties. The situation is very different for the clergy affiliated with the monasteries of the authorities who hold possessory rights over the status quo holy places. The three major communities within the Church of the Holy Sepulchre—the Greek Orthodox, the Latin Franciscans, and the Armenian Orthodox—all claim exclusive praedominium to [preeminence over] the places they believe they own. However, such claims are always mediated through structures of state power, and these shape choreographies of conflict or of sharing.Less
This chapter focuses on the Holy Sepulchre or Church of the Anastasis, the “mother church” of Christianity, in an attempt to shift the analytic logic away from the identities of communities that cohabit sites toward institutions that attempt to own, or at least control, those sites. Pilgrims and celebrants in Jerusalem's holy places come to the places as guests; the Anastasis, like all of the other sites falling under the regimen of the status quo agreements, is not a parish church and hence has neither parishioners nor parochial duties. The situation is very different for the clergy affiliated with the monasteries of the authorities who hold possessory rights over the status quo holy places. The three major communities within the Church of the Holy Sepulchre—the Greek Orthodox, the Latin Franciscans, and the Armenian Orthodox—all claim exclusive praedominium to [preeminence over] the places they believe they own. However, such claims are always mediated through structures of state power, and these shape choreographies of conflict or of sharing.
Gary L. Bowen
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- April 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195370706
- eISBN:
- 9780199893515
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195370706.003.0003
- Subject:
- Social Work, Children and Families
This chapter addresses strategies for assessing and predicting the risk of school violence. The review is framed by a seven-step planning strategy: results-focused planning (RFP). Working with ...
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This chapter addresses strategies for assessing and predicting the risk of school violence. The review is framed by a seven-step planning strategy: results-focused planning (RFP). Working with student, school, and community stakeholder groups in planning strategies to decrease school violence (the performance team), a status quo assessment is the first step in this planning strategy. Four critical status quo data collection tasks are discussed. A survey of students, the School Success Profile (SSP), is introduced as a tool that supports the status quo assessment for school social workers and other school-based professionals.Less
This chapter addresses strategies for assessing and predicting the risk of school violence. The review is framed by a seven-step planning strategy: results-focused planning (RFP). Working with student, school, and community stakeholder groups in planning strategies to decrease school violence (the performance team), a status quo assessment is the first step in this planning strategy. Four critical status quo data collection tasks are discussed. A survey of students, the School Success Profile (SSP), is introduced as a tool that supports the status quo assessment for school social workers and other school-based professionals.
Nachman Ben-Yehuda
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199734863
- eISBN:
- 9780199895090
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199734863.003.0011
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This concluding chapter frames Haredi deviant and unconventional behavior within symbolic processes of social change and social stability. The most prominent media reported Haredi infraction is ...
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This concluding chapter frames Haredi deviant and unconventional behavior within symbolic processes of social change and social stability. The most prominent media reported Haredi infraction is violence. Most of this violence is planned and calculated and aims to push Israel into becoming a Halakhic state. This pressure is absorbed within the flexible structure of the theocratic democracy that Israel is made of. Religious and theocratic pressures are not unique to Israel. Such pressures characterize many other democracies and they challenge status quos in public arenas. Clearly, what we observe in a theocratic democracy is a cultural conflict. Globally, it is a conflict between secularism and religious fundamentalism, a conflict that a theocratic democracy can cope with, as long as it is not too extreme.Less
This concluding chapter frames Haredi deviant and unconventional behavior within symbolic processes of social change and social stability. The most prominent media reported Haredi infraction is violence. Most of this violence is planned and calculated and aims to push Israel into becoming a Halakhic state. This pressure is absorbed within the flexible structure of the theocratic democracy that Israel is made of. Religious and theocratic pressures are not unique to Israel. Such pressures characterize many other democracies and they challenge status quos in public arenas. Clearly, what we observe in a theocratic democracy is a cultural conflict. Globally, it is a conflict between secularism and religious fundamentalism, a conflict that a theocratic democracy can cope with, as long as it is not too extreme.
Deepak Mehta
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780823261857
- eISBN:
- 9780823268900
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823261857.003.0015
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Social and Cultural Anthropology
This chapter analyses the Babri Masjid-Ramjanmabhumi controversy by focusing on the legal and administrative literature through which the Ayodhya dispute acquires a life in law. The law in relation ...
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This chapter analyses the Babri Masjid-Ramjanmabhumi controversy by focusing on the legal and administrative literature through which the Ayodhya dispute acquires a life in law. The law in relation to the dispute is concerned more with the restoration of the status quo, and less with issues related to justice, restitution and rehabilitation. The status quo becomes a title of legitimation open to occupation from all sides so much so that specific legal and administrative strategies are no longer be possible without it.Less
This chapter analyses the Babri Masjid-Ramjanmabhumi controversy by focusing on the legal and administrative literature through which the Ayodhya dispute acquires a life in law. The law in relation to the dispute is concerned more with the restoration of the status quo, and less with issues related to justice, restitution and rehabilitation. The status quo becomes a title of legitimation open to occupation from all sides so much so that specific legal and administrative strategies are no longer be possible without it.
Ian MacMullen
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780198733614
- eISBN:
- 9780191797996
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198733614.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter argues that status quo biases in civic education can be and often are justified. The chapter begins by acknowledging the considerable force of two objections to such biases: the ...
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This chapter argues that status quo biases in civic education can be and often are justified. The chapter begins by acknowledging the considerable force of two objections to such biases: the fallibility and legitimacy objections. The rest of the chapter explores the various arguments that could jointly defeat these objections in particular cases. It shows the possibility of constructing compelling content-dependent reasons for status quo bias, i.e., reasons that invoke widespread beliefs about the substantive merits of existing institutions, notwithstanding the fallibility objection. And it identifies four reasons that appeal not to the substantive merits of the institutions favored by status quo bias but merely to the fact that those institutions are the status quo: these content-independent reasons generate important arguments from stability, contentment, compliance, and civic identification.Less
This chapter argues that status quo biases in civic education can be and often are justified. The chapter begins by acknowledging the considerable force of two objections to such biases: the fallibility and legitimacy objections. The rest of the chapter explores the various arguments that could jointly defeat these objections in particular cases. It shows the possibility of constructing compelling content-dependent reasons for status quo bias, i.e., reasons that invoke widespread beliefs about the substantive merits of existing institutions, notwithstanding the fallibility objection. And it identifies four reasons that appeal not to the substantive merits of the institutions favored by status quo bias but merely to the fact that those institutions are the status quo: these content-independent reasons generate important arguments from stability, contentment, compliance, and civic identification.
John O. McGinnis
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691151021
- eISBN:
- 9781400845453
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691151021.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Public Policy
This chapter surveys the many kinds of political bias. These include special interest bias, “knowledge falsification” by the majority, innate majoritarian bias, status quo bias, cultural cognition ...
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This chapter surveys the many kinds of political bias. These include special interest bias, “knowledge falsification” by the majority, innate majoritarian bias, status quo bias, cultural cognition and motivated reasoning, and framing. It then shows that democracy is often able to overcome biases within the citizenry, because it takes only a majority or a relatively modest supermajority of people to change ordinary legislative policy. Thus, if many, or even most, people are imprisoned by their own worldviews, misled by politicians' frames, or remain ignorant of all new information relevant to public policy, the shift of a relatively small portion of voters can often make a decisive difference.Less
This chapter surveys the many kinds of political bias. These include special interest bias, “knowledge falsification” by the majority, innate majoritarian bias, status quo bias, cultural cognition and motivated reasoning, and framing. It then shows that democracy is often able to overcome biases within the citizenry, because it takes only a majority or a relatively modest supermajority of people to change ordinary legislative policy. Thus, if many, or even most, people are imprisoned by their own worldviews, misled by politicians' frames, or remain ignorant of all new information relevant to public policy, the shift of a relatively small portion of voters can often make a decisive difference.
Carl Ratner
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195373547
- eISBN:
- 9780199918294
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195373547.003.0073
- Subject:
- Psychology, Social Psychology
Political ramifications of macro cultural psychology are explained. Macro cultural psychology leans toward social reform because it seeks to improve cultural factors that form psychological ...
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Political ramifications of macro cultural psychology are explained. Macro cultural psychology leans toward social reform because it seeks to improve cultural factors that form psychological phenomena. Other psychological theories and procedures tend to focus on improving individuals while ignoring macro cultural factors. This leads to negating psychological change because the formative cultural context remains in place. Ignoring macro cultural factors promotes politics of the status quo. Critiquing cultural factors to promote psychological and social change requires objective, realistic analyses. Objective analysis is also necessary for detecting psychological shortcomings and overcoming them. Critical realism is an important component of psychological understanding, psychological change, cultural understanding, and cultural change.Less
Political ramifications of macro cultural psychology are explained. Macro cultural psychology leans toward social reform because it seeks to improve cultural factors that form psychological phenomena. Other psychological theories and procedures tend to focus on improving individuals while ignoring macro cultural factors. This leads to negating psychological change because the formative cultural context remains in place. Ignoring macro cultural factors promotes politics of the status quo. Critiquing cultural factors to promote psychological and social change requires objective, realistic analyses. Objective analysis is also necessary for detecting psychological shortcomings and overcoming them. Critical realism is an important component of psychological understanding, psychological change, cultural understanding, and cultural change.
