El Mustapha Lahlali
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748639090
- eISBN:
- 9780748671304
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748639090.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
This book presents a detailed study of the three dominant Arab media channels — Al-Jazeera, Al-Hurra and Al-Arabia — and their role post-9/11. The Arab world is currently undergoing a radical media ...
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This book presents a detailed study of the three dominant Arab media channels — Al-Jazeera, Al-Hurra and Al-Arabia — and their role post-9/11. The Arab world is currently undergoing a radical media revolution, with the launch of numerous satellite and cable channels. The era of state-controlled media is coming to an end as privately owned channels emerge. The book provides a critical overview of the development of Arab media; examines the aims and impact of Al-Jazeera, Al-Hurra and Al-Arabia, and compares their broadcasting strategies, programmes and use of language; and includes comparative case studies of the coverage of the 2006 conflict between Hezbollah and Israel, the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, and US foreign policy.Less
This book presents a detailed study of the three dominant Arab media channels — Al-Jazeera, Al-Hurra and Al-Arabia — and their role post-9/11. The Arab world is currently undergoing a radical media revolution, with the launch of numerous satellite and cable channels. The era of state-controlled media is coming to an end as privately owned channels emerge. The book provides a critical overview of the development of Arab media; examines the aims and impact of Al-Jazeera, Al-Hurra and Al-Arabia, and compares their broadcasting strategies, programmes and use of language; and includes comparative case studies of the coverage of the 2006 conflict between Hezbollah and Israel, the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, and US foreign policy.
Ya-Wen Lei
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691196145
- eISBN:
- 9781400887941
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691196145.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Asian Politics
This introductory chapter reveals that a nationwide contentious public sphere has emerged in China. It is an unruly sphere capable of generating issues and agendas not set by the Chinese state, as ...
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This introductory chapter reveals that a nationwide contentious public sphere has emerged in China. It is an unruly sphere capable of generating issues and agendas not set by the Chinese state, as opposed to a sphere mostly orchestrated and constrained by said state. Over time, China's contentious public sphere has been increasingly recognized by the Chinese state as a force to be reckoned and negotiated with. Starting around 2010, official media of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), such as the People's Daily, began to warn of a threatening public sphere mediated by cell phones, the Internet, and even some unruly voices within state-controlled media. The state's awareness of these developments, however, means that one must not overstate the stability or permanence of the newly emerged contentious public sphere. Indeed, this provocative public arena has encountered serious opposition and setbacks, particularly since 2013. Seeing the rise of such a sphere as a threat to national security and an indication of ideological struggle between the West and China, the Chinese state has taken comprehensive and combative measures to contain it.Less
This introductory chapter reveals that a nationwide contentious public sphere has emerged in China. It is an unruly sphere capable of generating issues and agendas not set by the Chinese state, as opposed to a sphere mostly orchestrated and constrained by said state. Over time, China's contentious public sphere has been increasingly recognized by the Chinese state as a force to be reckoned and negotiated with. Starting around 2010, official media of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), such as the People's Daily, began to warn of a threatening public sphere mediated by cell phones, the Internet, and even some unruly voices within state-controlled media. The state's awareness of these developments, however, means that one must not overstate the stability or permanence of the newly emerged contentious public sphere. Indeed, this provocative public arena has encountered serious opposition and setbacks, particularly since 2013. Seeing the rise of such a sphere as a threat to national security and an indication of ideological struggle between the West and China, the Chinese state has taken comprehensive and combative measures to contain it.
Sandra Fahy
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231171342
- eISBN:
- 9780231538947
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231171342.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This chapter examines how the North Koreans used indirect speech, humor, and sarcasm as a way of negotiating the difficulties of the famine. It also analyzes how “smart” language was learned and ...
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This chapter examines how the North Koreans used indirect speech, humor, and sarcasm as a way of negotiating the difficulties of the famine. It also analyzes how “smart” language was learned and used. The state-controlled media continuously reported that nobody died from hunger but from pain, food poisoning, and high blood pressure. Language helped to convey the paradox of living in North Korea, both offering and withholding freedom. Official state terms for the famine were carefully designed to shape public experience along historically convenient interpretations. What was commonly referred to outside of the country as the North Korean Famine was inside known as the “Konanŭihaenggun” (the March of Suffering), which refers to the 1938 defeat of Japanese imperialism by Kim Il-Sung's guerrilla army in Manchuria. It remains the most common term of reference for the 1990s famine.Less
This chapter examines how the North Koreans used indirect speech, humor, and sarcasm as a way of negotiating the difficulties of the famine. It also analyzes how “smart” language was learned and used. The state-controlled media continuously reported that nobody died from hunger but from pain, food poisoning, and high blood pressure. Language helped to convey the paradox of living in North Korea, both offering and withholding freedom. Official state terms for the famine were carefully designed to shape public experience along historically convenient interpretations. What was commonly referred to outside of the country as the North Korean Famine was inside known as the “Konanŭihaenggun” (the March of Suffering), which refers to the 1938 defeat of Japanese imperialism by Kim Il-Sung's guerrilla army in Manchuria. It remains the most common term of reference for the 1990s famine.
