Wendy J. Schiller and Charles Stewart III
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691163161
- eISBN:
- 9781400852680
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691163161.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
From 1789 to 1913, U.S. senators were not directly elected by the people—instead the Constitution mandated that they be chosen by state legislators. This radically changed in 1913, when the ...
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From 1789 to 1913, U.S. senators were not directly elected by the people—instead the Constitution mandated that they be chosen by state legislators. This radically changed in 1913, when the Seventeenth Amendment to the Constitution was ratified, giving the public a direct vote. This book investigates the electoral connections among constituents, state legislators, political parties, and U.S. senators during the age of indirect elections. The book finds that even though parties controlled the partisan affiliation of the winning candidate for Senate, they had much less control over the universe of candidates who competed for votes in Senate elections and the parties did not always succeed in resolving internal conflict among their rank and file. Party politics, money, and personal ambition dominated the election process, in a system originally designed to insulate the Senate from public pressure. The book uses an original data set of all the roll call votes cast by state legislators for U.S. senators from 1871 to 1913 and all state legislators who served during this time. Newspaper and biographical accounts uncover vivid stories of the political maneuvering, corruption, and partisanship—played out by elite political actors, from elected officials, to party machine bosses, to wealthy business owners—that dominated the indirect Senate elections process. The book raises important questions about the effectiveness of Constitutional reforms, such as the Seventeenth Amendment, that promised to produce a more responsive and accountable government.Less
From 1789 to 1913, U.S. senators were not directly elected by the people—instead the Constitution mandated that they be chosen by state legislators. This radically changed in 1913, when the Seventeenth Amendment to the Constitution was ratified, giving the public a direct vote. This book investigates the electoral connections among constituents, state legislators, political parties, and U.S. senators during the age of indirect elections. The book finds that even though parties controlled the partisan affiliation of the winning candidate for Senate, they had much less control over the universe of candidates who competed for votes in Senate elections and the parties did not always succeed in resolving internal conflict among their rank and file. Party politics, money, and personal ambition dominated the election process, in a system originally designed to insulate the Senate from public pressure. The book uses an original data set of all the roll call votes cast by state legislators for U.S. senators from 1871 to 1913 and all state legislators who served during this time. Newspaper and biographical accounts uncover vivid stories of the political maneuvering, corruption, and partisanship—played out by elite political actors, from elected officials, to party machine bosses, to wealthy business owners—that dominated the indirect Senate elections process. The book raises important questions about the effectiveness of Constitutional reforms, such as the Seventeenth Amendment, that promised to produce a more responsive and accountable government.
Christopher J. Clark
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- March 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190933562
- eISBN:
- 9780190933593
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190933562.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics, Democratization
This chapter motivates the book’s importance, talking specifically about the relevance of a multifaceted approach to the study of black state legislators in the 21st century. The descriptive ...
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This chapter motivates the book’s importance, talking specifically about the relevance of a multifaceted approach to the study of black state legislators in the 21st century. The descriptive representation framework used to study black representation is mentioned. The two-part organization of the book is explained, with the first portion considering the causes of black descriptive representation and the latter portion examining the consequences of black descriptive representation. Moreover, the underlying research questions motivating the book, namely whether black people alone explain the black presence in the state legislature and whether the positive consequences of black representation in the state legislature outweigh the negative ones, are discussed. Synopses of the various theoretical claims are provided. The chapter discusses relevant extant literature on minority representation, identity caucuses, policy representation, political involvement, public opinion, and state politics. The data and methods employed in the book are discussed, and the chapter ends with an overview of each book chapter.Less
This chapter motivates the book’s importance, talking specifically about the relevance of a multifaceted approach to the study of black state legislators in the 21st century. The descriptive representation framework used to study black representation is mentioned. The two-part organization of the book is explained, with the first portion considering the causes of black descriptive representation and the latter portion examining the consequences of black descriptive representation. Moreover, the underlying research questions motivating the book, namely whether black people alone explain the black presence in the state legislature and whether the positive consequences of black representation in the state legislature outweigh the negative ones, are discussed. Synopses of the various theoretical claims are provided. The chapter discusses relevant extant literature on minority representation, identity caucuses, policy representation, political involvement, public opinion, and state politics. The data and methods employed in the book are discussed, and the chapter ends with an overview of each book chapter.
Julia Payson
- Published in print:
- 2022
- Published Online:
- December 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780197615263
- eISBN:
- 9780197615300
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780197615263.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter develops a simple theory of intergovernmental lobbying that emphasizes the relationship between cities and their elected delegations. Compared to most interest groups, cities are ...
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This chapter develops a simple theory of intergovernmental lobbying that emphasizes the relationship between cities and their elected delegations. Compared to most interest groups, cities are uniquely dependent on the state and federal officials who are elected to represent them by virtue of their political geography. The quality of this representation should therefore influence the demand for the lobbying. This chapter tests several observable implications of this theory using original panel data on annual city lobbying activity in all fifty states. A series of difference-in-differences designs reveal that municipal officials hire lobbyists in response to a wide array of representational challenges, such as hostile redistricting efforts and flips in the partisan composition of their delegations. The results are broadly consistent with a model of intergovernmental lobbying in which cities use lobbyists to compensate for the representational gaps that sometimes emerge in federal systems.Less
This chapter develops a simple theory of intergovernmental lobbying that emphasizes the relationship between cities and their elected delegations. Compared to most interest groups, cities are uniquely dependent on the state and federal officials who are elected to represent them by virtue of their political geography. The quality of this representation should therefore influence the demand for the lobbying. This chapter tests several observable implications of this theory using original panel data on annual city lobbying activity in all fifty states. A series of difference-in-differences designs reveal that municipal officials hire lobbyists in response to a wide array of representational challenges, such as hostile redistricting efforts and flips in the partisan composition of their delegations. The results are broadly consistent with a model of intergovernmental lobbying in which cities use lobbyists to compensate for the representational gaps that sometimes emerge in federal systems.
Christopher J. Clark
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- March 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190933562
- eISBN:
- 9780190933593
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190933562.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics, Democratization
A common expectation is that when blacks serve in elected office black policy interests will be better represented. This chapter examines how black seat share affects education and welfare policy in ...
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A common expectation is that when blacks serve in elected office black policy interests will be better represented. This chapter examines how black seat share affects education and welfare policy in states, from 2001 to 2011. The expectation is that states with a greater black seat share will spend more money on education and will have more liberal welfare policy. It shows that while black seat share increases per-pupil public education spending, it is associated with less liberal welfare policy. In fact, the finding for welfare policy emerges in states with Democratic control of the legislature and provides evidence of backlash in response to an increased black seat share. Citizen ideology and region are two other key predictors of education and welfare policy in states.Less
A common expectation is that when blacks serve in elected office black policy interests will be better represented. This chapter examines how black seat share affects education and welfare policy in states, from 2001 to 2011. The expectation is that states with a greater black seat share will spend more money on education and will have more liberal welfare policy. It shows that while black seat share increases per-pupil public education spending, it is associated with less liberal welfare policy. In fact, the finding for welfare policy emerges in states with Democratic control of the legislature and provides evidence of backlash in response to an increased black seat share. Citizen ideology and region are two other key predictors of education and welfare policy in states.
Beth Rein Gold and Kerry L. Haynie
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- June 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199340101
- eISBN:
- 9780199380077
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199340101.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Political scientists have employed various definitions of women's political interests: some are more women- or gender-specific than others; some are more feminist, liberal, or radical than others. To ...
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Political scientists have employed various definitions of women's political interests: some are more women- or gender-specific than others; some are more feminist, liberal, or radical than others. To what extent do our definitions of women's interests affect who is or appears to be more or less willing to act for women? Does the relationship between women's descriptive and substantive representation depend on how we define women's interests? This chapter examines whether and how definitions of women's interests affect the conclusions that may be drawn about women of color in US state legislatures. Intersectionality theory and research caution against generalizing about women's representation across race and ethnicity and suggest that any single-axis conception of women's interests risks excluding or obscuring the representational advocacy provided by women of color, while privileging that provided by white women. To test this proposition, the agenda-setting behavior (bill introductions) of state legislators in six states, in 1997, is examined, across a variety of definitions of women's issues/interests. The study finds no systematic or consistent biases against legislative women of color but nevertheless concludes that the best approach may be to employ a variety of theoretically relevant concepts and measures of women's substantive representation.Less
Political scientists have employed various definitions of women's political interests: some are more women- or gender-specific than others; some are more feminist, liberal, or radical than others. To what extent do our definitions of women's interests affect who is or appears to be more or less willing to act for women? Does the relationship between women's descriptive and substantive representation depend on how we define women's interests? This chapter examines whether and how definitions of women's interests affect the conclusions that may be drawn about women of color in US state legislatures. Intersectionality theory and research caution against generalizing about women's representation across race and ethnicity and suggest that any single-axis conception of women's interests risks excluding or obscuring the representational advocacy provided by women of color, while privileging that provided by white women. To test this proposition, the agenda-setting behavior (bill introductions) of state legislators in six states, in 1997, is examined, across a variety of definitions of women's issues/interests. The study finds no systematic or consistent biases against legislative women of color but nevertheless concludes that the best approach may be to employ a variety of theoretically relevant concepts and measures of women's substantive representation.
Barbara Norrander and Clyde Wilcox
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- April 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199328734
- eISBN:
- 9780199398966
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199328734.003.0016
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
State legislatures continue to vary in the number of female representatives. Past research noted a number of reasons connected to possible female candidates and the political and social ...
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State legislatures continue to vary in the number of female representatives. Past research noted a number of reasons connected to possible female candidates and the political and social characteristics of the states. This research is updated to 2011, when the percent of female legislators varied from a low of 9 percent in South Carolina to a high of 41 percent in Colorado. In addition, the chapter explores why the growth of female state legislators slowed after the early 1990s.Less
State legislatures continue to vary in the number of female representatives. Past research noted a number of reasons connected to possible female candidates and the political and social characteristics of the states. This research is updated to 2011, when the percent of female legislators varied from a low of 9 percent in South Carolina to a high of 41 percent in Colorado. In addition, the chapter explores why the growth of female state legislators slowed after the early 1990s.
Charles C. Bolton
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- March 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781617037870
- eISBN:
- 9781621039488
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781617037870.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter describes the start of Winter’s political career. Topics covered include his entry into law school in 1946; his election as Mississippi state legislator in the summer of 1947; his ...
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This chapter describes the start of Winter’s political career. Topics covered include his entry into law school in 1946; his election as Mississippi state legislator in the summer of 1947; his participation in the U.S. Senate campaign of John Stennis in the fall of 1947; Winter’s legislative actions in 1948; his reservations about the Dixiecrat campaign; and the efforts of Winter and his more moderate-minded colleagues to dampen the Dixiecrat racial obsessions that dominated legislative proceedings.Less
This chapter describes the start of Winter’s political career. Topics covered include his entry into law school in 1946; his election as Mississippi state legislator in the summer of 1947; his participation in the U.S. Senate campaign of John Stennis in the fall of 1947; Winter’s legislative actions in 1948; his reservations about the Dixiecrat campaign; and the efforts of Winter and his more moderate-minded colleagues to dampen the Dixiecrat racial obsessions that dominated legislative proceedings.
Christopher J. Clark
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- March 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190933562
- eISBN:
- 9780190933593
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190933562.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics, Democratization
This book adopts a multifaceted approach to study of black state legislators across the country. Using the descriptive representation framework, multiple facets of black representation are studied. ...
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This book adopts a multifaceted approach to study of black state legislators across the country. Using the descriptive representation framework, multiple facets of black representation are studied. Black seat share is the primary facet considered, and it is measured as the proportion of seats held by blacks in the state legislature. The black representation ratio measures the black seat share relative to the black population share. Parity exists when blacks are represented in the state legislature at a rate that matches their population share. Legislative black caucuses are also studied in this work, representing the institutionalization of the black presence in state legislatures. The first half of the book shows that while black people are critical for explaining black representation in state legislatures, that institutional and non-racial demographic factors also account for the black seat share, black representation ratio, and emergence of state legislative black caucuses. A “demographics is destiny” explanation insufficiently accounts for blacks gaining voice in state legislatures. The second half the book considers the consequences of black representation in state government. On the one hand, a greater black presence increases education spending, black political involvement, and liberalizes black public opinion. On the other hand, an increased black presence is linked with less liberal welfare policy, in particular in places where Democrats hold the majority of state legislative seats. Thus, an increased black presence in the legislature can be seen as a double-edged sword.Less
This book adopts a multifaceted approach to study of black state legislators across the country. Using the descriptive representation framework, multiple facets of black representation are studied. Black seat share is the primary facet considered, and it is measured as the proportion of seats held by blacks in the state legislature. The black representation ratio measures the black seat share relative to the black population share. Parity exists when blacks are represented in the state legislature at a rate that matches their population share. Legislative black caucuses are also studied in this work, representing the institutionalization of the black presence in state legislatures. The first half of the book shows that while black people are critical for explaining black representation in state legislatures, that institutional and non-racial demographic factors also account for the black seat share, black representation ratio, and emergence of state legislative black caucuses. A “demographics is destiny” explanation insufficiently accounts for blacks gaining voice in state legislatures. The second half the book considers the consequences of black representation in state government. On the one hand, a greater black presence increases education spending, black political involvement, and liberalizes black public opinion. On the other hand, an increased black presence is linked with less liberal welfare policy, in particular in places where Democrats hold the majority of state legislative seats. Thus, an increased black presence in the legislature can be seen as a double-edged sword.
Raymond Pierotti and Brandy R. Fogg
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780300226164
- eISBN:
- 9780300231670
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300226164.003.0011
- Subject:
- Environmental Science, Nature
This chapter examines how many types of “dog,” including AKC (American Kennel Club) registered breeds, can be mistaken for wolves by people who have stereotypical ideas of what a wolf is, including ...
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This chapter examines how many types of “dog,” including AKC (American Kennel Club) registered breeds, can be mistaken for wolves by people who have stereotypical ideas of what a wolf is, including some wolf biologists. It deconstructs the concept of “experts” who attempt to make such distinctions, including those who advise state and federal legislators. Moreover, the chapter explores relationships between humans and wolves—both domestic and nondomestic—as social companions by evaluating Raymond Pierotti's experiences as an expert witness distinguishing between dogs and wolves. This type of confused thinking has led to bad laws based upon emotional responses rather than attempts to govern effectively and write laws that improve the functioning of society.Less
This chapter examines how many types of “dog,” including AKC (American Kennel Club) registered breeds, can be mistaken for wolves by people who have stereotypical ideas of what a wolf is, including some wolf biologists. It deconstructs the concept of “experts” who attempt to make such distinctions, including those who advise state and federal legislators. Moreover, the chapter explores relationships between humans and wolves—both domestic and nondomestic—as social companions by evaluating Raymond Pierotti's experiences as an expert witness distinguishing between dogs and wolves. This type of confused thinking has led to bad laws based upon emotional responses rather than attempts to govern effectively and write laws that improve the functioning of society.
Beth Reingold
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- November 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780197502174
- eISBN:
- 9780197502204
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780197502174.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics, Comparative Politics
Chapter 5 explores the concept of intersectional policymaking further by examining closely the content of legislation sponsored by a small subset of Democratic state legislators serving ...
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Chapter 5 explores the concept of intersectional policymaking further by examining closely the content of legislation sponsored by a small subset of Democratic state legislators serving majority-minority constituencies in California, New Jersey, and Texas in 1997 and 2005. What might intersectional policymaking look like and who practices it? The analysis uncovers a wide variety of intersectional proposals, spanning multiple policy arenas and addressing many different problems arising from multiple, intersecting forms of inequality and marginalization. Particularly notable are measures concerning the health and welfare of women of color, immigrants, and others often disproportionately located within low-income communities, as well as criminal justice measures taking on issues of over-policing and mass incarceration that disproportionately affect men and boys of color in similar low-income, urban communities. Most lawmakers in this subsample sponsor at least one intersectional bill, but women of color stand out as the most reliable practitioners of intersectional advocacy.Less
Chapter 5 explores the concept of intersectional policymaking further by examining closely the content of legislation sponsored by a small subset of Democratic state legislators serving majority-minority constituencies in California, New Jersey, and Texas in 1997 and 2005. What might intersectional policymaking look like and who practices it? The analysis uncovers a wide variety of intersectional proposals, spanning multiple policy arenas and addressing many different problems arising from multiple, intersecting forms of inequality and marginalization. Particularly notable are measures concerning the health and welfare of women of color, immigrants, and others often disproportionately located within low-income communities, as well as criminal justice measures taking on issues of over-policing and mass incarceration that disproportionately affect men and boys of color in similar low-income, urban communities. Most lawmakers in this subsample sponsor at least one intersectional bill, but women of color stand out as the most reliable practitioners of intersectional advocacy.
Christian Dyogi Phillips
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- July 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780197538937
- eISBN:
- 9780197538975
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780197538937.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Chapter 2 specifies how the book’s research design operationalizes intersectionality theory through its multi-method and multilevel data collection and analysis. This includes an expanded discussion ...
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Chapter 2 specifies how the book’s research design operationalizes intersectionality theory through its multi-method and multilevel data collection and analysis. This includes an expanded discussion of how using this framework to analyze Asian American women and men, and Latina and Latino candidates, facilitates new understandings of the relationship between race-gendered political processes and electoral opportunity within those communities, and more generally across other groups. The chapter then details the data collection processes for the book’s original datasets. The first is the Gender Race and Communities in Elections dataset, encompassing candidate and district demographic data for every state legislative general election from 1996 to 2015 in 49 states. Next, the American Leadership Survey of state legislators fielded in 2015 is described. And finally, the design for a multi-method case study of Asian American and Latina/o candidate emergence in Los Angeles County is presented.Less
Chapter 2 specifies how the book’s research design operationalizes intersectionality theory through its multi-method and multilevel data collection and analysis. This includes an expanded discussion of how using this framework to analyze Asian American women and men, and Latina and Latino candidates, facilitates new understandings of the relationship between race-gendered political processes and electoral opportunity within those communities, and more generally across other groups. The chapter then details the data collection processes for the book’s original datasets. The first is the Gender Race and Communities in Elections dataset, encompassing candidate and district demographic data for every state legislative general election from 1996 to 2015 in 49 states. Next, the American Leadership Survey of state legislators fielded in 2015 is described. And finally, the design for a multi-method case study of Asian American and Latina/o candidate emergence in Los Angeles County is presented.
Rachel A. Shelden
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781469610856
- eISBN:
- 9781469612683
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469610856.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
This chapter focuses on the young lawyer and former state legislator from Illinois who made his first appearance in Washington as a new member of the Thirtieth Congress. Abraham Lincoln arrived in ...
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This chapter focuses on the young lawyer and former state legislator from Illinois who made his first appearance in Washington as a new member of the Thirtieth Congress. Abraham Lincoln arrived in the capital city with his wife and two children on December 2, 1847, and four days later joined his colleagues in the House of Representatives to begin the new session. The Thirtieth Congress promised to be work-intensive, as Whigs and Democrats continued to battle over the progress of the war with Mexico. Unlike in the Twenty- Ninth Congress, Whigs had gained a majority in the House and would play an important role in the session. In the preceding months, the party had finally developed a policy that Whigs thought could bridge any division between North and South and neutralize the increasingly divisive Wilmot Proviso; they argued the United States should claim “no territory” from the war.Less
This chapter focuses on the young lawyer and former state legislator from Illinois who made his first appearance in Washington as a new member of the Thirtieth Congress. Abraham Lincoln arrived in the capital city with his wife and two children on December 2, 1847, and four days later joined his colleagues in the House of Representatives to begin the new session. The Thirtieth Congress promised to be work-intensive, as Whigs and Democrats continued to battle over the progress of the war with Mexico. Unlike in the Twenty- Ninth Congress, Whigs had gained a majority in the House and would play an important role in the session. In the preceding months, the party had finally developed a policy that Whigs thought could bridge any division between North and South and neutralize the increasingly divisive Wilmot Proviso; they argued the United States should claim “no territory” from the war.
Christopher J. Clark and Ray Block
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- March 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190933562
- eISBN:
- 9780190933593
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190933562.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics, Democratization
A healthy representative democracy requires that citizens be politically involved, and it is especially important to consider the political involvement of groups that are marginalized, such as ...
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A healthy representative democracy requires that citizens be politically involved, and it is especially important to consider the political involvement of groups that are marginalized, such as African Americans. Building on the political empowerment hypothesis, the chapter argues that an increased black seat share and black representation ratio should be associated with increased black political involvement. Using 2008 Cooperative Congressional Election Study data, the chapter describes how in states with an increased black seat share in the legislature blacks are more likely to be highly interested in politics and are more likely to vote. In states with a higher black representation ratio, blacks are more inclined to persuade others to vote. Black representation in the US House does not increase black political involvement, despite being the focus of many scholarly works of political empowerment.Less
A healthy representative democracy requires that citizens be politically involved, and it is especially important to consider the political involvement of groups that are marginalized, such as African Americans. Building on the political empowerment hypothesis, the chapter argues that an increased black seat share and black representation ratio should be associated with increased black political involvement. Using 2008 Cooperative Congressional Election Study data, the chapter describes how in states with an increased black seat share in the legislature blacks are more likely to be highly interested in politics and are more likely to vote. In states with a higher black representation ratio, blacks are more inclined to persuade others to vote. Black representation in the US House does not increase black political involvement, despite being the focus of many scholarly works of political empowerment.
Charles C. Bolton
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- March 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781617037870
- eISBN:
- 9781621039488
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781617037870.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
For more than six decades, William F. Winter (b. 1923) has been one of the most recognizable public figures in Mississippi. His political career spanned the 1940s through the early 1980s, from his ...
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For more than six decades, William F. Winter (b. 1923) has been one of the most recognizable public figures in Mississippi. His political career spanned the 1940s through the early 1980s, from his initial foray into Mississippi politics as James Eastland’s driver during his 1942 campaign for the United States Senate, as state legislator, as state tax collector, as state treasurer, and as lieutenant governor. Winter served as governor of the state of Mississippi from 1980 to 1984. A voice of reason and compromise during the tumultuous civil rights battles, he represented the earliest embodiment of the white moderate politicians who emerged throughout the “New South.” Winter’s leadership played a pivotal role in ushering in the New Mississippi: a society that moved beyond the racial caste system that had defined life in the state for almost a century after emancipation. In many ways, his story over nine decades is also that of the evolution of Mississippi in the second half of the twentieth century. Winter has remained active in public life since retiring from politics following an unsuccessful U.S. Senate campaign against Thad Cochran in 1984. During the last twenty-five years, he has worked with a variety of organizations to champion issues that have always been central to his vision of how to advance the interests of his native state and the South as a whole. Improving the economy, upgrading the educational system, and facilitating racial reconciliation are goals Winter has pursued.Less
For more than six decades, William F. Winter (b. 1923) has been one of the most recognizable public figures in Mississippi. His political career spanned the 1940s through the early 1980s, from his initial foray into Mississippi politics as James Eastland’s driver during his 1942 campaign for the United States Senate, as state legislator, as state tax collector, as state treasurer, and as lieutenant governor. Winter served as governor of the state of Mississippi from 1980 to 1984. A voice of reason and compromise during the tumultuous civil rights battles, he represented the earliest embodiment of the white moderate politicians who emerged throughout the “New South.” Winter’s leadership played a pivotal role in ushering in the New Mississippi: a society that moved beyond the racial caste system that had defined life in the state for almost a century after emancipation. In many ways, his story over nine decades is also that of the evolution of Mississippi in the second half of the twentieth century. Winter has remained active in public life since retiring from politics following an unsuccessful U.S. Senate campaign against Thad Cochran in 1984. During the last twenty-five years, he has worked with a variety of organizations to champion issues that have always been central to his vision of how to advance the interests of his native state and the South as a whole. Improving the economy, upgrading the educational system, and facilitating racial reconciliation are goals Winter has pursued.