You‐tien Hsing
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199568048
- eISBN:
- 9780191721632
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199568048.003.0003
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Political Economy
Chapter 2 discusses local politics at the municipal government level. It focuses on land battles in the urban core between high‐ranking state units (or “socialist land masters”) ...
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Chapter 2 discusses local politics at the municipal government level. It focuses on land battles in the urban core between high‐ranking state units (or “socialist land masters”) and municipal governments. It argues that while the socialist land masters occupy premium land parcels inherited from the planned economy, the municipal government's authority is reinforced by a modernist discourse, Western urban planning doctrines, and recent policies that grant authority over state‐owned urban land to the territorial government. Rather than settling the matter of power in the city, however, municipal leaders' granted authority is tested and defined by their political, regulatory, organizational, and moral authority in negotiations with those above, within, and below them. The municipal government's regulatory capacity is especially challenged by a fragmented real estate industry that includes players from state, non‐state, and hybrid sectors.Less
Chapter 2 discusses local politics at the municipal government level. It focuses on land battles in the urban core between high‐ranking state units (or “socialist land masters”) and municipal governments. It argues that while the socialist land masters occupy premium land parcels inherited from the planned economy, the municipal government's authority is reinforced by a modernist discourse, Western urban planning doctrines, and recent policies that grant authority over state‐owned urban land to the territorial government. Rather than settling the matter of power in the city, however, municipal leaders' granted authority is tested and defined by their political, regulatory, organizational, and moral authority in negotiations with those above, within, and below them. The municipal government's regulatory capacity is especially challenged by a fragmented real estate industry that includes players from state, non‐state, and hybrid sectors.
Matthew Flinders
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199271603
- eISBN:
- 9780191709241
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199271603.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics, Political Economy
The delegation of functions and responsibilities to quasi-autonomous bodies operating with a significant degree of autonomy arguably empowers governments to address a wide range of social issues ...
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The delegation of functions and responsibilities to quasi-autonomous bodies operating with a significant degree of autonomy arguably empowers governments to address a wide range of social issues simultaneously without having to be involved with the minutiae of day-to-day socio-political interactions. Delegation therefore provides a structural and esoteric capacity beyond the cognitive and physical limits of politicians. There is nothing wrong with delegation as such. The problem relates to the failure to manage delegation in Britain. And yet we actually know very little about how the state beyond the core actually operates, how many bodies exist, what they do, how they are recruited, or why they were created. These gaps in our knowledge are all the more problematic in light of recent pronouncements by politicians at the national and European levels that ‘depoliticization’ is a central strand of their approach to governing. This book seeks to fill these gaps in our knowledge while at the same time cultivating a more balanced or sophisticated approach to the study of delegation. Delegated public bodies as they have been used as a tool of governance in the past should not be confused with how they might be used in the future. This book draws upon research conducted within the very core of the British political system during a Whitehall Fellowship within the Cabinet Office. It argues that the British state is ‘walking without order’ due to a general acceptance of the logic of delegation without any detailed or principled consideration of the administrative of democratic consequences of this process.Less
The delegation of functions and responsibilities to quasi-autonomous bodies operating with a significant degree of autonomy arguably empowers governments to address a wide range of social issues simultaneously without having to be involved with the minutiae of day-to-day socio-political interactions. Delegation therefore provides a structural and esoteric capacity beyond the cognitive and physical limits of politicians. There is nothing wrong with delegation as such. The problem relates to the failure to manage delegation in Britain. And yet we actually know very little about how the state beyond the core actually operates, how many bodies exist, what they do, how they are recruited, or why they were created. These gaps in our knowledge are all the more problematic in light of recent pronouncements by politicians at the national and European levels that ‘depoliticization’ is a central strand of their approach to governing. This book seeks to fill these gaps in our knowledge while at the same time cultivating a more balanced or sophisticated approach to the study of delegation. Delegated public bodies as they have been used as a tool of governance in the past should not be confused with how they might be used in the future. This book draws upon research conducted within the very core of the British political system during a Whitehall Fellowship within the Cabinet Office. It argues that the British state is ‘walking without order’ due to a general acceptance of the logic of delegation without any detailed or principled consideration of the administrative of democratic consequences of this process.
Andreas Busch
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199218813
- eISBN:
- 9780191711763
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199218813.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Political Economy
This introductory chapter begins by setting out the context and scope of the book. It presents two theoretical approaches for modelling the relationship between increasing globalization and its ...
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This introductory chapter begins by setting out the context and scope of the book. It presents two theoretical approaches for modelling the relationship between increasing globalization and its effect on state capacity. It discusses the reasons behind the book's focus on the banking sector. An overview of the subsequent chapters is presented.Less
This introductory chapter begins by setting out the context and scope of the book. It presents two theoretical approaches for modelling the relationship between increasing globalization and its effect on state capacity. It discusses the reasons behind the book's focus on the banking sector. An overview of the subsequent chapters is presented.
Matthew Flinders
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199271603
- eISBN:
- 9780191709241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199271603.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics, Political Economy
This final chapter locates the core findings of this book within a number of broader themes and agendas. In particular, it argues for scholarly interest in the politics of delegation to be matched by ...
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This final chapter locates the core findings of this book within a number of broader themes and agendas. In particular, it argues for scholarly interest in the politics of delegation to be matched by what is termed the politicization of delegation. By this, the chapter means that the logic of delegation itself, rather than its consequences, needs to be the focus of critical political analysis in order to push the process back within the sphere of public contestation.Less
This final chapter locates the core findings of this book within a number of broader themes and agendas. In particular, it argues for scholarly interest in the politics of delegation to be matched by what is termed the politicization of delegation. By this, the chapter means that the logic of delegation itself, rather than its consequences, needs to be the focus of critical political analysis in order to push the process back within the sphere of public contestation.
Luiz Carlos Bresser-Pereira
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- November 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199261185
- eISBN:
- 9780191601507
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199261180.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
The basic idea is that activities that use state power should be within the state organization; the state should mainly finance social, cultural, and scientific activities involving externalities and ...
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The basic idea is that activities that use state power should be within the state organization; the state should mainly finance social, cultural, and scientific activities involving externalities and dealing with basic human rights, and public non-state service organization should execute them. Additionally, public management reform is concerned with the democratic character of government officials’ decisions. Thus, while it emphasizes more autonomy for government officials in their decisions, given the complexity of the problems that government faces today and the speed required for some decisions, it demands, as a trade-off, greater transparency and accountability in the decision-making process. Finally, public management reform’s objective is not just to make the state organization more efficient but to build state capacity.Less
The basic idea is that activities that use state power should be within the state organization; the state should mainly finance social, cultural, and scientific activities involving externalities and dealing with basic human rights, and public non-state service organization should execute them. Additionally, public management reform is concerned with the democratic character of government officials’ decisions. Thus, while it emphasizes more autonomy for government officials in their decisions, given the complexity of the problems that government faces today and the speed required for some decisions, it demands, as a trade-off, greater transparency and accountability in the decision-making process. Finally, public management reform’s objective is not just to make the state organization more efficient but to build state capacity.
Max. M Edling
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780195148701
- eISBN:
- 9780199835096
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195148703.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Chapter 5 and the corresponding Ch. 10 in Part Three of the book provide background accounts of political development in the USA from the American War of Independence to the Philadelphia Convention, ...
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Chapter 5 and the corresponding Ch. 10 in Part Three of the book provide background accounts of political development in the USA from the American War of Independence to the Philadelphia Convention, and establish that, by 1787, Congress was marked by military weakness and financial insolvency. Here, the background is given to the conflict between the Federalists and the Antifederalists over the military clauses of the US Constitution, a conflict that is analyzed in Chs 6–8 (the debate over the fiscal clauses is analyzed in Part Three of the book). It is argued that two principles frustrated the ability of the Confederation Congress to provide the union with the military capacity it needed to function: first, the sovereignty of the states; and, second, the strong aversion in the American political tradition to a peacetime standing army. In the end, these principles led Congress to become passive in foreign affairs. Ends with an attempt to locate the Federalist demand for an improved military capacity of the national state not in the context of militarism, but in the context of the promotion of commerce.Less
Chapter 5 and the corresponding Ch. 10 in Part Three of the book provide background accounts of political development in the USA from the American War of Independence to the Philadelphia Convention, and establish that, by 1787, Congress was marked by military weakness and financial insolvency. Here, the background is given to the conflict between the Federalists and the Antifederalists over the military clauses of the US Constitution, a conflict that is analyzed in Chs 6–8 (the debate over the fiscal clauses is analyzed in Part Three of the book). It is argued that two principles frustrated the ability of the Confederation Congress to provide the union with the military capacity it needed to function: first, the sovereignty of the states; and, second, the strong aversion in the American political tradition to a peacetime standing army. In the end, these principles led Congress to become passive in foreign affairs. Ends with an attempt to locate the Federalist demand for an improved military capacity of the national state not in the context of militarism, but in the context of the promotion of commerce.
Matthew Flinders
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199271603
- eISBN:
- 9780191709241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199271603.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics, Political Economy
State structures have been radically reformulated in recent decades. In both developed and developing countries a neo-liberal informed model or narrative of ‘good governance’ has seen many functions ...
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State structures have been radically reformulated in recent decades. In both developed and developing countries a neo-liberal informed model or narrative of ‘good governance’ has seen many functions and responsibilities hived-off or delegated beyond the direct control of politicians and public officials. However, the state has not been ‘withered away’ or ‘rolled back’ — it has been transformed. This chapter examines how this transformation has been based upon the notion of delegation and why this matters, in both administrative and democratic terms.Less
State structures have been radically reformulated in recent decades. In both developed and developing countries a neo-liberal informed model or narrative of ‘good governance’ has seen many functions and responsibilities hived-off or delegated beyond the direct control of politicians and public officials. However, the state has not been ‘withered away’ or ‘rolled back’ — it has been transformed. This chapter examines how this transformation has been based upon the notion of delegation and why this matters, in both administrative and democratic terms.
Timothy Besley and Torsten Persson
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691152684
- eISBN:
- 9781400840526
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691152684.003.0005
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, History of Economic Thought
This chapter summarizes the lessons from Chapter 4 in the form of a function that describes endogenous political turnover. This preliminary allows us to study equilibrium investments in fiscal and ...
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This chapter summarizes the lessons from Chapter 4 in the form of a function that describes endogenous political turnover. This preliminary allows us to study equilibrium investments in fiscal and legal capacity in the comprehensive core model. Section 5.2 develops the model by adding private capital formation along the same lines as in Section 3.2.3, but in a setting where the risk of civil war affects the expected return to private investment. Section 5.3 discusses the empirical implications of our comprehensive framework and how it can be used to interpret observed patterns in the data. Section 5.4 puts the typologies of investment states and violence states together into an Anna Karenina principle of development, an allusion to the Tolstoy quote at the beginning of the chapter. It also briefly revisits the possibility of a predatory state and observes how this enriches our understanding of nonprosperity.Less
This chapter summarizes the lessons from Chapter 4 in the form of a function that describes endogenous political turnover. This preliminary allows us to study equilibrium investments in fiscal and legal capacity in the comprehensive core model. Section 5.2 develops the model by adding private capital formation along the same lines as in Section 3.2.3, but in a setting where the risk of civil war affects the expected return to private investment. Section 5.3 discusses the empirical implications of our comprehensive framework and how it can be used to interpret observed patterns in the data. Section 5.4 puts the typologies of investment states and violence states together into an Anna Karenina principle of development, an allusion to the Tolstoy quote at the beginning of the chapter. It also briefly revisits the possibility of a predatory state and observes how this enriches our understanding of nonprosperity.
Timothy Besley and Torsten Persson
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691152684
- eISBN:
- 9781400840526
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691152684.003.0004
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, History of Economic Thought
This chapter attempts to integrate two different strands of research on political violence, developing a theoretical model to analyze the common roots of repression and civil war. Under specific ...
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This chapter attempts to integrate two different strands of research on political violence, developing a theoretical model to analyze the common roots of repression and civil war. Under specific assumptions about the conflict technology, it shows that peace, repression (one-sided violence), and civil war (two-sided violence) become ordered states depending on a common underlying latent variable, which is shifted by shocks to the value of public goods, wages, aid, and resource rents. But these effects only emerge when political institutions do not provide sufficient checks and balances on the ruling group or adequate protection for those excluded from power. The chapter also shows how to start bridging the gap between theoretical modeling and econometric testing. Under specific assumptions on what can be observed, the predictions from the model can be taken to the data by estimating either an ordered logit or the conditional probability of transition from peace to violence or from non-civil war to civil war. The empirical strategy here is much sharper than in earlier chapters and shows that the kind of theory we are building can help us approach the data in a specific way.Less
This chapter attempts to integrate two different strands of research on political violence, developing a theoretical model to analyze the common roots of repression and civil war. Under specific assumptions about the conflict technology, it shows that peace, repression (one-sided violence), and civil war (two-sided violence) become ordered states depending on a common underlying latent variable, which is shifted by shocks to the value of public goods, wages, aid, and resource rents. But these effects only emerge when political institutions do not provide sufficient checks and balances on the ruling group or adequate protection for those excluded from power. The chapter also shows how to start bridging the gap between theoretical modeling and econometric testing. Under specific assumptions on what can be observed, the predictions from the model can be taken to the data by estimating either an ordered logit or the conditional probability of transition from peace to violence or from non-civil war to civil war. The empirical strategy here is much sharper than in earlier chapters and shows that the kind of theory we are building can help us approach the data in a specific way.
Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195144260
- eISBN:
- 9780199833931
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195144260.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Islamism is often associated with oppositional social movements. However, increasingly, Muslim states too have served as agents of Islamism. They have adopted Islamization strategies, and realigned ...
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Islamism is often associated with oppositional social movements. However, increasingly, Muslim states too have served as agents of Islamism. They have adopted Islamization strategies, and realigned state ideology and policy‐making to reflect Islamist ideals and to fulfill demands of Islamic ideology. They have done so not only as a reaction to Islamist challenges from below but also to harness the energies of Islamism to expand state power and capacity. By co‐opting Islamism, they have strengthened the postcolonial state. Pakistan during the Zia ul‐Haq period, and Malaysia under Mahathir Mohammad have been at the forefront of this trend, devising Islamization from above strategies that allowed these weak states to effectively alleviate limitations before exercise of state power and to pursue goals such as economic growth. The Islamization of the postcolonial state underscores the importance of religion and culture to state power and capacity.Less
Islamism is often associated with oppositional social movements. However, increasingly, Muslim states too have served as agents of Islamism. They have adopted Islamization strategies, and realigned state ideology and policy‐making to reflect Islamist ideals and to fulfill demands of Islamic ideology. They have done so not only as a reaction to Islamist challenges from below but also to harness the energies of Islamism to expand state power and capacity. By co‐opting Islamism, they have strengthened the postcolonial state. Pakistan during the Zia ul‐Haq period, and Malaysia under Mahathir Mohammad have been at the forefront of this trend, devising Islamization from above strategies that allowed these weak states to effectively alleviate limitations before exercise of state power and to pursue goals such as economic growth. The Islamization of the postcolonial state underscores the importance of religion and culture to state power and capacity.
François Bourguignon and Thierry Verdier
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199659036
- eISBN:
- 9780191749032
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199659036.003.0011
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This chapter discusses the issue of taxation and redistribution in economies dominated by elites with limited state capacity. Within a simple aggregate framework, we discuss the political economy ...
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This chapter discusses the issue of taxation and redistribution in economies dominated by elites with limited state capacity. Within a simple aggregate framework, we discuss the political economy incentives of elites to tax, redistribute, and increase state capacity. In particular, the analysis highlights the role of complementarities or substitutability in the production process between the factors controlled by the elite and other social groups, and shows the existence of natural increasing returns for elites to increase state capacity. The chapter also discusses how the incentives for state capacity building are affected by political threats of power shiftingLess
This chapter discusses the issue of taxation and redistribution in economies dominated by elites with limited state capacity. Within a simple aggregate framework, we discuss the political economy incentives of elites to tax, redistribute, and increase state capacity. In particular, the analysis highlights the role of complementarities or substitutability in the production process between the factors controlled by the elite and other social groups, and shows the existence of natural increasing returns for elites to increase state capacity. The chapter also discusses how the incentives for state capacity building are affected by political threats of power shifting
Lawrence P. King
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199206483
- eISBN:
- 9780191709715
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199206483.003.0011
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Political Economy
This chapter argues that any incorporation of the CEE economies into the VoC framework must take into account two fundamental features of these economic systems: an almost complete lack of ...
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This chapter argues that any incorporation of the CEE economies into the VoC framework must take into account two fundamental features of these economic systems: an almost complete lack of working-class political mobilization and a completely outdated technological structure. As a result, there is great reliance on foreign investors and foreign purchasers for providing technology transfer and the training of manpower. The chapter conceptualizes this VoC as ‘liberal dependent post-communist capitalism’ to highlight the liberal nature of the state and the dependent nature of the economy. In most the rest of the post-communist world, foreign direct investment, or FDI, and foreign manufacturers play a much smaller role. Instead, patron-client relationships ensnare major enterprises, leading to a decomposition of the bureaucratic (in the Weberian sense of the term) nature of the state. This produces a different variety of post-communist capitalism.Less
This chapter argues that any incorporation of the CEE economies into the VoC framework must take into account two fundamental features of these economic systems: an almost complete lack of working-class political mobilization and a completely outdated technological structure. As a result, there is great reliance on foreign investors and foreign purchasers for providing technology transfer and the training of manpower. The chapter conceptualizes this VoC as ‘liberal dependent post-communist capitalism’ to highlight the liberal nature of the state and the dependent nature of the economy. In most the rest of the post-communist world, foreign direct investment, or FDI, and foreign manufacturers play a much smaller role. Instead, patron-client relationships ensnare major enterprises, leading to a decomposition of the bureaucratic (in the Weberian sense of the term) nature of the state. This produces a different variety of post-communist capitalism.
Oisín Tansey
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199561032
- eISBN:
- 9780191721496
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199561032.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Democratization
This concluding chapter restates and further examines the findings of the book in detail. The first section explores the impact of democratic regime-building operations across the three cases, paying ...
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This concluding chapter restates and further examines the findings of the book in detail. The first section explores the impact of democratic regime-building operations across the three cases, paying particular attention to the mechanisms of influence and the influence on the mode of transition. The second section identifies a range of challenges to democratic regime-building, including the inherent limitations of international democracy promotion in these settings and the role of domestic state weakness and political divisions. Subsequent sections then examine a set of further issues, including the implications of the findings for theory and for policy, and the scope of the book's findings.Less
This concluding chapter restates and further examines the findings of the book in detail. The first section explores the impact of democratic regime-building operations across the three cases, paying particular attention to the mechanisms of influence and the influence on the mode of transition. The second section identifies a range of challenges to democratic regime-building, including the inherent limitations of international democracy promotion in these settings and the role of domestic state weakness and political divisions. Subsequent sections then examine a set of further issues, including the implications of the findings for theory and for policy, and the scope of the book's findings.
Robert Mickey
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691133386
- eISBN:
- 9781400838783
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691133386.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This book examines the democratization of authoritarian enclaves in America's Deep South during the period 1944–1972. Through a comparative historical analysis of the experiences of Georgia, ...
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This book examines the democratization of authoritarian enclaves in America's Deep South during the period 1944–1972. Through a comparative historical analysis of the experiences of Georgia, Mississippi, and South Carolina, it shows how the cohesion of elites and party–state capacity contributed to differences in modes of democratization across the Deep South. It suggests that the advancement of Republicans was in part a consequence and a cause of these democratization processes. This introductory chapter discusses some of the alternative perspectives on postwar southern political culture, along with the role of the political economy and black insurgency in southern political development. It also describes the phenomenon of authoritarian enclaves and offers some intuitions about how they might be democratized, focusing on subnational authoritarianism and subnational democratization. Finally, it provides an overview of the book's research design and summarizes the findings to come.Less
This book examines the democratization of authoritarian enclaves in America's Deep South during the period 1944–1972. Through a comparative historical analysis of the experiences of Georgia, Mississippi, and South Carolina, it shows how the cohesion of elites and party–state capacity contributed to differences in modes of democratization across the Deep South. It suggests that the advancement of Republicans was in part a consequence and a cause of these democratization processes. This introductory chapter discusses some of the alternative perspectives on postwar southern political culture, along with the role of the political economy and black insurgency in southern political development. It also describes the phenomenon of authoritarian enclaves and offers some intuitions about how they might be democratized, focusing on subnational authoritarianism and subnational democratization. Finally, it provides an overview of the book's research design and summarizes the findings to come.
You‐il Lee
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199646210
- eISBN:
- 9780191741630
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199646210.003.0007
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, South and East Asia
To what extent South Korea adopted neoliberal reforms and thus conformed to the pressures of globalization is explored in this chapter. After the Asian financial crisis of 1997, South Korea was ...
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To what extent South Korea adopted neoliberal reforms and thus conformed to the pressures of globalization is explored in this chapter. After the Asian financial crisis of 1997, South Korea was compelled to adopt IMF-style liberalization policies and, by implication, to abandon economic nationalism. However, this chapter argues otherwise. The evolution of Korea’s economic trajectory since World War II shows that no real shift has taken place in Korea’s economic nationalist trajectory despite the adoption of Segyehwa (iglobalization policies) in the early 1990s incorporated under outward foreign direct investments by Korean business followed by inward foreign investment. Despite deep international economic integration, the capacity of the Korean state has not diminished nor has the traditional nationalist development trajectory reversed. The Korean state remains developmental, neo-mercantilist, and economically nationalist.Less
To what extent South Korea adopted neoliberal reforms and thus conformed to the pressures of globalization is explored in this chapter. After the Asian financial crisis of 1997, South Korea was compelled to adopt IMF-style liberalization policies and, by implication, to abandon economic nationalism. However, this chapter argues otherwise. The evolution of Korea’s economic trajectory since World War II shows that no real shift has taken place in Korea’s economic nationalist trajectory despite the adoption of Segyehwa (iglobalization policies) in the early 1990s incorporated under outward foreign direct investments by Korean business followed by inward foreign investment. Despite deep international economic integration, the capacity of the Korean state has not diminished nor has the traditional nationalist development trajectory reversed. The Korean state remains developmental, neo-mercantilist, and economically nationalist.
Kenneth Dyson
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- August 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780198714071
- eISBN:
- 9780191782558
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198714071.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter examines the difficulties in defining ‘excessive’ external imbalance and external debt. It begins by addressing the issue of ‘original sin’, focusing on Austro-Hungary, Greece, and ...
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This chapter examines the difficulties in defining ‘excessive’ external imbalance and external debt. It begins by addressing the issue of ‘original sin’, focusing on Austro-Hungary, Greece, and Spain, and the implications of excessive imbalances and debt for state power. It sets these issues in the contexts of the distinctive characteristics of creditor-debtor state relations. The chapter shows how states are stress-tested using a series of indicators: current accounts, unit labour costs, inflation-rate differentials, domestic savings rates, and net household wealth in the case of external imbalances; gross external debt/GDP ratio, external debt service payments and exports, and foreign-exchange reserves in the case of external debt. The chapter analyses the buffers that states can erect against these types of crisis: export-led growth, size and liquidity of domestic bond market, and foreign-exchange reserves. It concludes by considering external risk management as an imprecise science, stressing the overall importance of private sector and state capacity.Less
This chapter examines the difficulties in defining ‘excessive’ external imbalance and external debt. It begins by addressing the issue of ‘original sin’, focusing on Austro-Hungary, Greece, and Spain, and the implications of excessive imbalances and debt for state power. It sets these issues in the contexts of the distinctive characteristics of creditor-debtor state relations. The chapter shows how states are stress-tested using a series of indicators: current accounts, unit labour costs, inflation-rate differentials, domestic savings rates, and net household wealth in the case of external imbalances; gross external debt/GDP ratio, external debt service payments and exports, and foreign-exchange reserves in the case of external debt. The chapter analyses the buffers that states can erect against these types of crisis: export-led growth, size and liquidity of domestic bond market, and foreign-exchange reserves. It concludes by considering external risk management as an imprecise science, stressing the overall importance of private sector and state capacity.
Prerna Singh and Matthias vom Hau
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780198722564
- eISBN:
- 9780191789250
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198722564.003.0009
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
A large and influential literature in political economy argues that ethnic fractionalization impedes public goods provision. This chapter critically reassesses the main causal mechanism that supports ...
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A large and influential literature in political economy argues that ethnic fractionalization impedes public goods provision. This chapter critically reassesses the main causal mechanism that supports this body of scholarship. Most of the works in this research tradition focus on inter-ethnic cooperation, hypothesizing that ethnic fractionalization leads to conflicting preferences, which in turn prevent inter-ethnic cooperation, either to generate desired goods or to pressure the state to provide them. Yet, such an exclusive focus on inter-ethnic cooperation ignores a wide array of other plausible causal pathways. In response, this chapter identifies three broad sets of mechanisms through which ethnicity might impact on state capacity: collective action by ethnic groups (whether in the form of inter-ethnic cooperation or ethnic mobilization), the actions and perceptions of other collective actors (whether societal elites or state officials), and institutional change (whether of formal or informal institutions).Less
A large and influential literature in political economy argues that ethnic fractionalization impedes public goods provision. This chapter critically reassesses the main causal mechanism that supports this body of scholarship. Most of the works in this research tradition focus on inter-ethnic cooperation, hypothesizing that ethnic fractionalization leads to conflicting preferences, which in turn prevent inter-ethnic cooperation, either to generate desired goods or to pressure the state to provide them. Yet, such an exclusive focus on inter-ethnic cooperation ignores a wide array of other plausible causal pathways. In response, this chapter identifies three broad sets of mechanisms through which ethnicity might impact on state capacity: collective action by ethnic groups (whether in the form of inter-ethnic cooperation or ethnic mobilization), the actions and perceptions of other collective actors (whether societal elites or state officials), and institutional change (whether of formal or informal institutions).
Sumit Ganguly and William R. Thompson
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780300215922
- eISBN:
- 9780300224993
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300215922.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Indian History
This chapter focuses on conceptualizing and measuring state strength. Measuring anything in politics, let alone state strength, is never straightforward. By and large, state strength measurements ...
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This chapter focuses on conceptualizing and measuring state strength. Measuring anything in politics, let alone state strength, is never straightforward. By and large, state strength measurements usually arise in analyses of civil war and in studies discussing failed states. Multiple indicators have been used to capture three different emphases on state capacity or strength: military, bureaucratic/administrative, and political institution quality and coherence. Military capacity refers to the standard Weberian focus on the state's monopoly of the use of legitimate force within the state's boundaries. Bureaucratic/administrative capacity stresses the ability of the state to monitor problems and to address them in a way that is considered to be fair and unbiased. Lastly, in political institution quality and coherence, the measurement emphasis has usually been placed on assuming that regimes that are neither consolidated autocracies nor democracies are likely to be less coherent and to be characterized by poor-quality institutions.Less
This chapter focuses on conceptualizing and measuring state strength. Measuring anything in politics, let alone state strength, is never straightforward. By and large, state strength measurements usually arise in analyses of civil war and in studies discussing failed states. Multiple indicators have been used to capture three different emphases on state capacity or strength: military, bureaucratic/administrative, and political institution quality and coherence. Military capacity refers to the standard Weberian focus on the state's monopoly of the use of legitimate force within the state's boundaries. Bureaucratic/administrative capacity stresses the ability of the state to monitor problems and to address them in a way that is considered to be fair and unbiased. Lastly, in political institution quality and coherence, the measurement emphasis has usually been placed on assuming that regimes that are neither consolidated autocracies nor democracies are likely to be less coherent and to be characterized by poor-quality institutions.
Felicity Matthews
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199585991
- eISBN:
- 9780191756061
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199585991.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics, Comparative Politics
This final chapter is devoted to considering the question posed at the outset: ‘To what extent do theories of governance encapsulate and account for the contemporary topography of the state?’ In ...
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This final chapter is devoted to considering the question posed at the outset: ‘To what extent do theories of governance encapsulate and account for the contemporary topography of the state?’ In doing so, the chapter posits a more refined understanding of state capacity that encapsulates both institutional and socio-political forms of control, leverage, and influence: a third wave of governance. The central focus of this third wave is ‘the paradox of state capacity’, which identifies and explores a simultaneous process through which states have sought to develop and foster new forms of central capacity whilst at the very same time transferring key control levers to a range of semi-independent organizational forms. Viewed from this perspective, the ‘paradox of state capacity’ develops the analytical leverage of existing scholarship, whilst illuminating the linkage between governance-related debates and broader socio-political concerns, including rising public expectations and the emergence of new policy challenges.Less
This final chapter is devoted to considering the question posed at the outset: ‘To what extent do theories of governance encapsulate and account for the contemporary topography of the state?’ In doing so, the chapter posits a more refined understanding of state capacity that encapsulates both institutional and socio-political forms of control, leverage, and influence: a third wave of governance. The central focus of this third wave is ‘the paradox of state capacity’, which identifies and explores a simultaneous process through which states have sought to develop and foster new forms of central capacity whilst at the very same time transferring key control levers to a range of semi-independent organizational forms. Viewed from this perspective, the ‘paradox of state capacity’ develops the analytical leverage of existing scholarship, whilst illuminating the linkage between governance-related debates and broader socio-political concerns, including rising public expectations and the emergence of new policy challenges.
Sumit Ganguly and William R. Thompson
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780300215922
- eISBN:
- 9780300224993
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300215922.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Indian History
This introductory chapter assesses state capacity in India. There is little question, as many boosters of India's rise have argued, that the Indian state has exhibited considerable ability to tackle ...
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This introductory chapter assesses state capacity in India. There is little question, as many boosters of India's rise have argued, that the Indian state has exhibited considerable ability to tackle diverse challenges since its emergence from the collapse of the British Indian Empire. It has, for the most part, successfully fended off external challenges to its territorial integrity; it has worn down a series of secessionist insurgencies and has managed to cope with the many fissiparous tendencies of ethnic, class, and religious cleavages that some analysts thought would tear the country apart in the 1960s. However, state capacity remains paradoxical in India. India does not possess a weak state, but neither does it have a strong state. Its state capacity falls in between the conventional weak-strong continuum. As a consequence, the Indian state manifests both strengths and weakness, sometimes simultaneously, sometimes intermittently.Less
This introductory chapter assesses state capacity in India. There is little question, as many boosters of India's rise have argued, that the Indian state has exhibited considerable ability to tackle diverse challenges since its emergence from the collapse of the British Indian Empire. It has, for the most part, successfully fended off external challenges to its territorial integrity; it has worn down a series of secessionist insurgencies and has managed to cope with the many fissiparous tendencies of ethnic, class, and religious cleavages that some analysts thought would tear the country apart in the 1960s. However, state capacity remains paradoxical in India. India does not possess a weak state, but neither does it have a strong state. Its state capacity falls in between the conventional weak-strong continuum. As a consequence, the Indian state manifests both strengths and weakness, sometimes simultaneously, sometimes intermittently.
