Guillermo O'Donnell
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199256372
- eISBN:
- 9780191602368
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199256373.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter examines horizontal accountability (HA) in Latin American state agencies. It considers two main directions in which HA may come into play: the unlawful encroachment by one state agency ...
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This chapter examines horizontal accountability (HA) in Latin American state agencies. It considers two main directions in which HA may come into play: the unlawful encroachment by one state agency upon the proper authority of another; and corruption, which consists of unlawful advantages that public officials obtain for themselves and/or their associates. It argues that when the responsibilities of HA exist in the law but the respective agencies are made ineffective by superior powers, the transgressions of these powers will be facilitated, and agencies will be discredited.Less
This chapter examines horizontal accountability (HA) in Latin American state agencies. It considers two main directions in which HA may come into play: the unlawful encroachment by one state agency upon the proper authority of another; and corruption, which consists of unlawful advantages that public officials obtain for themselves and/or their associates. It argues that when the responsibilities of HA exist in the law but the respective agencies are made ineffective by superior powers, the transgressions of these powers will be facilitated, and agencies will be discredited.
Brian F. Crisp and Matthew Soberg Shugart
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199256372
- eISBN:
- 9780191602368
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199256373.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter presents accountability as an inherently vertical relationship. It discusses the conflicts between vertical accountability, horizontal exchange, and superintendence in presidential ...
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This chapter presents accountability as an inherently vertical relationship. It discusses the conflicts between vertical accountability, horizontal exchange, and superintendence in presidential systems. It is argued that the relations between agents of the state are a function of their connections to the ultimate principal — the citizenry. The proliferation of superintendence agencies may raise expectations that cannot be met without an overhaul of the institutions of vertical accountability in Latin America.Less
This chapter presents accountability as an inherently vertical relationship. It discusses the conflicts between vertical accountability, horizontal exchange, and superintendence in presidential systems. It is argued that the relations between agents of the state are a function of their connections to the ultimate principal — the citizenry. The proliferation of superintendence agencies may raise expectations that cannot be met without an overhaul of the institutions of vertical accountability in Latin America.
Charles D. Kenney
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199256372
- eISBN:
- 9780191602368
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199256373.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter explores the concept of horizontal accountability in Latin America. It presents a definition of horizontal accountability in which the agents of accountability are limited to those ...
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This chapter explores the concept of horizontal accountability in Latin America. It presents a definition of horizontal accountability in which the agents of accountability are limited to those within the state, and in which the scope of accountability is limited to actions or omissions that are unlawful. It argues that the democratic legitimacy achieved by undemocratic leaders such as Fujimori in Peru and Chavez in Venezuela lies in their massive public support which constitutes a democratic trump of their more republic opposition. Those who raise the republican banner of horizontal accountability have themselves lost even the republic bases for legitimacy.Less
This chapter explores the concept of horizontal accountability in Latin America. It presents a definition of horizontal accountability in which the agents of accountability are limited to those within the state, and in which the scope of accountability is limited to actions or omissions that are unlawful. It argues that the democratic legitimacy achieved by undemocratic leaders such as Fujimori in Peru and Chavez in Venezuela lies in their massive public support which constitutes a democratic trump of their more republic opposition. Those who raise the republican banner of horizontal accountability have themselves lost even the republic bases for legitimacy.
Paul Corner
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198730699
- eISBN:
- 9780191741753
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198730699.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The chapter looks closely at the levels of activity of the local fascist organisations and the degree to which the fascist movement managed to penetrate local society through the use of local ...
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The chapter looks closely at the levels of activity of the local fascist organisations and the degree to which the fascist movement managed to penetrate local society through the use of local traditions festivities, and sport. It then returns to the question of the malfunctioning and paralysis of local party organisations, often because of loss of reputation of local leaders and poor party personnel, concluding that the often frenetic organisation of non-political activities was not reflected, as was intended, in a politicisation of the population. The chapter ends with a survey of the various ways in which the regime was present in the provinces through State agencies (enti) which did not involve the fascist party directly.Less
The chapter looks closely at the levels of activity of the local fascist organisations and the degree to which the fascist movement managed to penetrate local society through the use of local traditions festivities, and sport. It then returns to the question of the malfunctioning and paralysis of local party organisations, often because of loss of reputation of local leaders and poor party personnel, concluding that the often frenetic organisation of non-political activities was not reflected, as was intended, in a politicisation of the population. The chapter ends with a survey of the various ways in which the regime was present in the provinces through State agencies (enti) which did not involve the fascist party directly.
Nils Melzer
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199533169
- eISBN:
- 9780191714511
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199533169.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration, Public International Law
This chapter introduces the analytical scope and approach of the book. It clarifies the parameters determining the attributability of targeted killings to states under international law, including ...
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This chapter introduces the analytical scope and approach of the book. It clarifies the parameters determining the attributability of targeted killings to states under international law, including the concepts of de iure and de facto state agency. It then discusses the interrelation of the international legal frameworks applicable to such state-sponsored targeted killings, namely the law of interstate force, human rights law and humanitarian law. The chapter concludes by explaining the conceptual approach underlying the subsequent analysis, which is based on the two distinct international normative paradigms of law enforcement and of hostilities.Less
This chapter introduces the analytical scope and approach of the book. It clarifies the parameters determining the attributability of targeted killings to states under international law, including the concepts of de iure and de facto state agency. It then discusses the interrelation of the international legal frameworks applicable to such state-sponsored targeted killings, namely the law of interstate force, human rights law and humanitarian law. The chapter concludes by explaining the conceptual approach underlying the subsequent analysis, which is based on the two distinct international normative paradigms of law enforcement and of hostilities.
Nina Eliasoph
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691147093
- eISBN:
- 9781400838820
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691147093.003.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Stratification, Inequality, and Mobility
This chapter is an overview of “empowerment projects.” It shows how empowerment projects are supposed to blend different kinds of people and different kinds of organizations—civic association, state ...
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This chapter is an overview of “empowerment projects.” It shows how empowerment projects are supposed to blend different kinds of people and different kinds of organizations—civic association, state agency, nonprofit organization, family, and cultural tradition. Since funding is usually short-term, all of this blending has to happen flexibly, rapidly, and transparently, with documentation for multiple sources, each with a separate form. Organizers celebrate all this melting of stiff boundaries, finding it exciting and empowering. But the blending also produces tensions, as it is often hard to juggle this many different types of relationships all in one place, all at once.Less
This chapter is an overview of “empowerment projects.” It shows how empowerment projects are supposed to blend different kinds of people and different kinds of organizations—civic association, state agency, nonprofit organization, family, and cultural tradition. Since funding is usually short-term, all of this blending has to happen flexibly, rapidly, and transparently, with documentation for multiple sources, each with a separate form. Organizers celebrate all this melting of stiff boundaries, finding it exciting and empowering. But the blending also produces tensions, as it is often hard to juggle this many different types of relationships all in one place, all at once.
Timothy Melley
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801451232
- eISBN:
- 9780801465918
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801451232.003.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, American, 20th Century Literature
This introductory chapter discusses the emergence of covert state agencies and the covert sphere. During the Truman administration in 1947, the National Security Act established the Central ...
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This introductory chapter discusses the emergence of covert state agencies and the covert sphere. During the Truman administration in 1947, the National Security Act established the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and placed it under the guidance of a new National Security Council (NSC) within the executive branch. In the next four years, the CIA's covert operations section grew by 2,000 percent. This led to the rise of the covert sphere, a cultural imaginary shaped by both institutional secrecy and public fascination with the secret work of the state. It is an array of discursive forms and cultural institutions such as novels, films, television series, and electronic games, through which the public can discuss or fantasize the covert aspects of the state. This book argues that the covert sphere inspired a large body of narrative and visual culture, generated cynicism about the government, raised skepticism about historical narrative, and contributed significantly to the rise of postmodernism.Less
This introductory chapter discusses the emergence of covert state agencies and the covert sphere. During the Truman administration in 1947, the National Security Act established the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and placed it under the guidance of a new National Security Council (NSC) within the executive branch. In the next four years, the CIA's covert operations section grew by 2,000 percent. This led to the rise of the covert sphere, a cultural imaginary shaped by both institutional secrecy and public fascination with the secret work of the state. It is an array of discursive forms and cultural institutions such as novels, films, television series, and electronic games, through which the public can discuss or fantasize the covert aspects of the state. This book argues that the covert sphere inspired a large body of narrative and visual culture, generated cynicism about the government, raised skepticism about historical narrative, and contributed significantly to the rise of postmodernism.
M. Sajjad Hassan
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195692976
- eISBN:
- 9780199081547
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195692976.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Indian Politics
This chapter looks at how agencies of the state in Manipur perform in terms of their basic functions. In Manipur, the state's failure to dominate the rule system and provide secure property rights ...
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This chapter looks at how agencies of the state in Manipur perform in terms of their basic functions. In Manipur, the state's failure to dominate the rule system and provide secure property rights has undermined its centrality in the lives of its citizens. Community-specific ‘tribal’ organizations have obtained de facto authority in society, undermining state leaders' social control. Quality of revenue governance, including poor performance of tax collection machinery and a poor tax structure, are some of the reasons contributing to poor revenue extraction in Manipur. Rising unemployment sets up the issue of conflicts over opportunities, resources, and power that fuelled the breakdown in Manipur. A variety of factors have led to the reduced ability of state agencies to monopolize security in Manipur and provide protection to its citizens. Paralysis of state agencies, their weaknesses, and poor authority have undermined the state's role in resolving intercommunity conflicts.Less
This chapter looks at how agencies of the state in Manipur perform in terms of their basic functions. In Manipur, the state's failure to dominate the rule system and provide secure property rights has undermined its centrality in the lives of its citizens. Community-specific ‘tribal’ organizations have obtained de facto authority in society, undermining state leaders' social control. Quality of revenue governance, including poor performance of tax collection machinery and a poor tax structure, are some of the reasons contributing to poor revenue extraction in Manipur. Rising unemployment sets up the issue of conflicts over opportunities, resources, and power that fuelled the breakdown in Manipur. A variety of factors have led to the reduced ability of state agencies to monopolize security in Manipur and provide protection to its citizens. Paralysis of state agencies, their weaknesses, and poor authority have undermined the state's role in resolving intercommunity conflicts.
M. Sajjad Hassan
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195692976
- eISBN:
- 9780199081547
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195692976.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Indian Politics
This chapter provides a discussion on the resiliency of the Mizo state. Changes in the legal system in Mizoram have helped strengthen the authority of state institutions. Mizo law enforcement ...
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This chapter provides a discussion on the resiliency of the Mizo state. Changes in the legal system in Mizoram have helped strengthen the authority of state institutions. Mizo law enforcement agencies often receive useful help from social organizations in resolving crimes and in maintaining order. State agencies in Mizoram appear to have maintained their monopoly over the rule system, thus retaining their legitimacy in society. Mizoram continues to show leadership in education administration. A rebel organization that had been violently challenging the authority of the state was co-opted into the state structure. Strong organizational capacity of the Mizo National Front (MNF) has helped make the Mizo peace accord one of the most successful in the country. The nature of the challenge to state authority in Mizoram is addressed in this chapter. The ruling coalition in Mizoram is evidently very secure in its stability.Less
This chapter provides a discussion on the resiliency of the Mizo state. Changes in the legal system in Mizoram have helped strengthen the authority of state institutions. Mizo law enforcement agencies often receive useful help from social organizations in resolving crimes and in maintaining order. State agencies in Mizoram appear to have maintained their monopoly over the rule system, thus retaining their legitimacy in society. Mizoram continues to show leadership in education administration. A rebel organization that had been violently challenging the authority of the state was co-opted into the state structure. Strong organizational capacity of the Mizo National Front (MNF) has helped make the Mizo peace accord one of the most successful in the country. The nature of the challenge to state authority in Mizoram is addressed in this chapter. The ruling coalition in Mizoram is evidently very secure in its stability.
M. Sajjad Hassan
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195692976
- eISBN:
- 9780199081547
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195692976.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Indian Politics
This chapter compares the account of the variance in conflict and political order to that provided in the literature on Northeast India and specifically in the conflict literature. The author ...
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This chapter compares the account of the variance in conflict and political order to that provided in the literature on Northeast India and specifically in the conflict literature. The author describes the theoretical and policy implications of his research. It discusses that state agencies face challenges from rival forces across the range of their functions and that the ruling coalition in Mizoram has been able to mitigate inter-group contestations and prevent conflicts from breaking out uncontainably. It notes that grievance is an important ingredient for conflicts and violence. A comparison between the political economy of Manipur and Mizoram shows that both institutional arrangements and capabilities of the state in Manipur are poor, and hence, prone to internal and external shocks. It concludes by suggesting that actions around local issues, particularly those that are about inclusionary participation mechanisms, such as through public action for provision of public services will need to be pursued.Less
This chapter compares the account of the variance in conflict and political order to that provided in the literature on Northeast India and specifically in the conflict literature. The author describes the theoretical and policy implications of his research. It discusses that state agencies face challenges from rival forces across the range of their functions and that the ruling coalition in Mizoram has been able to mitigate inter-group contestations and prevent conflicts from breaking out uncontainably. It notes that grievance is an important ingredient for conflicts and violence. A comparison between the political economy of Manipur and Mizoram shows that both institutional arrangements and capabilities of the state in Manipur are poor, and hence, prone to internal and external shocks. It concludes by suggesting that actions around local issues, particularly those that are about inclusionary participation mechanisms, such as through public action for provision of public services will need to be pursued.
Tony Shaw
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748625239
- eISBN:
- 9780748670918
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748625239.003.0007
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
This chapter demonstrates how American domestic affairs could influence the nation's Cold War policies and image overseas. It emphasises the subtle skills that Washington used to develop cinematic ...
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This chapter demonstrates how American domestic affairs could influence the nation's Cold War policies and image overseas. It emphasises the subtle skills that Washington used to develop cinematic counter-propaganda during the Cold War. Nine from Little Rock confined US government efforts to manage foreigners' perceptions of the race issue during the Cold War. When it came to the presentation of the ‘Negro problem’ on the big screen, there was plenty of room for official agencies to correct impressions, fill gaps or engage explicitly with communist accusations of racism. George Stevens, Jr. persuaded the most capable of America's young producers into making films for the United States Information Agency (USIA). Nine from Little Rock revealed America to be an economically mature and technologically exciting country. It set the high watermark of the USIA Motion Picture Service's attempts to foster a positive image of American race relations during the Cold War.Less
This chapter demonstrates how American domestic affairs could influence the nation's Cold War policies and image overseas. It emphasises the subtle skills that Washington used to develop cinematic counter-propaganda during the Cold War. Nine from Little Rock confined US government efforts to manage foreigners' perceptions of the race issue during the Cold War. When it came to the presentation of the ‘Negro problem’ on the big screen, there was plenty of room for official agencies to correct impressions, fill gaps or engage explicitly with communist accusations of racism. George Stevens, Jr. persuaded the most capable of America's young producers into making films for the United States Information Agency (USIA). Nine from Little Rock revealed America to be an economically mature and technologically exciting country. It set the high watermark of the USIA Motion Picture Service's attempts to foster a positive image of American race relations during the Cold War.
Nitsan Chorev
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691197845
- eISBN:
- 9780691198873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691197845.003.0008
- Subject:
- Sociology, Economic Sociology
This chapter identifies the conditions that led even the largest Ugandan pharmaceutical companies to forgo production of complex drugs or quality upgrading, with the exception of one firm with a ...
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This chapter identifies the conditions that led even the largest Ugandan pharmaceutical companies to forgo production of complex drugs or quality upgrading, with the exception of one firm with a unique trajectory. In Uganda, the Global Fund did not operate through the drug procurement state agency, which made the Global Fund market less approachable for most local producers. Additionally, Ugandan producers were not offered the mentoring made available to Kenyan and Tanzanian drug companies. Without potential markets and adequate mentoring, local producers did not have the incentives or capabilities to change their strategies, and local pharmaceutical firms in Uganda continued to produce simple drugs. The exception was a joint venture between a Ugandan firm and one of the largest pharmaceutical companies in India. With unprecedented support from the state, it was able to successfully achieve a WHO certificate and take advantage of the Global Fund and other markets.Less
This chapter identifies the conditions that led even the largest Ugandan pharmaceutical companies to forgo production of complex drugs or quality upgrading, with the exception of one firm with a unique trajectory. In Uganda, the Global Fund did not operate through the drug procurement state agency, which made the Global Fund market less approachable for most local producers. Additionally, Ugandan producers were not offered the mentoring made available to Kenyan and Tanzanian drug companies. Without potential markets and adequate mentoring, local producers did not have the incentives or capabilities to change their strategies, and local pharmaceutical firms in Uganda continued to produce simple drugs. The exception was a joint venture between a Ugandan firm and one of the largest pharmaceutical companies in India. With unprecedented support from the state, it was able to successfully achieve a WHO certificate and take advantage of the Global Fund and other markets.
Erin Metz McDonnell
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691197364
- eISBN:
- 9780691200064
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691197364.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Public Policy
This introductory chapter goes beyond the stereotypical image of dysfunctional public service to argue that many seemingly weak state “leviathans” are instead patchworked. What this means is that ...
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This introductory chapter goes beyond the stereotypical image of dysfunctional public service to argue that many seemingly weak state “leviathans” are instead patchworked. What this means is that they are cobbled together from scarce available resources. They have a wide range of internal variation in organizational capacities sewn loosely together into the semblance of unity. The chapter thus reveals a striking empirical observation with theoretical implications for how to conceptualize states and state capacity: amid general organizational weakness and neopatrimonial politics, there are a few spectacularly effective state agencies dedicating their full working capacity to the routine satisfaction of organizational goals in the public interest. These are the subcultural niches of the bureaucratic ethos that manage to thrive against impressive odds.Less
This introductory chapter goes beyond the stereotypical image of dysfunctional public service to argue that many seemingly weak state “leviathans” are instead patchworked. What this means is that they are cobbled together from scarce available resources. They have a wide range of internal variation in organizational capacities sewn loosely together into the semblance of unity. The chapter thus reveals a striking empirical observation with theoretical implications for how to conceptualize states and state capacity: amid general organizational weakness and neopatrimonial politics, there are a few spectacularly effective state agencies dedicating their full working capacity to the routine satisfaction of organizational goals in the public interest. These are the subcultural niches of the bureaucratic ethos that manage to thrive against impressive odds.
Paul R. Gregory
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300134254
- eISBN:
- 9780300152784
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300134254.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter examines the evolution of the structure of state security agencies in the Soviet Union. These include the Emergency Commission, the Joint State Political Directorate (OGPU), the People's ...
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This chapter examines the evolution of the structure of state security agencies in the Soviet Union. These include the Emergency Commission, the Joint State Political Directorate (OGPU), the People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs (NKVD), and the Ministry of Internal Affairs (MVD). It shows that the organizational structure of state security changed as frequently as the dictator sought an arrangement which fit his changing needs. The chapter also discusses how Joseph Stalin micromanaged state security, and highlights the fact that there was an extremely short agency chain between Stalin and the actual executors of repression.Less
This chapter examines the evolution of the structure of state security agencies in the Soviet Union. These include the Emergency Commission, the Joint State Political Directorate (OGPU), the People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs (NKVD), and the Ministry of Internal Affairs (MVD). It shows that the organizational structure of state security changed as frequently as the dictator sought an arrangement which fit his changing needs. The chapter also discusses how Joseph Stalin micromanaged state security, and highlights the fact that there was an extremely short agency chain between Stalin and the actual executors of repression.
Cristina Almeida Cunha Filgueiras and Carlos Alberto Vasconcelos Rocha
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781447306849
- eISBN:
- 9781447310976
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447306849.003.0008
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
The chapter examines the state government agencies tasked with producing analysis, planning and providing data and economic indicators. These agencies’ development is examined in historical ...
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The chapter examines the state government agencies tasked with producing analysis, planning and providing data and economic indicators. These agencies’ development is examined in historical perspective and associated with political and economic cycles, as a response to federal government inducement, as an endogenous strategy by state governments to strengthen local development or as a result of support from international institutions leveraged especially by public universities in Brazil. With re-democratisation, these agencies’ expectations of power gains were frustrated by the leading role that experts came to play in policymaking and also by state governments’ federative conflicts with the federal government, formerly the base from which these agencies drew local legitimacy.Less
The chapter examines the state government agencies tasked with producing analysis, planning and providing data and economic indicators. These agencies’ development is examined in historical perspective and associated with political and economic cycles, as a response to federal government inducement, as an endogenous strategy by state governments to strengthen local development or as a result of support from international institutions leveraged especially by public universities in Brazil. With re-democratisation, these agencies’ expectations of power gains were frustrated by the leading role that experts came to play in policymaking and also by state governments’ federative conflicts with the federal government, formerly the base from which these agencies drew local legitimacy.
Anne Frey
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804762281
- eISBN:
- 9780804773485
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804762281.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, 19th-century Literature and Romanticism
This book contends that changing definitions of state power in the late Romantic period propelled authors to revisit the work of literature as well as the profession of authorship. Traditionally, ...
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This book contends that changing definitions of state power in the late Romantic period propelled authors to revisit the work of literature as well as the profession of authorship. Traditionally, critics have seen the Romantics as imaginative geniuses and have viewed the supposedly less imaginative character of the Romantics' late work as evidence of declining abilities. The author of this book argues, in contrast, that late Romanticism offers an alternative aesthetic model which adjusts authorship to work within an expanding and bureaucratizing state. She examines how Wordsworth, Coleridge, Austen, Scott, and De Quincey portray specific state and imperial agencies to debate what constituted government power, through what means government penetrated individual lives, and how non-governmental figures could assume government authority. Defining their work as part of an expanding state, these writers also reworked Romantic structures such as the imagination, organic form, and the literary sublime to operate through state agencies and to convey membership in a nation.Less
This book contends that changing definitions of state power in the late Romantic period propelled authors to revisit the work of literature as well as the profession of authorship. Traditionally, critics have seen the Romantics as imaginative geniuses and have viewed the supposedly less imaginative character of the Romantics' late work as evidence of declining abilities. The author of this book argues, in contrast, that late Romanticism offers an alternative aesthetic model which adjusts authorship to work within an expanding and bureaucratizing state. She examines how Wordsworth, Coleridge, Austen, Scott, and De Quincey portray specific state and imperial agencies to debate what constituted government power, through what means government penetrated individual lives, and how non-governmental figures could assume government authority. Defining their work as part of an expanding state, these writers also reworked Romantic structures such as the imagination, organic form, and the literary sublime to operate through state agencies and to convey membership in a nation.
Paul T. Hill and Ashley E. Jochim
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780226200545
- eISBN:
- 9780226200712
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226200712.003.0004
- Subject:
- Education, Educational Policy and Politics
Chapter 4 describes the checks and balances that would constrain the CECs and other government agencies. These include the local district bureaucracy, state education agency, the federal government, ...
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Chapter 4 describes the checks and balances that would constrain the CECs and other government agencies. These include the local district bureaucracy, state education agency, the federal government, the courts, teachers’ unions and other private agencies that now co-govern public education. It also explains how constitutional governance would empower parents, school leaders, individual teachers, and voters who are not parents. This chapter ends with a review of how a constitutional governance scheme would meet the five criteria for a governance system established in Chapter 2.Less
Chapter 4 describes the checks and balances that would constrain the CECs and other government agencies. These include the local district bureaucracy, state education agency, the federal government, the courts, teachers’ unions and other private agencies that now co-govern public education. It also explains how constitutional governance would empower parents, school leaders, individual teachers, and voters who are not parents. This chapter ends with a review of how a constitutional governance scheme would meet the five criteria for a governance system established in Chapter 2.
Deborah Cohen
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520220089
- eISBN:
- 9780520923522
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520220089.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Disabled veterans were the First World War's most conspicuous legacy. Nearly eight million men in Europe returned from the First World War permanently disabled by injury or disease. This book offers ...
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Disabled veterans were the First World War's most conspicuous legacy. Nearly eight million men in Europe returned from the First World War permanently disabled by injury or disease. This book offers a comparative analysis of the very different ways in which two belligerent nations—Germany and Britain—cared for their disabled. At the heart of this book is an apparent paradox. Although postwar Germany provided its disabled veterans with generous benefits, they came to despise the state that favored them. Disabled men proved susceptible to the Nazi cause. By contrast, British ex-servicemen remained loyal subjects, though they received only meager material compensation. The book explores the meaning of this paradox by focusing on the interplay between state agencies and private philanthropies on one hand, and the evolving relationship between disabled men and the general public on the other. The book describes in affecting detail disabled veterans' lives and their treatment at the hands of government agencies and private charities in Britain and Germany. This study moves from the intimate confines of veterans' homes to the offices of high-level bureaucrats; it tells of veterans' protests, of disabled men's families, and of the well-heeled philanthropists who made a cause of the war's victims.Less
Disabled veterans were the First World War's most conspicuous legacy. Nearly eight million men in Europe returned from the First World War permanently disabled by injury or disease. This book offers a comparative analysis of the very different ways in which two belligerent nations—Germany and Britain—cared for their disabled. At the heart of this book is an apparent paradox. Although postwar Germany provided its disabled veterans with generous benefits, they came to despise the state that favored them. Disabled men proved susceptible to the Nazi cause. By contrast, British ex-servicemen remained loyal subjects, though they received only meager material compensation. The book explores the meaning of this paradox by focusing on the interplay between state agencies and private philanthropies on one hand, and the evolving relationship between disabled men and the general public on the other. The book describes in affecting detail disabled veterans' lives and their treatment at the hands of government agencies and private charities in Britain and Germany. This study moves from the intimate confines of veterans' homes to the offices of high-level bureaucrats; it tells of veterans' protests, of disabled men's families, and of the well-heeled philanthropists who made a cause of the war's victims.
Irene Hardill and Susan Baines
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9781847427212
- eISBN:
- 9781447302193
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781847427212.003.0005
- Subject:
- Social Work, Social Policy
This chapter focuses on VCSOs, which it is claimed are tending to become more like state agencies as a result of taking on the delivery of service under government contracts. It explains that VCSOs ...
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This chapter focuses on VCSOs, which it is claimed are tending to become more like state agencies as a result of taking on the delivery of service under government contracts. It explains that VCSOs resemble private sector enterprises in response to an increasingly competitive environment for resources. It notes that the notion of social enterprise ‘draws on the exceptional effort of individuals and organisations working in the most testing circumstances to meet social needs and empower communities’. It clarifies that ‘social enterprise’ is a term that can be applied to charities and voluntary groups that adopt income-generating strategies, including public sector contracts, although such organisations often do not recognise themselves as being enterprises or entrepreneurial.Less
This chapter focuses on VCSOs, which it is claimed are tending to become more like state agencies as a result of taking on the delivery of service under government contracts. It explains that VCSOs resemble private sector enterprises in response to an increasingly competitive environment for resources. It notes that the notion of social enterprise ‘draws on the exceptional effort of individuals and organisations working in the most testing circumstances to meet social needs and empower communities’. It clarifies that ‘social enterprise’ is a term that can be applied to charities and voluntary groups that adopt income-generating strategies, including public sector contracts, although such organisations often do not recognise themselves as being enterprises or entrepreneurial.
Clare Croft
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- March 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199958191
- eISBN:
- 9780190226329
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199958191.003.0001
- Subject:
- Music, Dance, History, American
The introduction examines Americans’ and non-Americans’ collaborative engagement with national identity through performance, which often produces different results than traditional forms of ...
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The introduction examines Americans’ and non-Americans’ collaborative engagement with national identity through performance, which often produces different results than traditional forms of diplomacy. When San Francisco-based ODC/Dance performed in Burma through the State Department’s DanceMotion USA program, they thought the Burmese dictatorship might keep audiences away. Yet thousands dodged government-created obstacles to attend, and helped the Americans when a glitch threatened the show. Government edicts cannot completely determine how people act: that’s the lesson ODC learned and the lesson the chapter offers by focusing on cultural diplomacy from dancers’ perspectives, understanding dancers as social actors, not just government instruments. Dancers move within bureaucratic strictures, often in a contentious dance around the meaning of “politics.” Across eighty years of history, the chapter examines the private/public structures behind cultural diplomacy programs, including the State Department’s partnerships with the United States Information Agency, the American National Theatre Academy, and the Brooklyn Academy of Music.Less
The introduction examines Americans’ and non-Americans’ collaborative engagement with national identity through performance, which often produces different results than traditional forms of diplomacy. When San Francisco-based ODC/Dance performed in Burma through the State Department’s DanceMotion USA program, they thought the Burmese dictatorship might keep audiences away. Yet thousands dodged government-created obstacles to attend, and helped the Americans when a glitch threatened the show. Government edicts cannot completely determine how people act: that’s the lesson ODC learned and the lesson the chapter offers by focusing on cultural diplomacy from dancers’ perspectives, understanding dancers as social actors, not just government instruments. Dancers move within bureaucratic strictures, often in a contentious dance around the meaning of “politics.” Across eighty years of history, the chapter examines the private/public structures behind cultural diplomacy programs, including the State Department’s partnerships with the United States Information Agency, the American National Theatre Academy, and the Brooklyn Academy of Music.
