Gregory A. Wills
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195377149
- eISBN:
- 9780199869497
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195377149.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Church History
This chapter focuses on the fate of the Baptist seminary with the onset of the Civil War. The seminary barely escaped extinction during its first thirty years. The Civil War caused its suspension and ...
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This chapter focuses on the fate of the Baptist seminary with the onset of the Civil War. The seminary barely escaped extinction during its first thirty years. The Civil War caused its suspension and annihilated its endowment. In the economic destitution of the Reconstruction South, Baptists had little ability to raise a new endowment. The seminary relocated to Kentucky in 1877 with promises of a new endowment, but securing the pledges and their payment was thwarted by a business panic and economic depression, and by opponents within the denomination who launched powerful attacks against the school.Less
This chapter focuses on the fate of the Baptist seminary with the onset of the Civil War. The seminary barely escaped extinction during its first thirty years. The Civil War caused its suspension and annihilated its endowment. In the economic destitution of the Reconstruction South, Baptists had little ability to raise a new endowment. The seminary relocated to Kentucky in 1877 with promises of a new endowment, but securing the pledges and their payment was thwarted by a business panic and economic depression, and by opponents within the denomination who launched powerful attacks against the school.
Patrick Rael
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199769063
- eISBN:
- 9780199896851
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199769063.003.0008
- Subject:
- Sociology, Economic Sociology
This chapter traces the role that notions of thrift played in the history of race in pre-Civil War America. In particular, it highlights how white Americans reserved “the virtues of thrift— ...
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This chapter traces the role that notions of thrift played in the history of race in pre-Civil War America. In particular, it highlights how white Americans reserved “the virtues of thrift— industriousness, discipline, and self-control” for themselves, while ascribing to blacks “thrift's antitheses—laziness, improvidence, and profligacy.” In this way, the moral economy of thrift was used to justify the institution of slavery. At the same time, the national discourse of thrift was fragmenting, as the North and South developed competing conceptions of thrift, which reflected the contrasting needs of their economies. The northern states emphasized the bourgeois work ethic, industrialization, and urban life. The southern states stressed a conception rooted in an agricultural and slave-based economy. Northern thrift contributed to the creation of an economy much more diversified and powerful than that of the South, an advantage that proved decisive in the Civil War.Less
This chapter traces the role that notions of thrift played in the history of race in pre-Civil War America. In particular, it highlights how white Americans reserved “the virtues of thrift— industriousness, discipline, and self-control” for themselves, while ascribing to blacks “thrift's antitheses—laziness, improvidence, and profligacy.” In this way, the moral economy of thrift was used to justify the institution of slavery. At the same time, the national discourse of thrift was fragmenting, as the North and South developed competing conceptions of thrift, which reflected the contrasting needs of their economies. The northern states emphasized the bourgeois work ethic, industrialization, and urban life. The southern states stressed a conception rooted in an agricultural and slave-based economy. Northern thrift contributed to the creation of an economy much more diversified and powerful than that of the South, an advantage that proved decisive in the Civil War.
Anders Walker
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195181746
- eISBN:
- 9780199870660
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195181746.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter focuses on how moderates like Collins, Coleman, and Hodges publicly rejected extremism while simultaneously undermining black constitutional claims. All three governors used popular ...
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This chapter focuses on how moderates like Collins, Coleman, and Hodges publicly rejected extremism while simultaneously undermining black constitutional claims. All three governors used popular anxiety over integration to expand their executive influence over the state legislative process. All three also used popular anxiety over Brown to centralize, and perhaps even modernize, certain aspects of their states' governmental structure. The chapter also touches on the civil rights movement and the constitutional struggle between black activists and white moderates.Less
This chapter focuses on how moderates like Collins, Coleman, and Hodges publicly rejected extremism while simultaneously undermining black constitutional claims. All three governors used popular anxiety over integration to expand their executive influence over the state legislative process. All three also used popular anxiety over Brown to centralize, and perhaps even modernize, certain aspects of their states' governmental structure. The chapter also touches on the civil rights movement and the constitutional struggle between black activists and white moderates.
Peter J. Marshall
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199640355
- eISBN:
- 9780191739279
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199640355.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
How they treated indigenous peoples was a matter for recrimination between Britons and Americans. During the war Native Americans generally sided with the British as did escaped slaves, some of whom ...
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How they treated indigenous peoples was a matter for recrimination between Britons and Americans. During the war Native Americans generally sided with the British as did escaped slaves, some of whom the British shipped as free people to their colonies. After the war, American land hunger led to Indian wars and dispossession, whereas the British in Canada posed less of a threat to Native peoples. Trading in slaves was condemned widely on both sides of the Atlantic, but the British continued to export huge numbers of Africans, some going to the southernmost American states, where slavery flourished as it did in the British West Indies. Americans denounced British rule in India as rooted in oppression. Many British people had once thought so too, but after the war British opinion increasingly claimed that their Indian empire was based on benevolence.Less
How they treated indigenous peoples was a matter for recrimination between Britons and Americans. During the war Native Americans generally sided with the British as did escaped slaves, some of whom the British shipped as free people to their colonies. After the war, American land hunger led to Indian wars and dispossession, whereas the British in Canada posed less of a threat to Native peoples. Trading in slaves was condemned widely on both sides of the Atlantic, but the British continued to export huge numbers of Africans, some going to the southernmost American states, where slavery flourished as it did in the British West Indies. Americans denounced British rule in India as rooted in oppression. Many British people had once thought so too, but after the war British opinion increasingly claimed that their Indian empire was based on benevolence.
Irvine Loudon
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198229971
- eISBN:
- 9780191678950
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198229971.003.0019
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History, History of Science, Technology, and Medicine
This chapter discusses the history of American midwives during the early 20th century. American midwives were so diverse socially and professionally that they are difficult to define and impossible ...
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This chapter discusses the history of American midwives during the early 20th century. American midwives were so diverse socially and professionally that they are difficult to define and impossible to quantify for the country as a whole. During the early 1900s, there were four different types of midwives in the US They were the immigrant midwives, the rural ‘neighbour-midwives’, black midwives of the southern states, and the fully trained midwives. They provided 50 percent of total deliveries in 1900, but in 1935 this figured dropped to 12.5 percent. The decline in the number of midwives was most marked in the north and west and by 1930 more than 80 percent of the midwives were confined to the southern states.Less
This chapter discusses the history of American midwives during the early 20th century. American midwives were so diverse socially and professionally that they are difficult to define and impossible to quantify for the country as a whole. During the early 1900s, there were four different types of midwives in the US They were the immigrant midwives, the rural ‘neighbour-midwives’, black midwives of the southern states, and the fully trained midwives. They provided 50 percent of total deliveries in 1900, but in 1935 this figured dropped to 12.5 percent. The decline in the number of midwives was most marked in the north and west and by 1930 more than 80 percent of the midwives were confined to the southern states.
Peter J. Marshall
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199640355
- eISBN:
- 9780191739279
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199640355.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The impact of the war varied in severity throughout America, generally leaving the bitterest legacy in the south. After the war Britain was widely conceived still to be hostile to America, trying to ...
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The impact of the war varied in severity throughout America, generally leaving the bitterest legacy in the south. After the war Britain was widely conceived still to be hostile to America, trying to curb her maritime commerce, to detach the new western settlements and even to subvert American morals by exporting luxury goods. Americans resented the slighting way in which their society and institutions were generally portrayed in the British press. Assessments of Britain varied from those like Thomas Jefferson, who saw her as irredeemably corrupted and bent on the overthrow of American republicanism, to Alexander Hamilton, for whom the power of the British state and Britain’s recent economic development were models for America to emulate.Less
The impact of the war varied in severity throughout America, generally leaving the bitterest legacy in the south. After the war Britain was widely conceived still to be hostile to America, trying to curb her maritime commerce, to detach the new western settlements and even to subvert American morals by exporting luxury goods. Americans resented the slighting way in which their society and institutions were generally portrayed in the British press. Assessments of Britain varied from those like Thomas Jefferson, who saw her as irredeemably corrupted and bent on the overthrow of American republicanism, to Alexander Hamilton, for whom the power of the British state and Britain’s recent economic development were models for America to emulate.
Jonathan Bean
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813125459
- eISBN:
- 9780813135205
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813125459.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Racial issues still existed even after Federal troops left the U.S. South and reconstruction had ended. Southern states passed laws forcing the separation of races in schools, on streetcars, and ...
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Racial issues still existed even after Federal troops left the U.S. South and reconstruction had ended. Southern states passed laws forcing the separation of races in schools, on streetcars, and elsewhere in society. Classical liberals found themselves on the defensive—battling immigration restriction, fighting white racism in the South, defending nonwhites in overseas territories, and offering individual property rights as a solution to the “Indian problem.” Progressives and nativist conservatives advocated immigration restriction in a nation known for its open borders.Less
Racial issues still existed even after Federal troops left the U.S. South and reconstruction had ended. Southern states passed laws forcing the separation of races in schools, on streetcars, and elsewhere in society. Classical liberals found themselves on the defensive—battling immigration restriction, fighting white racism in the South, defending nonwhites in overseas territories, and offering individual property rights as a solution to the “Indian problem.” Progressives and nativist conservatives advocated immigration restriction in a nation known for its open borders.
Matthew T. Corrigan
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813031606
- eISBN:
- 9780813039251
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813031606.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This introductory chapter sets out the purpose of the book, which is to contribute to the discussion about two central questions: Does it matter that the Republicans are now in control? And, to ...
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This introductory chapter sets out the purpose of the book, which is to contribute to the discussion about two central questions: Does it matter that the Republicans are now in control? And, to update a question about Democrats posed by Key 50 years ago, is the new political South led by the Republican Party rising to the challenge of providing a political system to meet the region's problems and opportunities? These questions are important because while many political observers have dissected the electoral rise of Republicans in the South, they have not examined the potential consequences of that rise. This study looks at all three factors from two perspectives: firstly, an examination of attitudes of the entire South; and, secondly, an intensive case study of Jacksonville, Florida, as an example of a Southern city whose politics have been transformed by race, religion, and economics. The chapter then considers whether the change in the political structure of the South have addressed the issue of racial separation in the region's politics; the connection between religion/morality and politics among Southern voters; and economic change in the South.Less
This introductory chapter sets out the purpose of the book, which is to contribute to the discussion about two central questions: Does it matter that the Republicans are now in control? And, to update a question about Democrats posed by Key 50 years ago, is the new political South led by the Republican Party rising to the challenge of providing a political system to meet the region's problems and opportunities? These questions are important because while many political observers have dissected the electoral rise of Republicans in the South, they have not examined the potential consequences of that rise. This study looks at all three factors from two perspectives: firstly, an examination of attitudes of the entire South; and, secondly, an intensive case study of Jacksonville, Florida, as an example of a Southern city whose politics have been transformed by race, religion, and economics. The chapter then considers whether the change in the political structure of the South have addressed the issue of racial separation in the region's politics; the connection between religion/morality and politics among Southern voters; and economic change in the South.
Peter J. Marshall
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199640355
- eISBN:
- 9780191739279
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199640355.003.0016
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
During the colonial period British Protestant denominations had established themselves in America. Right up to the Revolution most American Protestants kept close links with their colleagues in ...
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During the colonial period British Protestant denominations had established themselves in America. Right up to the Revolution most American Protestants kept close links with their colleagues in Britain, seeking financial and political support from them. Denominations were split by the war, although the established churches of England, outside the American south, and of Scotland tended to favour the British side and many Dissenters adhered to the American cause. Some American denominations were strengthened by the war while others lost ground. Independence brought about significant changes in relations between British and American Protestants. American denominations now generally ran their affairs without much reference to Britain, sometimes obtaining formal recognition of their autonomy. At the same time evangelical revivals were challenging denominations' authority and tending towards their fragmentation or the emergence of wholly new religious movements.Less
During the colonial period British Protestant denominations had established themselves in America. Right up to the Revolution most American Protestants kept close links with their colleagues in Britain, seeking financial and political support from them. Denominations were split by the war, although the established churches of England, outside the American south, and of Scotland tended to favour the British side and many Dissenters adhered to the American cause. Some American denominations were strengthened by the war while others lost ground. Independence brought about significant changes in relations between British and American Protestants. American denominations now generally ran their affairs without much reference to Britain, sometimes obtaining formal recognition of their autonomy. At the same time evangelical revivals were challenging denominations' authority and tending towards their fragmentation or the emergence of wholly new religious movements.
Russell McClintock
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807831885
- eISBN:
- 9781469603797
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807886328_mcclintock
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
When Abraham Lincoln's election in 1860 prompted several Southern states to secede, the North was sharply divided over how to respond. This book follows the decision-making process from bitter ...
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When Abraham Lincoln's election in 1860 prompted several Southern states to secede, the North was sharply divided over how to respond. This book follows the decision-making process from bitter partisan rancor to consensus. From small towns to big cities and from state capitals to Washington, it highlights individuals both powerful and obscure to demonstrate the ways ordinary citizens, party activists, state officials, and national leaders interacted to influence the Northern response to what was essentially a political crisis. The book argues that although Northerners' reactions to Southern secession were understood and expressed through partisan newspapers and officials, the decision fell into the hands of an ever-smaller group of people until finally it was Lincoln alone who would choose whether the future of the American republic was to be determined through peace or by sword.Less
When Abraham Lincoln's election in 1860 prompted several Southern states to secede, the North was sharply divided over how to respond. This book follows the decision-making process from bitter partisan rancor to consensus. From small towns to big cities and from state capitals to Washington, it highlights individuals both powerful and obscure to demonstrate the ways ordinary citizens, party activists, state officials, and national leaders interacted to influence the Northern response to what was essentially a political crisis. The book argues that although Northerners' reactions to Southern secession were understood and expressed through partisan newspapers and officials, the decision fell into the hands of an ever-smaller group of people until finally it was Lincoln alone who would choose whether the future of the American republic was to be determined through peace or by sword.
Shearer Davis Bowman
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807833926
- eISBN:
- 9781469606248
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807895672_bowman.5
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
This chapter focuses on Mississippi and how one historian has described it as “the most southern of southern states—a prototype where is mixed all the peculiar forces and tensions that have made the ...
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This chapter focuses on Mississippi and how one historian has described it as “the most southern of southern states—a prototype where is mixed all the peculiar forces and tensions that have made the American South unique in the nation.” During the 1850s, the state's cotton production surpassed that of Alabama, transforming the Magnolia State into the statistical heartland of the Cotton Kingdom. By 1840, after the presidential administration of Andrew Jackson had effected the final dispossession and “removal” to western Indian Territory of the Chickasaw and Choctaw tribes, Mississippi had joined South Carolina as one of two states where African American slaves constituted a majority of the population. Although Mississippi followed South Carolina's December 1860 lead and became the second slave state to quit the Union, its state convention did not achieve the secessionist unanimity of South Carolina's.Less
This chapter focuses on Mississippi and how one historian has described it as “the most southern of southern states—a prototype where is mixed all the peculiar forces and tensions that have made the American South unique in the nation.” During the 1850s, the state's cotton production surpassed that of Alabama, transforming the Magnolia State into the statistical heartland of the Cotton Kingdom. By 1840, after the presidential administration of Andrew Jackson had effected the final dispossession and “removal” to western Indian Territory of the Chickasaw and Choctaw tribes, Mississippi had joined South Carolina as one of two states where African American slaves constituted a majority of the population. Although Mississippi followed South Carolina's December 1860 lead and became the second slave state to quit the Union, its state convention did not achieve the secessionist unanimity of South Carolina's.
Emily West
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780813136929
- eISBN:
- 9780813141350
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813136929.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Chapter one sets the context by detailing the various laws and restrictions imposed upon Southern free people of color over the course of the antebellum era, and particularly the 1850s, when moves to ...
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Chapter one sets the context by detailing the various laws and restrictions imposed upon Southern free people of color over the course of the antebellum era, and particularly the 1850s, when moves to expel or enslave free blacks reached a crescendo. “Voluntary” enslavement legislation and debates therefore represented the culmination of a pro-slavery rhetoric which assumed slavery was a positive good. Such legislation also facilitated the shift towards an “idealized” biracial South of black slaves and free white people. The chapter contextualizes the ever-more restrictive legislation towards free people of color enacted prior to the 1850s. It then considers those laws debated and passed during this decade and the early 1860s, and suggest broader implications of their severity. Comparing and contrasting legislative action across the South, despite somewhat imbalanced surviving evidence and different degrees of legislation against free blacks, reveals the motivations behind expulsion and enslavement laws. Moreover, while the coming of war meant some laws were never enacted or enforced, debates over expulsion and enslavement offer a stark reminder of the direction in which the American South was travelling - towards the enslavement of all free people of color.Less
Chapter one sets the context by detailing the various laws and restrictions imposed upon Southern free people of color over the course of the antebellum era, and particularly the 1850s, when moves to expel or enslave free blacks reached a crescendo. “Voluntary” enslavement legislation and debates therefore represented the culmination of a pro-slavery rhetoric which assumed slavery was a positive good. Such legislation also facilitated the shift towards an “idealized” biracial South of black slaves and free white people. The chapter contextualizes the ever-more restrictive legislation towards free people of color enacted prior to the 1850s. It then considers those laws debated and passed during this decade and the early 1860s, and suggest broader implications of their severity. Comparing and contrasting legislative action across the South, despite somewhat imbalanced surviving evidence and different degrees of legislation against free blacks, reveals the motivations behind expulsion and enslavement laws. Moreover, while the coming of war meant some laws were never enacted or enforced, debates over expulsion and enslavement offer a stark reminder of the direction in which the American South was travelling - towards the enslavement of all free people of color.
Alexander S. Kirshner
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780300188240
- eISBN:
- 9780300189858
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300188240.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter addresses the question of whether there is a recognizably democratic course of action when only a policy of extended political exclusion might keep antidemocrats from sabotaging others' ...
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This chapter addresses the question of whether there is a recognizably democratic course of action when only a policy of extended political exclusion might keep antidemocrats from sabotaging others' rights and crippling representative institutions. It explores the example of America's Reconstruction. In the aftermath of the Civil War, the members of the Reconstruction Congress feared that if Southerners were allowed to participate fully, they would undermine the foundations of legitimate government in the United States. Accordingly, the Congress established military governments throughout the South and excluded Southern representatives from the legislature. Applying the self-limiting model, the chapter illustrates why Congress' policy of conditioning restrictive measures on Southerners' acceptance of the rules of the democratic game successfully alleviated some, though not all, of the normative challenges posed by Southern antidemocrats. It also argues that a more extreme response to Southern intransigence would have been self-defeating.Less
This chapter addresses the question of whether there is a recognizably democratic course of action when only a policy of extended political exclusion might keep antidemocrats from sabotaging others' rights and crippling representative institutions. It explores the example of America's Reconstruction. In the aftermath of the Civil War, the members of the Reconstruction Congress feared that if Southerners were allowed to participate fully, they would undermine the foundations of legitimate government in the United States. Accordingly, the Congress established military governments throughout the South and excluded Southern representatives from the legislature. Applying the self-limiting model, the chapter illustrates why Congress' policy of conditioning restrictive measures on Southerners' acceptance of the rules of the democratic game successfully alleviated some, though not all, of the normative challenges posed by Southern antidemocrats. It also argues that a more extreme response to Southern intransigence would have been self-defeating.
James L. Guth
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813123639
- eISBN:
- 9780813134758
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813123639.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This chapter examines the so-called “deeply conservative” ideology of Southern Baptists. It evaluates this ideology by analyzing 2000 elections in the Southern states in the U.S. from 1945 to 2000. ...
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This chapter examines the so-called “deeply conservative” ideology of Southern Baptists. It evaluates this ideology by analyzing 2000 elections in the Southern states in the U.S. from 1945 to 2000. The findings indicate that even during the era of Southern progressivism, the Social Gospel made relatively few inroads among Southern Baptist ministers and while the civil rights movement influenced the Established Church in the South it did not resonate with the bulk of white clergy and laity.Less
This chapter examines the so-called “deeply conservative” ideology of Southern Baptists. It evaluates this ideology by analyzing 2000 elections in the Southern states in the U.S. from 1945 to 2000. The findings indicate that even during the era of Southern progressivism, the Social Gospel made relatively few inroads among Southern Baptist ministers and while the civil rights movement influenced the Established Church in the South it did not resonate with the bulk of white clergy and laity.
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226129167
- eISBN:
- 9780226131160
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226131160.003.0008
- Subject:
- Law, Legal History
Southern politicians openly threatened secession on the floor of Congress, and the Mississippi legislature had called for a convention of Southern states to meet in Nashville to discuss ways of ...
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Southern politicians openly threatened secession on the floor of Congress, and the Mississippi legislature had called for a convention of Southern states to meet in Nashville to discuss ways of protecting Southern rights. Alarmed at increasing intransigence on both sides and convinced that the President's plan would only make matters worse, Henry Clay stepped forward for the third time with a comprehensive plan to save the Union. Some Southerners pressed the extension of the Missouri Compromise, which the Nashville Convention said was the “minimum condition” for sectional peace. Clay's initial proposal had been to bribe Texas to relinquish what he called its plausible, but unfounded, claim by assuming the debts incurred by the former Republic in its struggle for independence. The Committee of Thirteen modified the proposed boundary somewhat to the advantage of Texas and substituted a money grant for the assumption of debts, but basically it endorsed Clay's proposal.Less
Southern politicians openly threatened secession on the floor of Congress, and the Mississippi legislature had called for a convention of Southern states to meet in Nashville to discuss ways of protecting Southern rights. Alarmed at increasing intransigence on both sides and convinced that the President's plan would only make matters worse, Henry Clay stepped forward for the third time with a comprehensive plan to save the Union. Some Southerners pressed the extension of the Missouri Compromise, which the Nashville Convention said was the “minimum condition” for sectional peace. Clay's initial proposal had been to bribe Texas to relinquish what he called its plausible, but unfounded, claim by assuming the debts incurred by the former Republic in its struggle for independence. The Committee of Thirteen modified the proposed boundary somewhat to the advantage of Texas and substituted a money grant for the assumption of debts, but basically it endorsed Clay's proposal.
Walter Johnson (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300103557
- eISBN:
- 9780300129472
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300103557.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Imperialism and Colonialism
This book presents a comparative account of the slave trade within the nations and colonial systems of the Americas. While most scholarly attention to slavery in the Americas has concentrated on ...
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This book presents a comparative account of the slave trade within the nations and colonial systems of the Americas. While most scholarly attention to slavery in the Americas has concentrated on international transatlantic trade, the chapters in this volume focus on the slave trades within Brazil, the West Indies, and the Southern states of the United States after the closing of the Atlantic slave trade. The chapters cast new light upon questions that have framed the study of slavery in the Americas for decades and investigates such topics as the illegal slave trade in Cuba, the Creole slave revolt in the U.S., and the debate between pro- and antislavery factions over the interstate slave trade in the South.Less
This book presents a comparative account of the slave trade within the nations and colonial systems of the Americas. While most scholarly attention to slavery in the Americas has concentrated on international transatlantic trade, the chapters in this volume focus on the slave trades within Brazil, the West Indies, and the Southern states of the United States after the closing of the Atlantic slave trade. The chapters cast new light upon questions that have framed the study of slavery in the Americas for decades and investigates such topics as the illegal slave trade in Cuba, the Creole slave revolt in the U.S., and the debate between pro- and antislavery factions over the interstate slave trade in the South.
Charles S. Bullock, Susan A. MacManus, Jeremy D. Mayer, and Mark J. Rozell
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- August 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190065911
- eISBN:
- 9780190065959
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190065911.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Donald Trump, the thrice married and publicly philandering Manhattan resident who had recently been pro-choice and pro-gun control, won the Republican nomination and the presidency in 2016 in part ...
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Donald Trump, the thrice married and publicly philandering Manhattan resident who had recently been pro-choice and pro-gun control, won the Republican nomination and the presidency in 2016 in part through his very strong showing among Southern white voters. How he managed to do that is the story of this chapter. Trump appealed to Southern white racial resentment, as well as to the anti-immigration fervor particularly evident in the low growth “stagnant” Southern states such as Alabama and Mississippi. But what was really remarkable is how he won the GOP nomination by doing well in all regions. The Republican Party has become unified around a largely Southern conception of conservatism: deeply religious, pro-military, and less concerned with free trade. In the general election, by contrast, regional polarization intensified in 2016. In both elections, Trump’s path to victory required him to do well among Southern whites, which he ably did.Less
Donald Trump, the thrice married and publicly philandering Manhattan resident who had recently been pro-choice and pro-gun control, won the Republican nomination and the presidency in 2016 in part through his very strong showing among Southern white voters. How he managed to do that is the story of this chapter. Trump appealed to Southern white racial resentment, as well as to the anti-immigration fervor particularly evident in the low growth “stagnant” Southern states such as Alabama and Mississippi. But what was really remarkable is how he won the GOP nomination by doing well in all regions. The Republican Party has become unified around a largely Southern conception of conservatism: deeply religious, pro-military, and less concerned with free trade. In the general election, by contrast, regional polarization intensified in 2016. In both elections, Trump’s path to victory required him to do well among Southern whites, which he ably did.
Simone Polillo
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804785099
- eISBN:
- 9780804785556
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804785099.003.0004
- Subject:
- Sociology, Economic Sociology
This chapter discusses the case of the United States in the 19th century, as part of a more general investigation of how the boundaries that define creditworthiness are delineated in democratic ...
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This chapter discusses the case of the United States in the 19th century, as part of a more general investigation of how the boundaries that define creditworthiness are delineated in democratic regimes. At the time, the creditworthiness of U.S. citizens was assessed and conceptualized on an individual basis, but this was a political construction, deriving from the nature of the polity, which was decentralized. As a consequence of political decentralization, and specifically fiscal decentralization, bankers strived to gain the support of local political authorities to construct boundaries around the allocation of credit which could be attached to sound banking. In the states of the North, where state governments were democratic, this dynamic was very different than in the states of the South, where relationships between banks and state authorities, relationships grounded in the slave economy, were more exclusionary.Less
This chapter discusses the case of the United States in the 19th century, as part of a more general investigation of how the boundaries that define creditworthiness are delineated in democratic regimes. At the time, the creditworthiness of U.S. citizens was assessed and conceptualized on an individual basis, but this was a political construction, deriving from the nature of the polity, which was decentralized. As a consequence of political decentralization, and specifically fiscal decentralization, bankers strived to gain the support of local political authorities to construct boundaries around the allocation of credit which could be attached to sound banking. In the states of the North, where state governments were democratic, this dynamic was very different than in the states of the South, where relationships between banks and state authorities, relationships grounded in the slave economy, were more exclusionary.
Nelson W. Polsby
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195182965
- eISBN:
- 9780199850235
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195182965.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This book argues that among other things, from the 1950s to the 1990s, Congress evolved. In short, the book argues that air conditioning altered the demography of the southern states, which in turn ...
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This book argues that among other things, from the 1950s to the 1990s, Congress evolved. In short, the book argues that air conditioning altered the demography of the southern states, which in turn changed the political parties of the South, which transformed the composition and in due course the performance of the US House of Representatives. This evolutionary process led to the House’s liberalization and later to its transformation into an arena of sharp partisanship, visible among both Democrats and Republicans. This book offers an explanation for important transformations in the congressional environment.Less
This book argues that among other things, from the 1950s to the 1990s, Congress evolved. In short, the book argues that air conditioning altered the demography of the southern states, which in turn changed the political parties of the South, which transformed the composition and in due course the performance of the US House of Representatives. This evolutionary process led to the House’s liberalization and later to its transformation into an arena of sharp partisanship, visible among both Democrats and Republicans. This book offers an explanation for important transformations in the congressional environment.
Matthew T. Corrigan
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813031606
- eISBN:
- 9780813039251
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813031606.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter discusses how the rise of the Republicans has impacted on the difficult relationship between religion and politics in the South. The important political influence of conservative ...
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This chapter discusses how the rise of the Republicans has impacted on the difficult relationship between religion and politics in the South. The important political influence of conservative Protestant churches and Catholic churches in the Republican Party has helped to mobilize churchgoing whites. In general, African American voters still view their churches as sources of political guidance. Since religious beliefs are particularly intense and consistent, the increased political activity of white churches has added another dynamic to the relationship between whites and blacks in the South. Since the end of the Civil War, religious worship in Jacksonville has been a source of racial segregation. Churches are now sources of political segregation as well, with Democrats dominating black churches and Republicans attending white churches. This phenomenon adds another layer of political separation between blacks and whites. Although blacks and whites who regularly attend church agree on many social issues, there is stark disagreement relating to economic issues and national security. Thus, black and white churches are centers of organization for competing political parties.Less
This chapter discusses how the rise of the Republicans has impacted on the difficult relationship between religion and politics in the South. The important political influence of conservative Protestant churches and Catholic churches in the Republican Party has helped to mobilize churchgoing whites. In general, African American voters still view their churches as sources of political guidance. Since religious beliefs are particularly intense and consistent, the increased political activity of white churches has added another dynamic to the relationship between whites and blacks in the South. Since the end of the Civil War, religious worship in Jacksonville has been a source of racial segregation. Churches are now sources of political segregation as well, with Democrats dominating black churches and Republicans attending white churches. This phenomenon adds another layer of political separation between blacks and whites. Although blacks and whites who regularly attend church agree on many social issues, there is stark disagreement relating to economic issues and national security. Thus, black and white churches are centers of organization for competing political parties.
