Mette Elise Jolly
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199213078
- eISBN:
- 9780191707155
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199213078.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The European Union is frequently accused of having a ‘democratic deficit’. Many commentators argue that this could be remedied by increasing the powers of the European Parliament relative to those of ...
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The European Union is frequently accused of having a ‘democratic deficit’. Many commentators argue that this could be remedied by increasing the powers of the European Parliament relative to those of the Council and the Commission. The fact that the European Parliament is the only EU institution whose members are directly elected leads to the assumption that it is also the most legitimate. This book argues that this position is based on the flawed assumption that the nature of European citizenry is similar to those of the member states. In other words, the position assumes that the union has a demos, or a people, who are prepared to accept majority outcomes even when finding themselves in the minority. The book argues that this is not the case and that the most severe dimension of the democracy problem is not procedural, but socio-psychological. The fact that the EU does not have a people means that establishing an EU-wide democracy based on analogies to domestic political systems is likely to lead to a further loss of democratic legitimacy. The EU can rely on output legitimacy in policy areas which do not require pan-European solidarity and identity, and in which policy-making at EU-level increases efficiency and thereby benefits all citizens. However, policy areas which require high levels of solidarity or a common identity should either remain fully within the nation states, or be subject to intergovernmental rather than supranational decision-making at EU-level.Less
The European Union is frequently accused of having a ‘democratic deficit’. Many commentators argue that this could be remedied by increasing the powers of the European Parliament relative to those of the Council and the Commission. The fact that the European Parliament is the only EU institution whose members are directly elected leads to the assumption that it is also the most legitimate. This book argues that this position is based on the flawed assumption that the nature of European citizenry is similar to those of the member states. In other words, the position assumes that the union has a demos, or a people, who are prepared to accept majority outcomes even when finding themselves in the minority. The book argues that this is not the case and that the most severe dimension of the democracy problem is not procedural, but socio-psychological. The fact that the EU does not have a people means that establishing an EU-wide democracy based on analogies to domestic political systems is likely to lead to a further loss of democratic legitimacy. The EU can rely on output legitimacy in policy areas which do not require pan-European solidarity and identity, and in which policy-making at EU-level increases efficiency and thereby benefits all citizens. However, policy areas which require high levels of solidarity or a common identity should either remain fully within the nation states, or be subject to intergovernmental rather than supranational decision-making at EU-level.
Juliet Hooker
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195335361
- eISBN:
- 9780199868995
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195335361.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This book examines how the social fact of race shapes the ethical-political orientations of citizens in diverse democracies. It develops the concept of racialized solidarity; explores its impact on ...
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This book examines how the social fact of race shapes the ethical-political orientations of citizens in diverse democracies. It develops the concept of racialized solidarity; explores its impact on current conceptions of racial justice, particularly as formulated in theories of multiculturalism; and suggests how it might begin to be addressed. Political solidarity is the reciprocal relation of trust and obligation between members of a political community necessary for them to live together on terms of fairness, reciprocity, and mutual respect. The contours of political solidarity continue to be indelibly shaped by race, however. Racialized solidarity is thus an important obstacle to racial justice. Weaving together insights drawn from African American political philosophy, theories of multiculturalism, and the literature on solidarity in political theory, the book develops a distinctive approach to questions of racial justice. Against the prevailing tendency to claim that the best way to deal with racism is to abandon the concept of race altogether, the book suggests that one way to begin to confront the racialized politics of solidarity is to attempt to transform the ethical-historical perspectives of dominant groups by making whiteness visible. This requires confronting past collective injustices and transforming the content of the political community's public memory so that it reflects the ethical-political perspectives of both dominant and subordinated groups. The book provides a detailed analysis of Latin American models of multiculturalism, which are compared to those developed in the United States and Canada.Less
This book examines how the social fact of race shapes the ethical-political orientations of citizens in diverse democracies. It develops the concept of racialized solidarity; explores its impact on current conceptions of racial justice, particularly as formulated in theories of multiculturalism; and suggests how it might begin to be addressed. Political solidarity is the reciprocal relation of trust and obligation between members of a political community necessary for them to live together on terms of fairness, reciprocity, and mutual respect. The contours of political solidarity continue to be indelibly shaped by race, however. Racialized solidarity is thus an important obstacle to racial justice. Weaving together insights drawn from African American political philosophy, theories of multiculturalism, and the literature on solidarity in political theory, the book develops a distinctive approach to questions of racial justice. Against the prevailing tendency to claim that the best way to deal with racism is to abandon the concept of race altogether, the book suggests that one way to begin to confront the racialized politics of solidarity is to attempt to transform the ethical-historical perspectives of dominant groups by making whiteness visible. This requires confronting past collective injustices and transforming the content of the political community's public memory so that it reflects the ethical-political perspectives of both dominant and subordinated groups. The book provides a detailed analysis of Latin American models of multiculturalism, which are compared to those developed in the United States and Canada.
Adiel Schremer
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195383775
- eISBN:
- 9780199777280
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195383775.003.0008
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion in the Ancient World
This chapter suggests that the rabbinic discourse of minut offers an important point of view on the social-historical meaning of discourses of identity more broadly. For minut, in Tannaitic sources, ...
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This chapter suggests that the rabbinic discourse of minut offers an important point of view on the social-historical meaning of discourses of identity more broadly. For minut, in Tannaitic sources, is treated no less as a social and communal deviance than as a doctrinal challenge. This indicates that the problem with heretics, although frequently presented in relation to their religious beliefs and the doctrines they embrace, may be located, in fact, in the realm of social and communal concerns. What motivates the rabbinic discourse of minut is a concern for social and communal cohesion. It is characterized by concepts of social solidarity and belonging, no less than by a concept of “correct belief.”Less
This chapter suggests that the rabbinic discourse of minut offers an important point of view on the social-historical meaning of discourses of identity more broadly. For minut, in Tannaitic sources, is treated no less as a social and communal deviance than as a doctrinal challenge. This indicates that the problem with heretics, although frequently presented in relation to their religious beliefs and the doctrines they embrace, may be located, in fact, in the realm of social and communal concerns. What motivates the rabbinic discourse of minut is a concern for social and communal cohesion. It is characterized by concepts of social solidarity and belonging, no less than by a concept of “correct belief.”
Jeffrey C. Alexander
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195162509
- eISBN:
- 9780199943364
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195162509.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Culture
How do real individuals live together in real societies in the real world? What binds societies together and how can these social orders be structured in a fair way? This book addresses this central ...
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How do real individuals live together in real societies in the real world? What binds societies together and how can these social orders be structured in a fair way? This book addresses this central paradox of modern life. Feelings for others—the solidarity that is ignored or underplayed by theories of power or self-interest—are at the heart of this novel inquiry into the meeting place between normative theories of what we think we should do and empirical studies of who we actually are. The book demonstrates that solidarity creates inclusive and exclusive social structures, and shows how they can be repaired. It is not perfect, it is not absolute, and the horrors which occur in its lapses have been seen all too frequently in the forms of discrimination, genocide, and war. Despite its worldly flaws and contradictions, however, solidarity and the project of civil society remain our best hope—the antidote to every divisive institution, every unfair distribution, and every abusive and dominating hierarchy. A grand and sweeping statement, the book is a major contribution to our thinking about the real but ideal world in which we all reside.Less
How do real individuals live together in real societies in the real world? What binds societies together and how can these social orders be structured in a fair way? This book addresses this central paradox of modern life. Feelings for others—the solidarity that is ignored or underplayed by theories of power or self-interest—are at the heart of this novel inquiry into the meeting place between normative theories of what we think we should do and empirical studies of who we actually are. The book demonstrates that solidarity creates inclusive and exclusive social structures, and shows how they can be repaired. It is not perfect, it is not absolute, and the horrors which occur in its lapses have been seen all too frequently in the forms of discrimination, genocide, and war. Despite its worldly flaws and contradictions, however, solidarity and the project of civil society remain our best hope—the antidote to every divisive institution, every unfair distribution, and every abusive and dominating hierarchy. A grand and sweeping statement, the book is a major contribution to our thinking about the real but ideal world in which we all reside.
Pablo de Greiff
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199291922
- eISBN:
- 9780191603716
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199291926.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This paper seeks to articulate a conception of justice in reparations for victims of human rights violations when the aim is to repair a large number of cases, as opposed to individual, isolated ...
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This paper seeks to articulate a conception of justice in reparations for victims of human rights violations when the aim is to repair a large number of cases, as opposed to individual, isolated cases. It starts with an effort to establish some semantic clarity by trying to distinguish between two different contexts for the use of the term “reparations”. It discusses some of the problems with merely transplanting the ideal of compensation in proportion to harm from its natural home in the resolution of individual judicial cases, and using it as a standard of justice for massive reparations programs. Instead, it argues in favor of thinking about justice in the context of massive cases in terms of the achievement of three goals, namely, recognition, civic trust, and social solidarity — three goals that are intimately related to justice. Finally, it tries to shed light on the basic trade-offs that accompany some of the choices that have to be made in the process of constructing a comprehensive and coherent reparations program.Less
This paper seeks to articulate a conception of justice in reparations for victims of human rights violations when the aim is to repair a large number of cases, as opposed to individual, isolated cases. It starts with an effort to establish some semantic clarity by trying to distinguish between two different contexts for the use of the term “reparations”. It discusses some of the problems with merely transplanting the ideal of compensation in proportion to harm from its natural home in the resolution of individual judicial cases, and using it as a standard of justice for massive reparations programs. Instead, it argues in favor of thinking about justice in the context of massive cases in terms of the achievement of three goals, namely, recognition, civic trust, and social solidarity — three goals that are intimately related to justice. Finally, it tries to shed light on the basic trade-offs that accompany some of the choices that have to be made in the process of constructing a comprehensive and coherent reparations program.
John E. Roemer
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199281688
- eISBN:
- 9780191603747
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199281688.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This essay considers the role of impartiality in theories of distributive justice. Impartiality is modelled by Rawls in his famous thought experiment of a veil of ignorance, where individuals reason ...
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This essay considers the role of impartiality in theories of distributive justice. Impartiality is modelled by Rawls in his famous thought experiment of a veil of ignorance, where individuals reason about principles of justice without knowing fundamental aspects of themselves — such as talent or family background. It is argued that the veil of ignorance delivers recommendations that are inconsistent with prioritarianism, that is, the view that priority should be given to ameliorating the disadvantage of the worst off. Hence, prioritarianism, which is after all far weaker than strict egalitarianism, cannot be justified by appeal to a veil of ignorance. The veil of ignorance achieves impartiality, but impartiality needs to be conjoined with a principle of solidarity in order to justify the redistribution of wealth. The resource allocation rules that jointly satisfy impartiality, priority, and solidarity are described.Less
This essay considers the role of impartiality in theories of distributive justice. Impartiality is modelled by Rawls in his famous thought experiment of a veil of ignorance, where individuals reason about principles of justice without knowing fundamental aspects of themselves — such as talent or family background. It is argued that the veil of ignorance delivers recommendations that are inconsistent with prioritarianism, that is, the view that priority should be given to ameliorating the disadvantage of the worst off. Hence, prioritarianism, which is after all far weaker than strict egalitarianism, cannot be justified by appeal to a veil of ignorance. The veil of ignorance achieves impartiality, but impartiality needs to be conjoined with a principle of solidarity in order to justify the redistribution of wealth. The resource allocation rules that jointly satisfy impartiality, priority, and solidarity are described.
Jeffrey C. Alexander
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195162509
- eISBN:
- 9780199943364
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195162509.003.0037
- Subject:
- Sociology, Culture
This chapter summarizes the preceding discussions and presents some concluding thoughts. This book presented a new theory of society by defining a new sphere, its cultural structures, its ...
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This chapter summarizes the preceding discussions and presents some concluding thoughts. This book presented a new theory of society by defining a new sphere, its cultural structures, its institutions, and its boundary relations with discourses and institutions outside it. It suggests that in a world of increasingly dangerous weapons and political tactics, a globalized civil sphere may be the only way to proceed. Without a global range, the promises even of civil society in its national form may die. Only the civil sphere can regulate force and eliminate arbitrary violence. It does so through persuasion and civil power and, if necessary, by dispensing force to defend democratic solidarity and to keep the aspirations of civil society alive. As violence becomes global, so must the civil sphere.Less
This chapter summarizes the preceding discussions and presents some concluding thoughts. This book presented a new theory of society by defining a new sphere, its cultural structures, its institutions, and its boundary relations with discourses and institutions outside it. It suggests that in a world of increasingly dangerous weapons and political tactics, a globalized civil sphere may be the only way to proceed. Without a global range, the promises even of civil society in its national form may die. Only the civil sphere can regulate force and eliminate arbitrary violence. It does so through persuasion and civil power and, if necessary, by dispensing force to defend democratic solidarity and to keep the aspirations of civil society alive. As violence becomes global, so must the civil sphere.
Sharon Erickson Nepstad
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780195169232
- eISBN:
- 9780199835195
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195169239.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This book examines the Central American solidarity movement based on the cultural-agency approach. It also explores the challenges of organizing at the transnational level. People of faith were at ...
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This book examines the Central American solidarity movement based on the cultural-agency approach. It also explores the challenges of organizing at the transnational level. People of faith were at the center of this movement, determined to change President Reagan’s foreign policy towards Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Guatemala. To achieve this goal, some petitioned Congress to stop aid to those responsible for human rights violations in the region. Many attended protests, marches and commemorative vigils.Less
This book examines the Central American solidarity movement based on the cultural-agency approach. It also explores the challenges of organizing at the transnational level. People of faith were at the center of this movement, determined to change President Reagan’s foreign policy towards Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Guatemala. To achieve this goal, some petitioned Congress to stop aid to those responsible for human rights violations in the region. Many attended protests, marches and commemorative vigils.
Malcolm Ross and Yuri Borgmann-Prebil (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199583188
- eISBN:
- 9780191594502
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199583188.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law, EU Law
The European Commission has claimed that ‘Solidarity is part of how European society works...’ . But how are we to understand solidarity and what are its implications to government policy? This book ...
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The European Commission has claimed that ‘Solidarity is part of how European society works...’ . But how are we to understand solidarity and what are its implications to government policy? This book addresses the question of what solidarity might mean today and its relevance to the purposes of the European Union and the way it functions. Is solidarity just a slogan or can it have meaningful legal and policy content? Contributions from leading scholars in law, politics, and sociology are brought together in this book to discuss an idea that is coming under fresh scrutiny at a time when the EU's direction following the implementation of the Lisbon Treaty is hotly debated. The book engages with both the content and limitations of solidarity as a concept in political and legal debate, and its application to specific fields such as migration, education, and pension policies. The book provides a provocative analysis of the power and potential of solidarity, applying a sceptical and rigorous assessment of the conditions necessary for it to make a difference to the European political and legal space at a time when traditional manifestations of national solidarity (e.g., in health care) are perceived to be under threat from EU market liberalization policies. A number of chapters consider whether an EU concept of solidarity is possible and how that might affect the balance between market and social priorities for the Union's future.Less
The European Commission has claimed that ‘Solidarity is part of how European society works...’ . But how are we to understand solidarity and what are its implications to government policy? This book addresses the question of what solidarity might mean today and its relevance to the purposes of the European Union and the way it functions. Is solidarity just a slogan or can it have meaningful legal and policy content? Contributions from leading scholars in law, politics, and sociology are brought together in this book to discuss an idea that is coming under fresh scrutiny at a time when the EU's direction following the implementation of the Lisbon Treaty is hotly debated. The book engages with both the content and limitations of solidarity as a concept in political and legal debate, and its application to specific fields such as migration, education, and pension policies. The book provides a provocative analysis of the power and potential of solidarity, applying a sceptical and rigorous assessment of the conditions necessary for it to make a difference to the European political and legal space at a time when traditional manifestations of national solidarity (e.g., in health care) are perceived to be under threat from EU market liberalization policies. A number of chapters consider whether an EU concept of solidarity is possible and how that might affect the balance between market and social priorities for the Union's future.
Juliet Hooker
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195335361
- eISBN:
- 9780199868995
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195335361.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter sketches the concepts of political solidarity and racialized solidarity. Contemporary political theorists have questioned the nature, scope, and basis of political solidarity: Is it ...
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This chapter sketches the concepts of political solidarity and racialized solidarity. Contemporary political theorists have questioned the nature, scope, and basis of political solidarity: Is it primarily affective (based on fellow feeling) or rational (based on a capacity to will the common good)? Is it best conceived in local or global terms? Does it spring from shared membership in a nation or a more universal humanity? They have had little to say about the impact of race on political solidarity, however. Political solidarity, it is argued, is best conceived as simultaneously having an important affective dimension and an ethical orientation that moves us to action; as multiple and overlapping; as the product of structural conditions that require individuals to develop contingent solidarities not dependent on common interests or identities; and as being fundamentally shaped by race.Less
This chapter sketches the concepts of political solidarity and racialized solidarity. Contemporary political theorists have questioned the nature, scope, and basis of political solidarity: Is it primarily affective (based on fellow feeling) or rational (based on a capacity to will the common good)? Is it best conceived in local or global terms? Does it spring from shared membership in a nation or a more universal humanity? They have had little to say about the impact of race on political solidarity, however. Political solidarity, it is argued, is best conceived as simultaneously having an important affective dimension and an ethical orientation that moves us to action; as multiple and overlapping; as the product of structural conditions that require individuals to develop contingent solidarities not dependent on common interests or identities; and as being fundamentally shaped by race.
Mette Elise Jolly
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199213078
- eISBN:
- 9780191707155
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199213078.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter opens with a theoretical analysis of the concept of democracy with the emphasis on two questions, ‘What does it mean to rule?’ and ‘Who are the people?’ Whilst the introduction of EU ...
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This chapter opens with a theoretical analysis of the concept of democracy with the emphasis on two questions, ‘What does it mean to rule?’ and ‘Who are the people?’ Whilst the introduction of EU citizenship has created a demos in legal terms it is argued that this demos has no social side because the European civic atmosphere continues to be characterized by relatively low levels of transnational solidarity and identification. In other words, technically there may be a European demos but it is only a demos ‘on paper’. On the basis of the discussion, it is concluded that it makes sense to distinguish between two sides of the social demos, the ethno-cultural side (history, language, political habits, ethnicity, and religion) and the subjective-emotional side (personal feelings of identity and solidarity). Although the former is often seen as a prerequisite for the latter, it may be possible to identify common values or wishes across European states, which can justify some level of supranational EU government.Less
This chapter opens with a theoretical analysis of the concept of democracy with the emphasis on two questions, ‘What does it mean to rule?’ and ‘Who are the people?’ Whilst the introduction of EU citizenship has created a demos in legal terms it is argued that this demos has no social side because the European civic atmosphere continues to be characterized by relatively low levels of transnational solidarity and identification. In other words, technically there may be a European demos but it is only a demos ‘on paper’. On the basis of the discussion, it is concluded that it makes sense to distinguish between two sides of the social demos, the ethno-cultural side (history, language, political habits, ethnicity, and religion) and the subjective-emotional side (personal feelings of identity and solidarity). Although the former is often seen as a prerequisite for the latter, it may be possible to identify common values or wishes across European states, which can justify some level of supranational EU government.
Mette Elise Jolly
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199213078
- eISBN:
- 9780191707155
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199213078.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter uses survey data to measure levels of transnational solidarity, awareness of EU-related matters, and public support for the integration process. It seeks to uncover the extent to which ...
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This chapter uses survey data to measure levels of transnational solidarity, awareness of EU-related matters, and public support for the integration process. It seeks to uncover the extent to which people identify with the union as well as the level of interest in transnational political participation. The aim of the empirical analysis is neither to make predictions about outcomes of future referendums nor to explain support or lack of support for European integration. Rather the aim is to offer some pointers as to whether it is realistic to claim that a demos is forming at the EU level. It is concluded that a European demos does not exist and that continued European Union membership does not serve to make citizens feel ‘more European’. Although most citizens are supportive of their country's membership of the union, more than half of the EU citizens would not be particularly sorry if the EU were to be dissolved. However, there are a number of fundamental values which enjoy high levels of support in all member states, most notably a very strong commitment to democracy.Less
This chapter uses survey data to measure levels of transnational solidarity, awareness of EU-related matters, and public support for the integration process. It seeks to uncover the extent to which people identify with the union as well as the level of interest in transnational political participation. The aim of the empirical analysis is neither to make predictions about outcomes of future referendums nor to explain support or lack of support for European integration. Rather the aim is to offer some pointers as to whether it is realistic to claim that a demos is forming at the EU level. It is concluded that a European demos does not exist and that continued European Union membership does not serve to make citizens feel ‘more European’. Although most citizens are supportive of their country's membership of the union, more than half of the EU citizens would not be particularly sorry if the EU were to be dissolved. However, there are a number of fundamental values which enjoy high levels of support in all member states, most notably a very strong commitment to democracy.
Cécile Laborde
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199550210
- eISBN:
- 9780191720857
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199550210.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, Political Theory
This book conducts the first comprehensive philosophical analysis of the hijab controversy in France, this book also conducts a dialogue between contemporary Anglo-American and French political ...
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This book conducts the first comprehensive philosophical analysis of the hijab controversy in France, this book also conducts a dialogue between contemporary Anglo-American and French political theory and defends a progressive republican solution to so-called multicultural conflicts in contemporary societies. It critically assesses the official republican philosophy of laïcité which purported to justify the 2004 ban on religious signs in schools. Laïcité is shown to encompass a comprehensive theory of republican citizenship, centered on three ideals: equality (secular neutrality of the public sphere), liberty (individual autonomy and emancipation), and fraternity (civic loyalty to the community of citizens). Challenging official interpretations of laïcité, the book then puts forward a critical republicanism which does not support the hijab ban, yet upholds a revised interpretation of three central republican commitments: secularism, non-domination and civic solidarity. Thus, it articulates a version of secularism which squarely addresses the problem of status quo bias—the fact that Western societies are historically not neutral towards all religions. It also defends a vision of female emancipation which rejects the coercive paternalism inherent in the regulation of religious dress, yet does not leave individuals unaided in the face of religious and secular, patriarchal and ethnocentric domination. Finally, the book outlines a theory of immigrant integration which places the burden of civic integration on basic socio-economic and political institutions, rather than on citizens themselves. This book examines the management of religious and cultural pluralism, centred on the pursuit of the progressive ideal of non-domination in existing, non-ideal societies.Less
This book conducts the first comprehensive philosophical analysis of the hijab controversy in France, this book also conducts a dialogue between contemporary Anglo-American and French political theory and defends a progressive republican solution to so-called multicultural conflicts in contemporary societies. It critically assesses the official republican philosophy of laïcité which purported to justify the 2004 ban on religious signs in schools. Laïcité is shown to encompass a comprehensive theory of republican citizenship, centered on three ideals: equality (secular neutrality of the public sphere), liberty (individual autonomy and emancipation), and fraternity (civic loyalty to the community of citizens). Challenging official interpretations of laïcité, the book then puts forward a critical republicanism which does not support the hijab ban, yet upholds a revised interpretation of three central republican commitments: secularism, non-domination and civic solidarity. Thus, it articulates a version of secularism which squarely addresses the problem of status quo bias—the fact that Western societies are historically not neutral towards all religions. It also defends a vision of female emancipation which rejects the coercive paternalism inherent in the regulation of religious dress, yet does not leave individuals unaided in the face of religious and secular, patriarchal and ethnocentric domination. Finally, the book outlines a theory of immigrant integration which places the burden of civic integration on basic socio-economic and political institutions, rather than on citizens themselves. This book examines the management of religious and cultural pluralism, centred on the pursuit of the progressive ideal of non-domination in existing, non-ideal societies.
Margaret D. Kamitsuka
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195311624
- eISBN:
- 9780199785643
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195311624.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology
This chapter addresses one of the most contested issues in feminist theology today: solidarity. Three important contemporary approaches to this issue (by white feminists Sharon Welch and Sheila ...
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This chapter addresses one of the most contested issues in feminist theology today: solidarity. Three important contemporary approaches to this issue (by white feminists Sharon Welch and Sheila Greeve Davaney and womanist M. Shawn Copeland) are examined. In critical conversation with Welch's views on communicative action, Davaney's pragmatism, and Copeland's appeal to eucharistic unity, the chapter proposes some conditions under which feminists might continue rethinking the notion of solidarity. This is followed by discussion of how a metaphor borrowed somewhat eclectically from the field of dance improvisation theory can help us look anew (though still very skeptically) at solidarity in light of inescapable and determinative differences in women's experience.Less
This chapter addresses one of the most contested issues in feminist theology today: solidarity. Three important contemporary approaches to this issue (by white feminists Sharon Welch and Sheila Greeve Davaney and womanist M. Shawn Copeland) are examined. In critical conversation with Welch's views on communicative action, Davaney's pragmatism, and Copeland's appeal to eucharistic unity, the chapter proposes some conditions under which feminists might continue rethinking the notion of solidarity. This is followed by discussion of how a metaphor borrowed somewhat eclectically from the field of dance improvisation theory can help us look anew (though still very skeptically) at solidarity in light of inescapable and determinative differences in women's experience.
Michael Hechter
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199247516
- eISBN:
- 9780191599460
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924751X.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Nationalism has become a prevalent source of conflict and violence in the world. Scholarship has provided scant guidance about the prospect of containing its dark side. Departing from the usual ...
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Nationalism has become a prevalent source of conflict and violence in the world. Scholarship has provided scant guidance about the prospect of containing its dark side. Departing from the usual practice of considering only a few examples of nationalism drawn from a limited geographical and historical canvas, this book is based on fundamental theoretical ideas about the formation and solidarity of groups. More specifically, Containing Nationalism offers a unified explanation of nationalism across the broad sweep of time and space. Among other things, it explains why nationalism is largely confined to modern history, why it is supported by specific forms of inequality between cultural groups, and why it is inclusive at some times and exclusive at others.Nationalism is the attempt of culturally distinct peoples to attain political self‐determination. Such self‐determination was generally afforded by traditional states, which employed a form of governance based on indirect rule. After the late eighteenth century, the rise of the modern state led to a new form of governance based on direct rule. Containing Nationalism argues that the impetus for the most common type of nationalism arises from the imposition of direct rule in culturally heterogeneous societies. Direct rule stimulates national identity by making cultural distinctions more salient for individuals’ life chances. At the same time, it reduces the resources of local elites, giving them a motive to mobilize nationalist opposition to central authorities. All told, these effects heighten the demand for sovereignty. The book suggests that political institutions that reintroduce indirect rule offer the leaders of modern countries the best available means of containing nationalist violence within their borders.Less
Nationalism has become a prevalent source of conflict and violence in the world. Scholarship has provided scant guidance about the prospect of containing its dark side. Departing from the usual practice of considering only a few examples of nationalism drawn from a limited geographical and historical canvas, this book is based on fundamental theoretical ideas about the formation and solidarity of groups. More specifically, Containing Nationalism offers a unified explanation of nationalism across the broad sweep of time and space. Among other things, it explains why nationalism is largely confined to modern history, why it is supported by specific forms of inequality between cultural groups, and why it is inclusive at some times and exclusive at others.
Nationalism is the attempt of culturally distinct peoples to attain political self‐determination. Such self‐determination was generally afforded by traditional states, which employed a form of governance based on indirect rule. After the late eighteenth century, the rise of the modern state led to a new form of governance based on direct rule. Containing Nationalism argues that the impetus for the most common type of nationalism arises from the imposition of direct rule in culturally heterogeneous societies. Direct rule stimulates national identity by making cultural distinctions more salient for individuals’ life chances. At the same time, it reduces the resources of local elites, giving them a motive to mobilize nationalist opposition to central authorities. All told, these effects heighten the demand for sovereignty. The book suggests that political institutions that reintroduce indirect rule offer the leaders of modern countries the best available means of containing nationalist violence within their borders.
Juliet Hooker
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195335361
- eISBN:
- 9780199868995
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195335361.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This introductory chapter presents the main arguments of the book: that the disparate ethical-historical perspectives developed by dominant and subordinated racialized groups have enormous ...
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This introductory chapter presents the main arguments of the book: that the disparate ethical-historical perspectives developed by dominant and subordinated racialized groups have enormous consequences for how remedies to racialized oppression are adjudicated in the public sphere, and that as a result theorists of multiculturalism must begin to grapple with the obstacle the racialized politics of solidarity poses to the long-term project of achieving racial justice. It explains the concept of racialized solidarity and shows its pervasive presence in most diverse democracies, despite assumptions to the contrary. Key terms are defined and an overview of the objectives and structure of the book is provided.Less
This introductory chapter presents the main arguments of the book: that the disparate ethical-historical perspectives developed by dominant and subordinated racialized groups have enormous consequences for how remedies to racialized oppression are adjudicated in the public sphere, and that as a result theorists of multiculturalism must begin to grapple with the obstacle the racialized politics of solidarity poses to the long-term project of achieving racial justice. It explains the concept of racialized solidarity and shows its pervasive presence in most diverse democracies, despite assumptions to the contrary. Key terms are defined and an overview of the objectives and structure of the book is provided.
Juliet Hooker
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195335361
- eISBN:
- 9780199868995
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195335361.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
What is the effect of the institutional design of minority group rights on political solidarity? Can debates about such rights begin to address racialized solidarity? This chapter examines these ...
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What is the effect of the institutional design of minority group rights on political solidarity? Can debates about such rights begin to address racialized solidarity? This chapter examines these questions more concretely by analyzing the model of multiculturalism adopted in Nicaragua, where multiple indigenous and Afro-descendant groups requiring remedies for both racialized oppression and the accommodation of cultural difference are present (as in Latin America generally). The Nicaraguan case is analyzed in order to evaluate the kinds of minority group rights that might best enable the fair accommodation of ethnocultural diversity, remedy racialized oppression, and foster political solidarity. It suggests that debates about such rights can begin to address racialized solidarity by ushering in contestation about the content of public memory, but only if and when arguments for these rights reveal the existence of a state organized on the basis of cultural difference and racial hierarchy.Less
What is the effect of the institutional design of minority group rights on political solidarity? Can debates about such rights begin to address racialized solidarity? This chapter examines these questions more concretely by analyzing the model of multiculturalism adopted in Nicaragua, where multiple indigenous and Afro-descendant groups requiring remedies for both racialized oppression and the accommodation of cultural difference are present (as in Latin America generally). The Nicaraguan case is analyzed in order to evaluate the kinds of minority group rights that might best enable the fair accommodation of ethnocultural diversity, remedy racialized oppression, and foster political solidarity. It suggests that debates about such rights can begin to address racialized solidarity by ushering in contestation about the content of public memory, but only if and when arguments for these rights reveal the existence of a state organized on the basis of cultural difference and racial hierarchy.
Juliet Hooker
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195335361
- eISBN:
- 9780199868995
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195335361.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
The central aims of the book—to show that racialized solidarity poses a significant obstacle to racial justice, and to consider how theories of multiculturalism might incorporate the promotion of ...
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The central aims of the book—to show that racialized solidarity poses a significant obstacle to racial justice, and to consider how theories of multiculturalism might incorporate the promotion of political solidarity (both between disadvantaged groups, and between subordinated groups and dominant groups) into their conceptual apparatus—are discussed. The principal contributions of the book are noted, including (a) developing the concept of racialized solidarity, (b) bringing together African American political philosophy, theories of multiculturalism, and the literature on solidarity in political theory in order to develop a distinctive approach to the problem of racial justice, and (c) bringing Latin American experiences with multiculturalism to the forefront of debates about minority group rights in political theory.Less
The central aims of the book—to show that racialized solidarity poses a significant obstacle to racial justice, and to consider how theories of multiculturalism might incorporate the promotion of political solidarity (both between disadvantaged groups, and between subordinated groups and dominant groups) into their conceptual apparatus—are discussed. The principal contributions of the book are noted, including (a) developing the concept of racialized solidarity, (b) bringing together African American political philosophy, theories of multiculturalism, and the literature on solidarity in political theory in order to develop a distinctive approach to the problem of racial justice, and (c) bringing Latin American experiences with multiculturalism to the forefront of debates about minority group rights in political theory.
Vincent D. Rougeau
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195188097
- eISBN:
- 9780199852109
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195188097.003.0008
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology
This chapter presents some concluding thoughts from the author. It argues for a more bottom-up vision of Christianity, one that is much better suited to a respect for democratic pluralism and ...
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This chapter presents some concluding thoughts from the author. It argues for a more bottom-up vision of Christianity, one that is much better suited to a respect for democratic pluralism and properly engaged with modern Christian social thought. This Christianity is cosmopolitan in its outlook but is rooted in the particular traditions of peoples, their histories, and the places that are dear to them. It leads by example and seeks to propose, rather than impose, the truth of its beliefs. Most important, it does not direct its primary energies to supporting the powerful and justifying the rich. Instead, it looks to relationships with the weak, the poor, and the marginalized as the foundation for meaningful community and solidarity, thereby enabling what Martha Nussbaum has termed a “purified patriotism” within the context of an increasing recognition of responsibilities to those outside the nation-state.Less
This chapter presents some concluding thoughts from the author. It argues for a more bottom-up vision of Christianity, one that is much better suited to a respect for democratic pluralism and properly engaged with modern Christian social thought. This Christianity is cosmopolitan in its outlook but is rooted in the particular traditions of peoples, their histories, and the places that are dear to them. It leads by example and seeks to propose, rather than impose, the truth of its beliefs. Most important, it does not direct its primary energies to supporting the powerful and justifying the rich. Instead, it looks to relationships with the weak, the poor, and the marginalized as the foundation for meaningful community and solidarity, thereby enabling what Martha Nussbaum has termed a “purified patriotism” within the context of an increasing recognition of responsibilities to those outside the nation-state.
Cécile Laborde
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199550210
- eISBN:
- 9780191720857
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199550210.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, Political Theory
Chapter 8 introduces the official republican case for requiring minorities to endorse national identity and to privatise their cultural and religious differences, in the name of civic, inter-ethnic ...
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Chapter 8 introduces the official republican case for requiring minorities to endorse national identity and to privatise their cultural and religious differences, in the name of civic, inter-ethnic solidarity. It first argues that historically, republican solidarity had non-ethnic foundations, but relied on fairly high levels of cultural convergence, as shared nationality was expected to function as a civic and democratic bond. It then shows how the historical model of national assimilation served as a template for the integration of immigrants and their children in the 1980s. Finally, it suggests that the public wearing of hijab has been perceived by official republicans as a symptom of a crisis of the national model of integration, one that sets divisive identity politics against the republican politics of inclusive solidarity.Less
Chapter 8 introduces the official republican case for requiring minorities to endorse national identity and to privatise their cultural and religious differences, in the name of civic, inter-ethnic solidarity. It first argues that historically, republican solidarity had non-ethnic foundations, but relied on fairly high levels of cultural convergence, as shared nationality was expected to function as a civic and democratic bond. It then shows how the historical model of national assimilation served as a template for the integration of immigrants and their children in the 1980s. Finally, it suggests that the public wearing of hijab has been perceived by official republicans as a symptom of a crisis of the national model of integration, one that sets divisive identity politics against the republican politics of inclusive solidarity.
