Joseph S. Nye
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195161106
- eISBN:
- 9780199871087
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195161106.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The U.S. security policy needs to be based on a proper appreciation of the roots of the nation's superpower status, which recognizes the contribution of “soft” (economic and cultural) power to the ...
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The U.S. security policy needs to be based on a proper appreciation of the roots of the nation's superpower status, which recognizes the contribution of “soft” (economic and cultural) power to the defense of a balanced world system, which would preclude the formation of peer competitors or an anti‐U.S. consensus. This chapter assesses the potential of China, Japan, Russia, India and the European Union to challenge U.S. hegemony, or to contribute to such a challenge.Less
The U.S. security policy needs to be based on a proper appreciation of the roots of the nation's superpower status, which recognizes the contribution of “soft” (economic and cultural) power to the defense of a balanced world system, which would preclude the formation of peer competitors or an anti‐U.S. consensus. This chapter assesses the potential of China, Japan, Russia, India and the European Union to challenge U.S. hegemony, or to contribute to such a challenge.
Joseph S. Nye
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195161106
- eISBN:
- 9780199871087
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195161106.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The U.S. “war on terror” response to the attacks of September 11, 2001 has exposed the extent, already apparent on various other fronts, to which U.S. foreign policy has become unilateralist, ...
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The U.S. “war on terror” response to the attacks of September 11, 2001 has exposed the extent, already apparent on various other fronts, to which U.S. foreign policy has become unilateralist, arrogant, and parochial. It is pursuing a limited conception of the U.S. national interest with a limited focus on the utility of “hard” (military) power. Instead, it should be aiming to defend American pluralist values by means of an inclusive, multilateralist foreign policy, based on a judicious mix of “hard” and “soft” power.Less
The U.S. “war on terror” response to the attacks of September 11, 2001 has exposed the extent, already apparent on various other fronts, to which U.S. foreign policy has become unilateralist, arrogant, and parochial. It is pursuing a limited conception of the U.S. national interest with a limited focus on the utility of “hard” (military) power. Instead, it should be aiming to defend American pluralist values by means of an inclusive, multilateralist foreign policy, based on a judicious mix of “hard” and “soft” power.
Joseph S. Nye
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195161106
- eISBN:
- 9780199871087
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195161106.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The information revolution, which is now transforming societies around the world, is also changing the nature of governments and sovereignty, increasing the role of non‐state actors, and enhancing ...
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The information revolution, which is now transforming societies around the world, is also changing the nature of governments and sovereignty, increasing the role of non‐state actors, and enhancing the importance of “soft” power in foreign policy. The U.S. foreign policy needs to anticipate its effects in shaping interstate relations at three levels that affect the utility of “soft” power: first, in terms of the distribution of information management skills; second, in terms of competitive economic advantage; third, in terms of strategic intelligence‐gathering. These levels do not lie in the narrow domain of government action, but reflect broad arenas of societal capability in which “hard” power is merely tangential.Less
The information revolution, which is now transforming societies around the world, is also changing the nature of governments and sovereignty, increasing the role of non‐state actors, and enhancing the importance of “soft” power in foreign policy. The U.S. foreign policy needs to anticipate its effects in shaping interstate relations at three levels that affect the utility of “soft” power: first, in terms of the distribution of information management skills; second, in terms of competitive economic advantage; third, in terms of strategic intelligence‐gathering. These levels do not lie in the narrow domain of government action, but reflect broad arenas of societal capability in which “hard” power is merely tangential.
John O. Voll
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195323405
- eISBN:
- 9780199869237
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195323405.003.0010
- Subject:
- Religion, Sikhism
In a globalizing world, members of the same religious community, anchored in different parts of the world, have greater capacity to increase their cultural, social, and economic links with one ...
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In a globalizing world, members of the same religious community, anchored in different parts of the world, have greater capacity to increase their cultural, social, and economic links with one another. Ironically, this chapter points out how the rise of religious pluralism amid globalization has also strengthened the hand of Muslim leaders such as Osama Bin Laden, intent on destroying pluralism altogether. Al-Qaeda preaches peace but glorifies violence. Bin Laden’s view that violent jihad is an obligation on individual believers isolates him from leading Muslim scholars and jurists. Still, he has been able to gather and hold a sizable following, through dramatic actions, but also through the very same communications technologies that drive religious pluralism and create soft power in world affairs.Less
In a globalizing world, members of the same religious community, anchored in different parts of the world, have greater capacity to increase their cultural, social, and economic links with one another. Ironically, this chapter points out how the rise of religious pluralism amid globalization has also strengthened the hand of Muslim leaders such as Osama Bin Laden, intent on destroying pluralism altogether. Al-Qaeda preaches peace but glorifies violence. Bin Laden’s view that violent jihad is an obligation on individual believers isolates him from leading Muslim scholars and jurists. Still, he has been able to gather and hold a sizable following, through dramatic actions, but also through the very same communications technologies that drive religious pluralism and create soft power in world affairs.
SEBASTIAN BERSICK
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197264089
- eISBN:
- 9780191734809
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264089.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter returns to issues raised by other authors in this section: the contrast between European, Chinese, and US perceptions of hard and soft power in the contexts of regional and global ...
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This chapter returns to issues raised by other authors in this section: the contrast between European, Chinese, and US perceptions of hard and soft power in the contexts of regional and global governance. Taking the ASEM process as a case, it shows how Europeans and Asians have approached the interaction from different institutional perspectives. Despite this, it sees ASEM as a process that reflects, and promotes, the advance of regional institutionalism in East Asia, adding an important dimension to the Europe–China relationship. This is then contrasted with the US strategy of dual divergence: a divergent internal strategy that rejects institutionalism for managing regional security; and an external divergent strategy that rejects the building of shared and reciprocal institutions between the USA and Asia. The chapter concludes that Europe's ‘balancing by convergence’ strategy has advantages over the USA's ‘balancing by divergence’ strategy.Less
This chapter returns to issues raised by other authors in this section: the contrast between European, Chinese, and US perceptions of hard and soft power in the contexts of regional and global governance. Taking the ASEM process as a case, it shows how Europeans and Asians have approached the interaction from different institutional perspectives. Despite this, it sees ASEM as a process that reflects, and promotes, the advance of regional institutionalism in East Asia, adding an important dimension to the Europe–China relationship. This is then contrasted with the US strategy of dual divergence: a divergent internal strategy that rejects institutionalism for managing regional security; and an external divergent strategy that rejects the building of shared and reciprocal institutions between the USA and Asia. The chapter concludes that Europe's ‘balancing by convergence’ strategy has advantages over the USA's ‘balancing by divergence’ strategy.
David Ellwood
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198228790
- eISBN:
- 9780191741739
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198228790.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, American History: 20th Century
The chapter provides an overview of European responses to the surging economy, cultural inventiveness, and self-confidence of post Cold War America. It suggests that from this perspective, strong ...
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The chapter provides an overview of European responses to the surging economy, cultural inventiveness, and self-confidence of post Cold War America. It suggests that from this perspective, strong parallels can be seen between the 1920s and the 1990s: the prevalence of markets over states, the shift from interdependence to globalisation, swelling consumerism and hedonism — and critical responses of intellectuals on both sides of the Atlantic to these trends — the onward march of US economic progress while Europe floundered. The chapter describes the anxiety of European élites to emulate the latest American models of growth, including their neo-liberalism and technological inventiveness (the era of Internet starts here, paralleling Hollywood's surge in the 1920s), and their difficulty in doing so. It also recounts the rise of polls on attitudes to America in Europe and elsewhere, and what these polls could and could not do for America's image in the world.Less
The chapter provides an overview of European responses to the surging economy, cultural inventiveness, and self-confidence of post Cold War America. It suggests that from this perspective, strong parallels can be seen between the 1920s and the 1990s: the prevalence of markets over states, the shift from interdependence to globalisation, swelling consumerism and hedonism — and critical responses of intellectuals on both sides of the Atlantic to these trends — the onward march of US economic progress while Europe floundered. The chapter describes the anxiety of European élites to emulate the latest American models of growth, including their neo-liberalism and technological inventiveness (the era of Internet starts here, paralleling Hollywood's surge in the 1920s), and their difficulty in doing so. It also recounts the rise of polls on attitudes to America in Europe and elsewhere, and what these polls could and could not do for America's image in the world.
Kenneth Dyson and Klaus H. Goetz
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197262955
- eISBN:
- 9780191734465
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197262955.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter examines the concept of Europeanization and uses it to explore the changing relationship between Germany and the EU. It argues in favour of understanding ‘Europeanization’ as a complex, ...
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This chapter examines the concept of Europeanization and uses it to explore the changing relationship between Germany and the EU. It argues in favour of understanding ‘Europeanization’ as a complex, interactive ‘top-down’ and ‘bottom-up’ process in which domestic polities, politics, and public policies are shaped by European integration and in which domestic actors use this integration to shape the domestic arena. Europeanization may produce either continuity or change and potentially variable and contingent outcomes. Previous work has stressed the capacity of Germany to shape European integration through the use of ‘soft’ power; the coincidence of enabling and restrictive effects arising from progressive integration; and harmonious co-existence and co-evolution between the German political system and the EU level. However, a focus on Europeanization provides grounds for re-examining the conventional wisdom about the domestic conditioning and effects of integration. The chapter highlights how momentous changes in the European integration process are combining with domestic changes, summarized as the transition from the ‘Bonn Republic’ to the ‘Berlin Republic’, to situate Germany as part of a shrinking core and as marked by declining ‘soft’ power.Less
This chapter examines the concept of Europeanization and uses it to explore the changing relationship between Germany and the EU. It argues in favour of understanding ‘Europeanization’ as a complex, interactive ‘top-down’ and ‘bottom-up’ process in which domestic polities, politics, and public policies are shaped by European integration and in which domestic actors use this integration to shape the domestic arena. Europeanization may produce either continuity or change and potentially variable and contingent outcomes. Previous work has stressed the capacity of Germany to shape European integration through the use of ‘soft’ power; the coincidence of enabling and restrictive effects arising from progressive integration; and harmonious co-existence and co-evolution between the German political system and the EU level. However, a focus on Europeanization provides grounds for re-examining the conventional wisdom about the domestic conditioning and effects of integration. The chapter highlights how momentous changes in the European integration process are combining with domestic changes, summarized as the transition from the ‘Bonn Republic’ to the ‘Berlin Republic’, to situate Germany as part of a shrinking core and as marked by declining ‘soft’ power.
David Leheny
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781501729072
- eISBN:
- 9781501729089
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501729072.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Asian Politics
The “Cool Japan” wave that began in 2001 has ebbed and flowed, with many continuing to extol the country’s success in global pop culture markets while others express concern that it has fallen behind ...
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The “Cool Japan” wave that began in 2001 has ebbed and flowed, with many continuing to extol the country’s success in global pop culture markets while others express concern that it has fallen behind “K-Pop” and the increasing global weight of China. This chapter critically examines Joseph Nye’s conception of “soft power,” considering its affective role in representing national aspirations and concerns about global status. The achievement of “soft power” became a broad goal that would link a new, creative generation to the collective endeavors of their parents and grandparents, who had built ostensibly Japan’s postwar economic miracle. In this examination of post-Bubble Japan’s nervous efforts to maintain global cultural weight, the chapter draws from Lauren Berlant’s widely noted book Cruel Optimism, particularly its recognition of addictive modes in contemporary political and social life.Less
The “Cool Japan” wave that began in 2001 has ebbed and flowed, with many continuing to extol the country’s success in global pop culture markets while others express concern that it has fallen behind “K-Pop” and the increasing global weight of China. This chapter critically examines Joseph Nye’s conception of “soft power,” considering its affective role in representing national aspirations and concerns about global status. The achievement of “soft power” became a broad goal that would link a new, creative generation to the collective endeavors of their parents and grandparents, who had built ostensibly Japan’s postwar economic miracle. In this examination of post-Bubble Japan’s nervous efforts to maintain global cultural weight, the chapter draws from Lauren Berlant’s widely noted book Cruel Optimism, particularly its recognition of addictive modes in contemporary political and social life.
Chua Beng Huat
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9789888139033
- eISBN:
- 9789882209121
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888139033.003.0008
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Asian Studies
Pop culture has emerged has a vehicle of soft power and an arena for competition in cultural diplomacy between China, Japan and Korea. As a middle-power, Korea is the most self-conscious about ...
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Pop culture has emerged has a vehicle of soft power and an arena for competition in cultural diplomacy between China, Japan and Korea. As a middle-power, Korea is the most self-conscious about turning the popularity of its pop culture into an instrument to influence its consumers in Japan and, especially China. Japan’s ability to exercise cultural influence is limited by the potential push-back from memories its colonization of Korea and war time atrocities in China. With a nascent media industry, China is currently at a disadvantage because it is a net importer of pop culture; however, its massive consumption power has begun to force foreign producers to seek co-production opportunities with Chinese companies in order to avoid being kept out by import restrictions imposed by the Chinese government. Co-production gives the Chinese counterparts the right to control the content of the programs, than an ideological advantage. In view of the soft power competition, the idea of pan-East Asian cinema seems to be a project deferred rather than one that is imminent.Less
Pop culture has emerged has a vehicle of soft power and an arena for competition in cultural diplomacy between China, Japan and Korea. As a middle-power, Korea is the most self-conscious about turning the popularity of its pop culture into an instrument to influence its consumers in Japan and, especially China. Japan’s ability to exercise cultural influence is limited by the potential push-back from memories its colonization of Korea and war time atrocities in China. With a nascent media industry, China is currently at a disadvantage because it is a net importer of pop culture; however, its massive consumption power has begun to force foreign producers to seek co-production opportunities with Chinese companies in order to avoid being kept out by import restrictions imposed by the Chinese government. Co-production gives the Chinese counterparts the right to control the content of the programs, than an ideological advantage. In view of the soft power competition, the idea of pan-East Asian cinema seems to be a project deferred rather than one that is imminent.
Agnia Grigas
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780300214505
- eISBN:
- 9780300220766
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300214505.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
This chapter sets out the seven phases of the reimperialization policy trajectory that leverages Russian compatriots of the near abroad. This trajectory moves from (1) soft power to (2) humanitarian ...
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This chapter sets out the seven phases of the reimperialization policy trajectory that leverages Russian compatriots of the near abroad. This trajectory moves from (1) soft power to (2) humanitarian policies, (3) compatriot policies, (4) passportization, (5) information warfare, (6) protection, and (7) informal control or formal annexation of the territories where the compatriots reside. The discussion highlights the tight connection between Russia’s softer means of influence and its hard power tactics that may result in territorial annexation.Less
This chapter sets out the seven phases of the reimperialization policy trajectory that leverages Russian compatriots of the near abroad. This trajectory moves from (1) soft power to (2) humanitarian policies, (3) compatriot policies, (4) passportization, (5) information warfare, (6) protection, and (7) informal control or formal annexation of the territories where the compatriots reside. The discussion highlights the tight connection between Russia’s softer means of influence and its hard power tactics that may result in territorial annexation.
Beng Huat Chua
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9789888139033
- eISBN:
- 9789882209121
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888139033.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Asian Studies
The emergence of East Asian Pop Culture as an integrated regional media cultural economy is a result of the penetration of Japanese and Korean pop cultures into the historically well established ...
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The emergence of East Asian Pop Culture as an integrated regional media cultural economy is a result of the penetration of Japanese and Korean pop cultures into the historically well established distribution and exhibition networks of Chinese languages pop culture in locations where ethnic-Chinese constitutes the majority population; namely, Taiwan, Hong Kong, the People’s Republic of China and Singapore. Regionalization has produced transnational and transcultural audience communities of different scale in different reception locations, from those looking merely to be entertained to conventional fan clubs to sub-fan community who translates and subtitles foreign programs for free distribution on the Internet, bypassing state censorship and circuits of profit for the producers. In regional political economy, pop culture has become both a vehicle of transnational collaboration for co-production and market expansion and an instrument of competition in soft power diplomacy, which aims to produce positive sentiments towards the exporting nation among the target audiences. The exporting nation’s achievement in engendering such positive influence is limited by the fragmented nature of the audiences who respond differently to the same products; by backlash from local mobilization against ‘foreign cultural invasion’ in ‘defence’ of the national culture, among the non-consumers in the target location and, finally, by the government of the PRC, the largest consuming country, to control the flow of import, restrict exhibition time and encourage co-production which enables it to shape the content of the co-produced programs.Less
The emergence of East Asian Pop Culture as an integrated regional media cultural economy is a result of the penetration of Japanese and Korean pop cultures into the historically well established distribution and exhibition networks of Chinese languages pop culture in locations where ethnic-Chinese constitutes the majority population; namely, Taiwan, Hong Kong, the People’s Republic of China and Singapore. Regionalization has produced transnational and transcultural audience communities of different scale in different reception locations, from those looking merely to be entertained to conventional fan clubs to sub-fan community who translates and subtitles foreign programs for free distribution on the Internet, bypassing state censorship and circuits of profit for the producers. In regional political economy, pop culture has become both a vehicle of transnational collaboration for co-production and market expansion and an instrument of competition in soft power diplomacy, which aims to produce positive sentiments towards the exporting nation among the target audiences. The exporting nation’s achievement in engendering such positive influence is limited by the fragmented nature of the audiences who respond differently to the same products; by backlash from local mobilization against ‘foreign cultural invasion’ in ‘defence’ of the national culture, among the non-consumers in the target location and, finally, by the government of the PRC, the largest consuming country, to control the flow of import, restrict exhibition time and encourage co-production which enables it to shape the content of the co-produced programs.
Rosemary Foot
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292920
- eISBN:
- 9780191599286
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198292929.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This is the last of four chapters focusing on America’s perceptions of China’s capabilities, and dwelling on the correspondence between those perceptions and the projected consequences. It focuses on ...
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This is the last of four chapters focusing on America’s perceptions of China’s capabilities, and dwelling on the correspondence between those perceptions and the projected consequences. It focuses on US perceptions of the political economy of China from the 1950s to 1978 and its perceived consequences for China’s capabilities both internally and as a political and economic model for other developing countries. Although the decline in Beijing’s hard and soft power resources did not follow a linear trajectory, the apparent overall weaknesses of its economy eased America’s fears about the Third World impact of its politico-economic model, and also reduced concerns that any contact between Washington and Beijing would raise the prestige of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) to the point where its path to development would be revived as a serious source of inspiration in large parts of the developing world. The chapter dwells primarily on China’s perceived soft power attributes. The different sections look at domestic order and advancement in China in the 1950s, the Chinese model under stress from 1959 to 1965, the impact of the early Cultural Revolution in the second half of the 1960s, and restabilization and re-emergence in 1969–78.Less
This is the last of four chapters focusing on America’s perceptions of China’s capabilities, and dwelling on the correspondence between those perceptions and the projected consequences. It focuses on US perceptions of the political economy of China from the 1950s to 1978 and its perceived consequences for China’s capabilities both internally and as a political and economic model for other developing countries. Although the decline in Beijing’s hard and soft power resources did not follow a linear trajectory, the apparent overall weaknesses of its economy eased America’s fears about the Third World impact of its politico-economic model, and also reduced concerns that any contact between Washington and Beijing would raise the prestige of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) to the point where its path to development would be revived as a serious source of inspiration in large parts of the developing world. The chapter dwells primarily on China’s perceived soft power attributes. The different sections look at domestic order and advancement in China in the 1950s, the Chinese model under stress from 1959 to 1965, the impact of the early Cultural Revolution in the second half of the 1960s, and restabilization and re-emergence in 1969–78.
David A. Baldwin
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691170381
- eISBN:
- 9781400881000
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691170381.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Neoliberalism is not a logically coherent theory but rather a loosely related set of ideas criticizing the neorealist (and realist) treatment of actor designation, institutions, cooperation, ...
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Neoliberalism is not a logically coherent theory but rather a loosely related set of ideas criticizing the neorealist (and realist) treatment of actor designation, institutions, cooperation, international anarchy, the hierarchy of state goals, the role of power in international politics, and/or some combination of these topics. A bewildering assortment of terms has been used in this context, including liberalism, neoliberalism, neoliberal institutionalism, institutionalism, and interdependence theory. This chapter focuses on the foundational book in this approach—Power and Interdependence (1977) by Robert O. Keohane and Joseph S. Nye Jr.—and the concept of “soft power” explicated by Nye between 1990 and 2011. This is a useful concept for policy analysis but also one in need of further clarification in order to become a useful social science concept.Less
Neoliberalism is not a logically coherent theory but rather a loosely related set of ideas criticizing the neorealist (and realist) treatment of actor designation, institutions, cooperation, international anarchy, the hierarchy of state goals, the role of power in international politics, and/or some combination of these topics. A bewildering assortment of terms has been used in this context, including liberalism, neoliberalism, neoliberal institutionalism, institutionalism, and interdependence theory. This chapter focuses on the foundational book in this approach—Power and Interdependence (1977) by Robert O. Keohane and Joseph S. Nye Jr.—and the concept of “soft power” explicated by Nye between 1990 and 2011. This is a useful concept for policy analysis but also one in need of further clarification in order to become a useful social science concept.
Andreas Goldthau and Nick Sitter
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- August 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780198719595
- eISBN:
- 9780191788673
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198719595.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Chapter 7 links the discussion back to the broader conceptual notions of hard and soft power, policy tools, and policy “targets” in the context of the EU as a foreign policy actor. It discusses how ...
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Chapter 7 links the discussion back to the broader conceptual notions of hard and soft power, policy tools, and policy “targets” in the context of the EU as a foreign policy actor. It discusses how the EU as a regulatory state has come to use power in the energy sector, and suggests that the EU can be best characterized as a “Regulatory Power Europe” in the IPE of energy. The reach of this Regulatory Power Europe is stronger in regional markets than at the global level, but it extends well beyond the borders of the EU, and is more effective when it addresses firms than governments.Less
Chapter 7 links the discussion back to the broader conceptual notions of hard and soft power, policy tools, and policy “targets” in the context of the EU as a foreign policy actor. It discusses how the EU as a regulatory state has come to use power in the energy sector, and suggests that the EU can be best characterized as a “Regulatory Power Europe” in the IPE of energy. The reach of this Regulatory Power Europe is stronger in regional markets than at the global level, but it extends well beyond the borders of the EU, and is more effective when it addresses firms than governments.
Meliha Benli Altunışık
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- December 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190673604
- eISBN:
- 9780190872618
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190673604.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter focuses on the soft power of Turkey, comparing its engagements with the states of the South Caucasus (and Central Asia) to the countries of the Middle East. The chapter argues that for ...
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This chapter focuses on the soft power of Turkey, comparing its engagements with the states of the South Caucasus (and Central Asia) to the countries of the Middle East. The chapter argues that for Turkey, the use of soft power was a tool to re-establish relations with, and acquire acceptance in, its neighborhood. In the case of the South Caucasus, Turkey attempted to reconnect with a region that it was cut off from for a long time due to the Soviet era and the Cold War. In the Middle East, there was an effort to redefine its engagement after a decade of securitization of its foreign policy in the 1990s. Although soft power increased Turkey’s visibility and presence, it is unclear if it changed the nature of Turkey’s influence, which remained highly limited when faced with the realities of hard power politics, unable to influence the regional actors it targeted.Less
This chapter focuses on the soft power of Turkey, comparing its engagements with the states of the South Caucasus (and Central Asia) to the countries of the Middle East. The chapter argues that for Turkey, the use of soft power was a tool to re-establish relations with, and acquire acceptance in, its neighborhood. In the case of the South Caucasus, Turkey attempted to reconnect with a region that it was cut off from for a long time due to the Soviet era and the Cold War. In the Middle East, there was an effort to redefine its engagement after a decade of securitization of its foreign policy in the 1990s. Although soft power increased Turkey’s visibility and presence, it is unclear if it changed the nature of Turkey’s influence, which remained highly limited when faced with the realities of hard power politics, unable to influence the regional actors it targeted.
Simon Bulmer, David Dolowitz, Peter Humphreys, and Stephen Padgett
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197262955
- eISBN:
- 9780191734465
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197262955.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter examines the processes and outcomes of Europeanization in the German utilities sectors. Employing an institutionalist perspective, it focuses on interaction between the institutional ...
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This chapter examines the processes and outcomes of Europeanization in the German utilities sectors. Employing an institutionalist perspective, it focuses on interaction between the institutional system of the EU and that of Germany. The chapter argues that adaptation pressures are reduced by Germany's ability to exert ‘soft’ power to ensure that EU policy is congruent with domestic governance. The tempo of EU reform is particularly significant. Incremental legislation in telecommunications permitted Germany to liberalize at its own pace in line with domestic policy style. In electricity, by contrast, the 1996 Directive created more acute adaptation pressures. Thus, in telecommunications Germany was activist in ‘downloading’ EU legislation in line with EU requirements. In electricity, it made considerable use of the zone of discretion in the Directive to minimize the impact on domestic governance. In examining the way in which Germany responds to adaptation pressures, particular attention is given to opportunity structures, veto points, and institutional norms in the domestic policy process. The experience of the electricity reform suggests that adaptation pressures are exacerbated by a highly pluralist institutional regime with numerous veto actors capable of blocking implementation. Moreover, German reluctance to embrace independent, sector-specific regulation suggests the resistance of domestic regulatory norms to the effects of Europeanization.Less
This chapter examines the processes and outcomes of Europeanization in the German utilities sectors. Employing an institutionalist perspective, it focuses on interaction between the institutional system of the EU and that of Germany. The chapter argues that adaptation pressures are reduced by Germany's ability to exert ‘soft’ power to ensure that EU policy is congruent with domestic governance. The tempo of EU reform is particularly significant. Incremental legislation in telecommunications permitted Germany to liberalize at its own pace in line with domestic policy style. In electricity, by contrast, the 1996 Directive created more acute adaptation pressures. Thus, in telecommunications Germany was activist in ‘downloading’ EU legislation in line with EU requirements. In electricity, it made considerable use of the zone of discretion in the Directive to minimize the impact on domestic governance. In examining the way in which Germany responds to adaptation pressures, particular attention is given to opportunity structures, veto points, and institutional norms in the domestic policy process. The experience of the electricity reform suggests that adaptation pressures are exacerbated by a highly pluralist institutional regime with numerous veto actors capable of blocking implementation. Moreover, German reluctance to embrace independent, sector-specific regulation suggests the resistance of domestic regulatory norms to the effects of Europeanization.
Nanna Mik-Meyer
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781526110282
- eISBN:
- 9781526128638
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781526110282.003.0003
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
This chapter presents key discussion on power and introduces the concept of power used in this book; one that combines Bourdieu’s work on field, capital and doxa with Goffman’s work on strategic ...
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This chapter presents key discussion on power and introduces the concept of power used in this book; one that combines Bourdieu’s work on field, capital and doxa with Goffman’s work on strategic interaction in efforts to ensure analyses of welfare encounters which show how the encountering individuals are shaped by the capacities and resources of the field(s) in which they interact as well as how both parties actively manipulate and negotiate these resources. This conceptualisation furthermore draws on the work of Nye on soft power as this concept point to the fact that the type of power at play in welfare encounters is not best described as hard or constraining but rather how particular resources and capitals give some actors the (soft) power to define the interaction.Less
This chapter presents key discussion on power and introduces the concept of power used in this book; one that combines Bourdieu’s work on field, capital and doxa with Goffman’s work on strategic interaction in efforts to ensure analyses of welfare encounters which show how the encountering individuals are shaped by the capacities and resources of the field(s) in which they interact as well as how both parties actively manipulate and negotiate these resources. This conceptualisation furthermore draws on the work of Nye on soft power as this concept point to the fact that the type of power at play in welfare encounters is not best described as hard or constraining but rather how particular resources and capitals give some actors the (soft) power to define the interaction.
Aaron Beacom and J. Simon Rofe
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781526131058
- eISBN:
- 9781526138873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781526131058.003.0014
- Subject:
- Sociology, Sport and Leisure
This concluding chapter draws together the themes that have emerged in the volume and provides an overarching analysis of the three sections concerning the concepts and history of Sport and ...
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This concluding chapter draws together the themes that have emerged in the volume and provides an overarching analysis of the three sections concerning the concepts and history of Sport and Diplomacy, its relationship to public diplomacy and soft power, and considerations of boycotts. Furthermore, it considers a range of questions which simultaneously consolidate but also challenge the parameters of the field. These include the validity of sport as a ‘site of diplomacy’, the value of spatial and temporal dimensions to the field, and lines of future research.Less
This concluding chapter draws together the themes that have emerged in the volume and provides an overarching analysis of the three sections concerning the concepts and history of Sport and Diplomacy, its relationship to public diplomacy and soft power, and considerations of boycotts. Furthermore, it considers a range of questions which simultaneously consolidate but also challenge the parameters of the field. These include the validity of sport as a ‘site of diplomacy’, the value of spatial and temporal dimensions to the field, and lines of future research.
Koichi Iwabuchi
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9789888139392
- eISBN:
- 9789888180219
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888139392.003.0010
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Cultural Studies
The writer of this chapter critically examines the recent development of “brand nationalism” in the context of the Japanese government's growing interest in recent times in using media culture for ...
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The writer of this chapter critically examines the recent development of “brand nationalism” in the context of the Japanese government's growing interest in recent times in using media culture for the promotion of national branding in the international cultural arena. He argues that the resulting institutionalization of the expediency of media culture has had the effect of significantly thwarting the development of media culture's capacity to promote hitherto marginalized voices and cultural expressions in the public sphere.Less
The writer of this chapter critically examines the recent development of “brand nationalism” in the context of the Japanese government's growing interest in recent times in using media culture for the promotion of national branding in the international cultural arena. He argues that the resulting institutionalization of the expediency of media culture has had the effect of significantly thwarting the development of media culture's capacity to promote hitherto marginalized voices and cultural expressions in the public sphere.
Brian Edwards
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780231174008
- eISBN:
- 9780231540551
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231174008.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory
When Henry Luce announced in 1941 that we were living in the “American century,” he believed that the international popularity of American culture made the world favorable to U.S. interests. Now, in ...
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When Henry Luce announced in 1941 that we were living in the “American century,” he believed that the international popularity of American culture made the world favorable to U.S. interests. Now, in the digital twenty-first century, the American century has been superseded, as American movies, music, video games, and television shows are received, understood, and transformed. How do we make sense of this shift? Building on a decade of fieldwork in Cairo, Casablanca, and Tehran, Brian T. Edwards maps new routes of cultural exchange that are innovative, accelerated, and full of diversions. Shaped by the digital revolution, these paths are entwined with the growing fragility of American “soft” power. They indicate an era after the American century, in which popular American products and phenomena—such as comic books, teen romances, social-networking sites, and ways of expressing sexuality—are stripped of their associations with the United States and recast in very different forms. Arguing against those who talk about a world in which American culture is merely replicated or appropriated, Edwards focuses on creative moments of uptake, in which Arabs and Iranians make something unexpected. He argues that these products do more than extend the reach of the original. They reflect a world in which culture endlessly circulates and gathers new meanings.Less
When Henry Luce announced in 1941 that we were living in the “American century,” he believed that the international popularity of American culture made the world favorable to U.S. interests. Now, in the digital twenty-first century, the American century has been superseded, as American movies, music, video games, and television shows are received, understood, and transformed. How do we make sense of this shift? Building on a decade of fieldwork in Cairo, Casablanca, and Tehran, Brian T. Edwards maps new routes of cultural exchange that are innovative, accelerated, and full of diversions. Shaped by the digital revolution, these paths are entwined with the growing fragility of American “soft” power. They indicate an era after the American century, in which popular American products and phenomena—such as comic books, teen romances, social-networking sites, and ways of expressing sexuality—are stripped of their associations with the United States and recast in very different forms. Arguing against those who talk about a world in which American culture is merely replicated or appropriated, Edwards focuses on creative moments of uptake, in which Arabs and Iranians make something unexpected. He argues that these products do more than extend the reach of the original. They reflect a world in which culture endlessly circulates and gathers new meanings.
