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This chapter sets out to establish the experiences of Germany's prostitutes during the first half of the twentieth century. It begins by examining the myths surrounding the prostitute woman during this time, and recasts her position in German society. It seeks to answer the following questions: Who was she? Where did she come from? What type of family did she come from? Why did she enter the sex trade? What did she think of her work? Did her life experiences differ from those of her non‐prostitute peers? In posing these questions, the chapter asks whether current interpretations of prostitutes' social position at this time, both before and after they entered the sex trade, are appropriate or accurate.

This chapter explores the extent to which a diverse population is supported in housing with care settings and examines the potential for social exclusion and isolation. Mixed tenure is explored as a scheme for encouraging diversity, as are features such as ‘pepperpotting’ and ‘tenure blind’ that have been employed in these settings. It identifies several challenges to supporting diversity, including a lack of clear information about the nature of such communities, tensions between residents from different socio-economic backgrounds, and a lack of tolerance of different styles. It examines the age-segregated nature of most housing and care environments and the implications of this for the concept of community. It identifies a range of other factors important to diversity such as the siting of community facilities, the availability of inclusive activities, and accessible design.

This chapter locates madrasas within the broader socio-political landscape of India. It focuses on three trends— marginalization of Muslims in India, growth of right wing Hindu movement, and the rise of a particular form of Islamic reformism amongst Muslims and its impact on women. It goes on to focus on Madrasa Jamiatul Mominat where the author conducted her fieldwork.

This chapter sheds light on several key aspects of terrorism and insurgency that have remained remarkably constant over time. Indeed, a comparison of today’s terrorists and insurgents with their predecessors shows that very little has changed in the demographics, socio-economic backgrounds, education, and recruitment, that have always driven men and women into these realms of political violence.

This chapter illustrates the socio-economic background of South Munster. Cork city was the vibrant heart of the highly commercialized south Munster region. The second largest city of Ireland had successfully established itself as a key port for provisions in the north Atlantic trade network. The driving force behind this process of commercialization was a combination of improving landlords and an interwoven stratum of merchants, shippers and agricultural middlemen. Consecutively, the rapid expansion of market capitalism created strong internal trade links between Cork city and the surrounding agricultural districts. An important result of commercialization was the tripartite division of rural society into predominantly Protestant upper class gentry of landowners, a largely Catholic middling order of farmers and cattlemen. It is exactly this type of advanced economic region, centred on a cosmopolitan city, which is associated with the emergence of radical republicanism in Ireland in the 1790s.

This chapter addresses the activities of a band of rebels headed by Joseph Cody and James Corcoran, who successfully operated in south Carlow and western Wexford between 1798 and 1804. It is argued here that this group is reflective of several further key aspects of post-1798 resistance. Most significantly, the support the group received from the local population demonstrates the extent of the widespread animosity towards the state that existed in southern Leinster. In turn, this disaffection is not primarily attributable to an atavistic desire on the part of local peasants to support ‘social bandits’. Instead, it resulted from efforts by the United Irishmen to politicize the region from 1797 on. An additional central role was played by the counter-revolutionary ‘white terror’, which persisted in much of south Leinster through 1801. This phenomenon, which had both political and sectarian aspects, ultimately crippled Dublin Castle's efforts at reconciliation with the defeated rebels.