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This chapter formulates political-exchange and social-exchange games that corporations and their stakeholders play along with other agents in society. Multiple equilibria of the political exchange game are identified as discrete forms of political states, and institutional complementarity of each of them with a particular corporate governance form is discussed. Agents, including corporations, also engage in social-exchange games using social symbols to derive social payoffs, and strategically calculate tradeoffs between social and materialistic payoffs. CSR is understood as a means for corporations to accumulate their own social capital in this game. The chapter then inquires why the value of corporate social capital is partially internalized by share markets and what its implications are to stakeholders' interests, corporate governance, and social welfare.

This chapter examines the idea of justice from a self-control perspective. It argues that justice involves socially shared rules whose function is to facilitate people's efforts to manage social interactions. Because of the benefits of social interactions, people want to live in social groups and cooperate with others. However, doing so requires them to recognize what constitutes a reasonable balance between doing what benefits them and doing what benefits others. Rules of social justice define that reasonable balance and, in so doing, make social life more viable. This is directly true with principles of distributive justice, which indicate who should receive what. It is indirectly true of principles of procedural justice, which define how authorities should decide who should receive what. In both cases, reliance on justice makes the functioning of relationships and groups more efficient and effective.

This chapter breaks new ground in showing how early chambers were intimately involved in commercial coffee house, exchanges and other initiatives to providing meeting places and drop-in facilities for discussion. More than half of the early chambers were joint developers of coffee rooms, hotels, subscription libraries, or exchanges. This was critical to their need for deliberation on policy threats, but also interrelated with their underpinning networks in local communities. Entirely new material on Liverpool, Waterford, Cork, Glasgow, Dublin, Dundee, and Newcastle reveals some of the strongest links. Analysis of the content of chamber reading rooms and libraries shows their economic focus, but overlap with social exchange and politeness. Subsequent developments demonstrate milieus as critical parts of the USP until modern times; replaced by web and e-communications in the modern chamber.

This chapter examines the operation of stock-exchange-type mechanisms for achieving social and environmental purposes. Included are climate exchanges such as the Chicago Climate Exchange and the European Climate Exchange, which provide a trading platform for carbon emission permits; and social stock exchanges, like ones in Singapore, Mauritius, and the United Kingdom, which provide trading platforms for shares, bonds, and other financial instruments issued by or for social enterprises. Such exchanges reduce the transaction costs in raising capital for such enterprises, promote more efficient allocation of capital, offer liquidity and exit options for investors, and achieve these gains while protecting the missions of the social or environmental enterprises.

Why people kill their fellow human beings is a question whose answer has thus far eluded a comprehensive scientific explanation. This chapter describes homicide adaptation theory, a recent theoretical contender that offers an evolutionary psychological explanation of the most common forms of homicide. It begins by reviewing some key statistics about homicide. It discusses examples of the unique selection pressures created by human cognitive adaptations for social exchange that are hypothesized to have selected for homicide. It explores the coevolutionary arms race between adaptations for homicide and defenses against being killed. Homicide adaptation theory is compared to nonadaptationist explanations for conspecific killings in humans. Finally, the chapter explores how an evolutionary perspective sheds light on why the law does not treat all forms and contexts of homicide the same.

This chapter looks at the exchange economy in the Was Valley, where it touches upon the presence of scarcity not in land, capital, and labor, but in items that are in short supply (e.g. diamonds). It looks at specific behaviors within the Was Valley that are considered as economic and stresses that the Wola participate more often in social exchange of objects than in purchase transaction (the latter being the activity market societies do often). This chapter also contains sections on the domains of exchange and subsistence, the level of locally produced wealth, the conversion of surplus items into exchangeables, and the production spheres. The last sections in the chapter centers on the inalienability issue, Marxism, and the individual and society antinomy.

This chapter first introduces the challenge of domain specificity and then applies a domain-specific theory for a specific adaptive problem, social exchange, to a reasoning task that has puzzled researchers for several decades. It describes a domain-specific theory of cognition that relates reasoning to the evolutionary theory of reciprocal altruism. This theory turns the traditional approach upside down. It does not start out with a general-purpose principle from logic or probability theory or a variant thereof: it takes social objectives as fundamental, which in turn makes content fundamental, because social objectives have specific contents. Traditional formal principles of rationality are not imposed; they can be entailed or not, depending on the social objectives.

Inferences are often based on uncertain cues, and the accuracy of such inferences depends on the order in which the cues are searched. Previous experimental and theoretical research has shown that individuals progress only slowly in learning of cue orderings through feedback. A clue to how people (as opposed to computers) solve this problem is social learning: By exchanging information with others, people can learn which cues are relevant and the order in which they should be considered. By means of a computer simulation, the chapter demonstrates that imitate-the-best_demon and imitate-the-majority speed up individual learning, whereas a third social rule, imitate-the-best_mortal , does not. The results appeared consistently both in a group discussion and in an advice taking setting. Imitate-the-best_demon also leads to a steep increase in learning after a single social exchange, and to faster learning than when individuals gain the learning experience of all other group members but learn without social exchange. In an experiment it was found that people succeed in finding the best member and speed up cue learning in a similar way when provided with social information when they obtain the information in free discussions with others.

Women's friendship differs both quantitatively and qualitatively from that of men and is deeply enigmatic for evolutionary theory. The kinds of friendships that men and women prefer correspond to an important distinction that psychologists have noted between different forms of social relationships. And these two forms in turn map on to a distinction that evolutionary theorists have made between different kinds of altruism. This chapter argues that women's friendships are an attempt to re-create a particularly close bond of communion that mirrors the kind of relationship most often found among blood relatives. Two kinds of relationship are communion (also known as interdependence or mutual aid) and equality matching (also termed reciprocity or exchange relationships). The logic of natural selection underlying communal sharing and social exchange is discussed, along with the reasons that explain why women formed exclusive intense relationships with other women to whom they were not related.

A wide assortment of new actors have taken their place on the new frontiers of philanthropy and social investment. Some of these are financial institutions such as capital aggregators, social secondary markets, social stock exchanges, and foundations operating as “philanthropic banks.” Others are support institutions assisting these financial organizations, while still others are utilizing traditional instruments such as grants but in novel ways. This chapter provides a Cook’s tour of this new landscape of philanthropy and social investment.

Refinements in Darwin's theory of the origin of morality create a framework equipped to organize and integrate relevant contemporary theory and research. Morality originated in social instincts or decision-making strategies that enabled early humans to maximize their gains from social exchanges and resolve their conflicts of interest in adaptive ways. Moral judgments and moral norms originated from strategic interactions among members of groups who experienced confluences and conflicts of interest. Moral argumentation buttressed by moral reasoning is equipped to generate universal and impartial moral standards. Moral beliefs and standards are products of automatic and controlled information-processing and decision-making mechanisms. To understand how people make moral decisions, we must understand how early-evolved mechanisms in the old brain and recently evolved mechanisms in the new brain are activated, and how they interact.

According to identity theory, social structure influences the identities individuals will invoke in a situation. Once invoked, these identities guide behavior. Despite acknowledging the importance of social structure, identity theorists have made few attempts to investigate how exchange structures, as components of the social structure, intersect with identity processes to shape behavior in situations. After briefly reviewing identity theory and social exchange theory, this chapter discusses how insights from each theory can be used to generate novel predictions about human behavior. Specifically, it makes hypotheses about the reciprocal relationship between exchange structures and identity processes and how these affect power use and social inequality in interaction. These hypotheses inform the chapter’s conclusion about how these two theories can be used to generate new insights into the relationship between structure and agency.

This chapter focuses on the exchange of social energy which creates society as a structure and a system within consciousness. Society creates itself by transforming natural power into social power in a social exchange which involves the adding of social purpose to natural power. Social power includes the power contained in legal relations which seek to determine the interaction of the willing and acting of members of society in order that their interactive willing and acting should serve the self-creating and socializing purposes of society.

Do collective emotions play a role in social exchange relations? Social exchange theories adopt instrumental, individualist assumptions about social relations. Relations form and are maintained to the degree that people derive individual benefit from them. Yet, because social exchange is also a quintessential joint activity or task that generates collective goods, it is reasonable to suspect that social exchange may generate collective emotions or feelings. This chapter theorizes how and when collective emotions emerge from social exchange and what role they have in creating cohesive relations and affective ties to groups. The theoretical argument is that collective emotions emerge in social exchange relations especially when people infer that each other have similar emotional responses to their shared experiences of exchange. This is most likely when: (1) the exchange task leads actors to perceive a shared responsibility for the results of the exchange and (2) actors make social unit attributions of individual emotions from doing the exchange task. Importantly, this process can operate in virtual interactions, that is, in the absence of bodily co-presence and emotional contagion.

Status and power are two fundamental concepts in sociology. Where status concerns one’s place in the social hierarchy, power involves the ability to force others to comply with one’s will. Both have motivated substantial research in sociology. This chapter reviews the experimental sociological social psychology research on the relationship between the two as well as on how they combine to affect outcomes like inequality, emotions, and punishment use. Following this review, the author identifies several directions for future research. Some of these directions follow from gaps in the existing literature. Others are apparent openings given advancements in theoretical understanding of either status or power.

This chapter examines the inheritance process, those mechanisms which operate ecologically and socially to divide available resources among possible claimants. It examines the ideology of inheritance; the realities of life; ecological constraints; the age factor in inheritance; the inheritance processes in Tret and St. Felix; inheritance and women; and secondary heirs. The inheritance process works simultaneously at two levels: at the level of the domestic group and at the level of the village as a whole, in the public domain. On the level of the domestic group, it sorts a sibling set into heirs, the disadvantaged, and the disinherited. On the level of the village, the heirs emerge as the anchormen in social exchange, who, as owners and managers, are eligible to marry, to engage in labor exchanges, and to represent the domestic group in public affairs.

In Chapter 2 of the book we provide a review of the theoretical and empirical scholarship that has studied housework and document how power dynamics have been integral to both strands of scholarship. We present reviews of time availability, relative resources, bargaining, gender ideology, and economic dependence perspectives. We explain how power has been implicit in previous theorizing than then present our argument for the use of housework to understand power within the social exchange that is an intimate relationship.

This chapter explores the emerging infrastructure supporting the social finance market. It first establishes the wider background for the subsequent discussion by discussing in detail the basic requirements for the flourishing of a social economy. Building on this, the chapter then goes on to identify and explore four key types of infrastructure that support the development of the social finance market: governmental, facilitative, intellectual, transactional. Each type of infrastructure is explored in detail and its position in the social finance ecosystem analysed. The chapter includes a range of international case examples to illustrate its analysis. Conclusions sum up the key contributions of this chapter.

This chapter examines neural mechanisms underlying dynamic face perception and also discusses several neural challenges, including the development of the methods for studying the neural mechanisms of perception and action during social exchanges. It emphasizes that it is important to take into account interactive contexts while studying the neurophysiological basis of perception and production of facial expressions. The existing methods for understanding sensory processing in the brain are being challenged by social neuroscience, which is demanding an extension of behavioral, physiological, and conceptual tools in order to examine and explain the relationship between behaviors, sensations, and patterns of neural activity.