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‘President Persson’—How Did ‘President Persson’—How Did Sweden Get Him?

Nicholas Aylott

in The Presidentialization of Politics: A Comparative Study of Modern Democracies

Sweden is undoubtedly a parliamentary democracy. Indeed, many felt that the legislature had become too strong, and the executive too weak. But recently, this argument has been turned round. The ... More

Sweden is undoubtedly a parliamentary democracy. Indeed, many felt that the legislature had become too strong, and the executive too weak. But recently, this argument has been turned round. The Social Democratic Prime Minister, Göran Persson, has frequently been described as a ‘presidential’ figure. Has Sweden become presidentialized?Organizational changes, including the empowerment of the Prime Minister's Office and the country's accession to the EU in 1994, have certainly enhanced the chief executive's resources. Just as important, though, has been the interaction of the Swedish style of ‘negative parliamentarism’ and the contemporary party system. While the Left bloc has a parliamentary majority, the practical consequence is to make any alternative to a Social Democratic prime minister highly unlikely. With full control of his party, his position becomes nearly impregnable. Other ministers are increasingly recruited from outside parliament, as in a presidential system. When it comes to the electoral face, the picture is less clear. The media are certainly more party-leader-focused. But persuasive evidence that this also applies to voting behaviour has not (yet) been found. In sum, Sweden has become somewhat ‘presidentialized’. But electoral shifts, especially if they lead to change in the party system, could set the process back.Less

Denmark: The Survival of a Social Democratic Welfare State

Herbert Obinger, Peter Strake, Julia Moser, Claudia Bogedan, Edith Gindulis, and Stephan Leibfried

in Transformations of the Welfare State: Small States, Big Lessons

According to the efficiency hypothesis, the high-spending, high-tax welfare state in Denmark should be under considerable strain in the era of globalization and socio-economic modernization. Indeed, ... More

According to the efficiency hypothesis, the high-spending, high-tax welfare state in Denmark should be under considerable strain in the era of globalization and socio-economic modernization. Indeed, the Danish welfare state has seen a lot of changes in the last three decades. Most of these changes, however, have not been in line with the expectations of the efficiency thesis. The universal and generous nature of the system has largely been preserved. Furthermore, Denmark has been able to overcome a major socio-economic crisis without relinquishing its commitment to the Scandinavian welfare model. The current cyclical crisis stems from a huge decline in exports. As a consequence, unemployment escalated in the first half of 2009. However, because of its previously excellent labour market performance, Denmark still has one of the lowest unemployment rates in the European Union. This chapter examines welfare state changes in Denmark in four policy sectors in the years from 1973 onwards.Less

Insider-Outsider Politics: Party Strategies and Political Behavior in Sweden

Johannes Lindvall and David Rueda

in The Age of Dualization: The Changing Face of Inequality in Deindustrializing Societies

This chapter is concerned with the relationship between party strategies and the political be-havior of insiders and outsiders in the labor market, concentrating on the risk that outsiders may become ... More

This chapter is concerned with the relationship between party strategies and the political be-havior of insiders and outsiders in the labor market, concentrating on the risk that outsiders may become politically alienated and marginalized. Taking the case of Sweden as our guide, we argue that labor market outsiders who perceive that they are being ignored by social de-mocratic parties become more likely to exit politics or to support more radical political alter-natives. We combine an analysis of election campaigns in the 1990s and 2000s with an analy-sis of survey data from the Swedish National Election Studies.Less

Austria: the ‘Island of the Blessed’ in the Ocean of Globalization 1

Herbert Obinger, Peter Starke, Julia Moser, Claudia Bogedan, Edith Gindulis, and Stephan Leibfried

in Transformations of the Welfare State: Small States, Big Lessons

Austria's fundamental political transformation from an economically backward and multi-ethnic superpower to a small and wealthy democracy at the centre of Europe involved phases of democratic ... More

Austria's fundamental political transformation from an economically backward and multi-ethnic superpower to a small and wealthy democracy at the centre of Europe involved phases of democratic (1918–34), pre-fascist (1934–8), and Nazi rule (1938–45). Despite several regime breakdowns during the first half of the 20th century, the welfare state established in the Habsburg era survived political upheavals by and large unscathed. Post-war Austria, by contrast, was characterized by a considerable economic, societal, and political stability between the 1950s and the mid-1980s. In retrospect, a duopoly of pro-welfare state parties, consociational democracy, and highly developed corporatism, as well as a Federal Constitution lacking institutional veto points, provided a political configuration highly conducive to welfare state expansion during the post-war period. Rapid economic growth provided the economic means for funding the expansion of the welfare state and smoothed distributional conflict between the social partners and their allied parties.Less

Religion, Socialism, and State Welfare in the Weimar Republic

David F. Crew

in Germans on Welfare: From Weimar to Hitler

This chapter shows that the Weimar welfare system was made possible through a compromise between religious welfare interests and the Social Democrats. Racism offered a way out the normative crisis as ... More

This chapter shows that the Weimar welfare system was made possible through a compromise between religious welfare interests and the Social Democrats. Racism offered a way out the normative crisis as it promised immortality to healthy genes. This had murderous consequences during the period of the Third Reich. In the Wilhelmine Empire, the Social Democrats viewed the German state as an instrument for domination so they participated in the construction of the Weimar Republic. They wanted the provision of public welfare to be made more democratic. The Social Democrats' loyal support of the capitalist state drew unrelenting criticism from the German communists. The national state created the legal framework for the public welfare system in the Weimar Republic. At the same time, religious welfare organizations began to realize that working with and within the new state welfare system made it more difficult for them to fulfill their religious and ethical missions.Less

The SPD and the Social Market Economy

A. J. Nicholls

in Freedom with Responsibility: The Social Market Economy in Germany 1918-1963

This chapter focuses on the political structure as well as political developments, and economic policies of the Social Democratic Party (SPD). The Social Democrats reconsidered the fundamental ... More

This chapter focuses on the political structure as well as political developments, and economic policies of the Social Democratic Party (SPD). The Social Democrats reconsidered the fundamental principles upon which their political movement was based, keeping in view the brutalities of the Third Reich and the similarities between dictatorships of a Fascist or a Communist complexion. Nazi repression also left its mark on the SPD, whether in exile or at home. Elementary objectives which Marxists had previously dismissed as self-evident or even secondary were given far greater importance because they affected only the ‘superstructure’ of society. Social Democrats gave central importance to ‘liberal’ objectives, namely, individual freedom from the fear of arrest, democratic rights to elect one's governors, and freedom of speech and assembly. Social Democratic economic policy was committed to implementing social market economy, considering the schemes of ownership, planning, controls, and fixed prices.Less

Communists and Social Democrats in the 1919 Hungarian Soviet Republic

Gábor Gángó

in Social Transformations and Revolutions: Reflections and Analyses

The abortive or briefly successful Central European revolutions after World War I have mostly been perceived as efforts to export Bolshevism beyond Russia´s borders. This is particularly misleading ... More

The abortive or briefly successful Central European revolutions after World War I have mostly been perceived as efforts to export Bolshevism beyond Russia´s borders. This is particularly misleading in regard to the Hungarian revolution, a much more complex phenomenon than has commonly been assumed. This chapter analyzes the events of 1918-1919 in detail and shows that there was no ready-made model that could be transferred from Russia to Hungary. Moreover, the role of the Social Democrats in the revolution was far too important for it to be labelled a Bolshevik one, and the revolutionary government had to deal with specific problems concerning the survival and retrenchment of the Hungarian state after the downfall of the Habsburg monarchy. The last section briefly analyses one of the most significant twentieth-century works on Marxist theory, Lukács‘s History and Class Consciousness, written as a postscript to the Hungarian revolution.Less

Conclusion—Rousseau’s paradox

Duncan Kelly

in The State of the Political: Conceptions of Politics and the State in the Thought of Max Weber, Carl Schmitt, and Franz Neumann

This chapter binds the book together, recapitulating its general argument, and offering pointers as to how the study relates to some contemporary questions of political theory. It suggests that a ... More

This chapter binds the book together, recapitulating its general argument, and offering pointers as to how the study relates to some contemporary questions of political theory. It suggests that a classification that distinguishes between Weber the ‘liberal’, Schmitt the ‘conservative’ and Neumann the ‘social democrat’, cannot provide an adequate understanding of this episode in the history of political thought. Nor indeed can it do so for other periods. In this book, one part of the development of their ideas has focused on the relationship between state and politics. By learning from their examples, people continue their own search for an acceptable balance between the freedom of the individual and the claims of the political community.Less

The Dutch ‘caring state’

Kees van Kersbergen and Jaap Woldendorp

in Analysing social policy concepts and language: Comparative and Transnational Perspectives

This contribution analyzes the history of the language of the Dutch welfare state. We progress with the 1960s and 1970s, when the passive, benefit-oriented “verzorgingsstaat” was completed and ... More

This contribution analyzes the history of the language of the Dutch welfare state. We progress with the 1960s and 1970s, when the passive, benefit-oriented “verzorgingsstaat” was completed and perfected and the term not only became dominant, but the system’s generosity became a source of political pride for both Social Democrats and Christian Democrats. In the 1980s and mid-1990s, however, the complex system developed severe problems, which among other things, was because of an explosion of the number of beneficiaries, especially in the Disability Scheme, the social law that is most typical for the very generous, yet extremely passive, social policy arrangements. The influx of claimants was exhausting the program’s financial capacity, which led to the introduction of a new discourse of austerity and retrenchment, but more importantly, led to a fundamental criticism, rethinking and then remodeling the passive “verzorgingsstaat.” This development reached its pinnacle in the mid-1990s with the gradual introduction of a more active and service oriented social policy paradigm, exemplified by the ideologically important, and later exported, neologism “flexicurity”.Less

Fiscal Squeeze in Sweden, 1990–1997:: The Causes, the Measures, and their Short- and Long-Run Effects

Anders Lindbom

in When the Party’s Over: The Politics of Fiscal Squeeze in Perspective

This chapter describes how the Swedish fiscal squeeze of the 1990s was implemented and the effects it had. The economic effects of the fiscal squeeze were largely positive, in that the Swedish ... More

This chapter describes how the Swedish fiscal squeeze of the 1990s was implemented and the effects it had. The economic effects of the fiscal squeeze were largely positive, in that the Swedish economy made a remarkable recovery. Moreover, the squeeze was achieved without changing the basic characteristics of the famous ‘Swedish model’ welfare state. However, unemployment did not return to the very low levels Sweden used to have before the 1990s. This partly explains increasing relative poverty. Short-run political effects of the fiscal squeeze were noticeable in 1998. After a temporary recovery in 2002, the relatively high unemployment hurt the incumbent party in the election of 2006 when the Social Democrats experienced historically bad electoral consequences. The fiscal squeeze cost the party a trump card: its status as the guardian of the Swedish welfare state is no longer unchallenged.Less

Pan-Germanism from empire to republic

Julie Thorpe

in Pan-Germanism and the Austrofascist State, 1933-38

Research evidence proves that the most elementary definition of pan-Germanism, a belief or ‘desire’ for German unity and a common mission, is best suited for assessing the breadth of pan-Germanism in ... More

Research evidence proves that the most elementary definition of pan-Germanism, a belief or ‘desire’ for German unity and a common mission, is best suited for assessing the breadth of pan-Germanism in Austria both before and after the monarchy's collapse in 1918. This chapter, through an appraisal of the dynamic nature of pan-Germanism from 1848–1938, seeks to directly connect Austrofascism to the preservation and propagation of a pan-German identity in Austria. The nascent construction of an Austrian pan-German identity was informed by the ethnic and civic notions of the idea, and nourished substantially by the two emerging mass political movements in the Empire: the Christian Socials and Social Democrats. The final triumph of the pan-German project was marked by the heralding of the Austrofascist state in 1933. The success of the project reflected the consolidated incarnation of various interpretations and strands of the underlying ideology that is pan-Germanism.Less

What Type of Socialism?: Marxists and Social Democrats Vie for Leadership

Anthony P. Maingot

in Race, Ideology, and the Decline of Caribbean Marxism

The Cuban Revolution had a significant influence on the whole Caribbean. It introduced Marxist ideas and organizational strategies into an area largely shaped by European-styled social democratic ... More

The Cuban Revolution had a significant influence on the whole Caribbean. It introduced Marxist ideas and organizational strategies into an area largely shaped by European-styled social democratic ideas. The clash between these two dominant ideologies heated up in the 1970s, largely led by Jamaica’s charismatic labor and party leader, Michael Manley. The social democrats and socialists defeated the Marxist parties in each of the many elections in the region, whether English, French, or Dutch Caribbean, because the people were attached to the ideas and practices of pluralist, electoral politics.Less

The Weimar Left: Theory and Practice

Martin Jay

in Weimar Thought: A Contested Legacy

This chapter challenges long-perpetuated and exaggerated narratives concerning the mistakes and missed opportunities of the German Left during the Republic: neither the brutal repression of radical ... More

This chapter challenges long-perpetuated and exaggerated narratives concerning the mistakes and missed opportunities of the German Left during the Republic: neither the brutal repression of radical socialists at the Republic's birth nor recurrent fissures between the Social Democrats and Communists throughout its history guaranteed either the collapse of the Republic or a diminishing influence of the Social Democrats (SPD) within it. Ultimately, however uninevitable were the disastrous outcomes that befell the Republic and especially members of the Left. The chapter argues that a fresh engagement with Weimar political history might serve as lessons for future socialist movements within liberal and social democracies.Less

Turning National and Political, 1918–19

James Mace Ward

in Priest, Politician, Collaborator: Jozef Tiso and the Making of Fascist Slovakia

This chapter considers Tiso's entrance into politics 1918–19. When revolution came to Nyitra, Hungary, Tiso led the battle against the city's Social Democrats and Jews. This struggle at first was not ... More

This chapter considers Tiso's entrance into politics 1918–19. When revolution came to Nyitra, Hungary, Tiso led the battle against the city's Social Democrats and Jews. This struggle at first was not about Slovaks. But it quickly became so, as Tiso brought the full force of his personality behind Czechoslovakia. In the turbulent months that followed, he dutifully shared the republic's burdens and woes—even if often without the dignity and compassion that is commonly attributed to his calling. The arrival of revolution meant both threats and opportunities for Tiso. The threats were mostly to his faith and career. Because the Catholic Church was associated with Habsburg oppression and progressives led the revolution, secularization advanced in Czechoslovakia. Instability provided fertile soil for “godless” doctrines such as bolshevism. The opportunities of the revolution for Tiso, in turn, were mostly political. He could spread democracy and mass politics, both of which he had predicted before 1918 and at that point embraced. He felt that he could help to establish what he perceived as a more just social order. He could push to anchor re-Catholicization in a polity not yet institutionally hardened.Less

Making social democrats

Jeremy Nuttall and Hans Schattle

Hans Schattle and Jeremy Nuttall (eds)

in Making social democrats: Citizens, mindsets, realities: Essays for David Marquand

This introductory chapter sets out the main purposes of the book, which assesses some of the major dilemmas of British social democracy, both historical and contemporary. It argues that social ... More

This introductory chapter sets out the main purposes of the book, which assesses some of the major dilemmas of British social democracy, both historical and contemporary. It argues that social democracy is as much about cultures and mindsets as it is about economic policy or public institutions. That points to the importance of education, democratisation, and relationships as under-valued tools in social democracy, which must raise horizons as much as pay packets. It also suggests the need for social democrats to re-visit their relationship with ‘the people’, both so as to be better in tune with their aspirations, and to be able to forge an optimistic agenda which challenges both government and governed to raise their sights. The book is written in honour of the leading social democratic thinker, David Marquand, and this chapter charts Marquand’s life and work, and assesses and critiques his contribution.Less

The case for social democracy

Bryan Fanning

in Three Roads to the Welfare State: Liberalism, Social Democracy and Christian Democracy

This chapter discusses the rise of social democracy. Social democrat political parties emerged during the late nineteenth century in several European countries including Germany, Sweden, and other ... More

This chapter discusses the rise of social democracy. Social democrat political parties emerged during the late nineteenth century in several European countries including Germany, Sweden, and other Scandinavian countries as well as in the Low Countries. Except in Germany, these broke with Marxism or had developed with very little meaningful Marxist influence to begin with. The chapter highlights that the split from Marxism played out most prominently in the development of the German Social Democratic Party under the intellectual influence of Ernst Bernstein. Bernstein proposed social democracy as a viable road to socialism. The chapter also tackles social democracy and Swedish modernity. Then it looks at the electoral success of Sweden's Social Democratic Party, owing much to its ability to tap into Swedish nationalism and to portray socialism as the realisation of the concept of Folkhemmet.Less

Social justice and economic efficiency

Ben Jackson

in Equality and the British Left: A Study in Progressive Political Thought, 1900-64

This chapter examines the ideological impact of Keynes and other economists. It considers the ‘mild tempered evolutionary idealists’ and considers the arguments social democrats of the 1930s used to ... More

This chapter examines the ideological impact of Keynes and other economists. It considers the ‘mild tempered evolutionary idealists’ and considers the arguments social democrats of the 1930s used to promote egalitarian objectives. An important theme was now given greater prominence and theoretical sophistication in the Left's egalitarian thought: the claim that equality could be reconciled with, and indeed enhance, economic efficiency. In essence, the egalitarian social democrats of this period tried to combine the traditional ethical idealism of writers such as Tawney with the economic theory of Marshall and Keynes.Less