David W. Miller
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195314809
- eISBN:
- 9780199785278
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195314809.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter focuses on the first wave of the faith at work movement (FAW). Three broad streams of FAW activity developed whose vestiges are still seen today: (a) the Social Gospel, (b) ...
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This chapter focuses on the first wave of the faith at work movement (FAW). Three broad streams of FAW activity developed whose vestiges are still seen today: (a) the Social Gospel, (b) special–purpose groups, and (c) the popularization of Jesus. The Social Gospel sought theological legitimacy in and gave hermeneutical primacy to the doctrine of the kingdom of God. The Social Gospel comprised many shapes and forms, often with overlapping interests. However, it can be arranged into three main substreams: conservative social Christianity, radical social Christianity, and progressive social Christianity. Special-purpose groups addressed “issues both specific to the churches and of more general concern to the broader society.”. These religiously motivated groups are part of the American tradition of voluntary associations. The popularization of Jesus involves the emergence of a style of writing and speaking that sought to contemporize and popularize a practical Jesus for modern times.Less
This chapter focuses on the first wave of the faith at work movement (FAW). Three broad streams of FAW activity developed whose vestiges are still seen today: (a) the Social Gospel, (b) special–purpose groups, and (c) the popularization of Jesus. The Social Gospel sought theological legitimacy in and gave hermeneutical primacy to the doctrine of the kingdom of God. The Social Gospel comprised many shapes and forms, often with overlapping interests. However, it can be arranged into three main substreams: conservative social Christianity, radical social Christianity, and progressive social Christianity. Special-purpose groups addressed “issues both specific to the churches and of more general concern to the broader society.”. These religiously motivated groups are part of the American tradition of voluntary associations. The popularization of Jesus involves the emergence of a style of writing and speaking that sought to contemporize and popularize a practical Jesus for modern times.
Fernanda Nicola
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199737512
- eISBN:
- 9780199918638
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199737512.003.0025
- Subject:
- Psychology, Social Psychology
This chapter explores how ideology influences legal change. In particular, it discusses how feminist ideologies, often allied with social conservative ones, have changed how lawyers and judges ...
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This chapter explores how ideology influences legal change. In particular, it discusses how feminist ideologies, often allied with social conservative ones, have changed how lawyers and judges approach interspousal torts. Those changes, though limited in scale, are apparent in doctrine and damage assessments. More generally, they are shaping how our society understands the relationships between men and women. While legal reformers are allowing women's stories of abuse finally to be heard, they tend to hear only stereotypical stories. Those stories are fueling a dispositionist perspective that reinforces stereotyped gender narratives in which women are either helpless victims of abuse or heartless perpetrators of emotional abuse. This dispositionist approach to tort law looks to individual choices and stereotyped narratives to attribute responsibility and blame in a rational and straightforward way, and overlooks the situational influences and constraints of each character in a tort lawsuit.Less
This chapter explores how ideology influences legal change. In particular, it discusses how feminist ideologies, often allied with social conservative ones, have changed how lawyers and judges approach interspousal torts. Those changes, though limited in scale, are apparent in doctrine and damage assessments. More generally, they are shaping how our society understands the relationships between men and women. While legal reformers are allowing women's stories of abuse finally to be heard, they tend to hear only stereotypical stories. Those stories are fueling a dispositionist perspective that reinforces stereotyped gender narratives in which women are either helpless victims of abuse or heartless perpetrators of emotional abuse. This dispositionist approach to tort law looks to individual choices and stereotyped narratives to attribute responsibility and blame in a rational and straightforward way, and overlooks the situational influences and constraints of each character in a tort lawsuit.
Joel D. Aberbach and Gillian Peele
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199764013
- eISBN:
- 9780199897186
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199764013.003.0017
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
The contributors to this volume have identified a range of tensions and fissures in the conservative movement and fissures in the conservative movement and a significant level of doubt and ...
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The contributors to this volume have identified a range of tensions and fissures in the conservative movement and fissures in the conservative movement and a significant level of doubt and uncertainty about the future direction of the Republican Party. This chapter briefly synthesizes some of these tensions and uncertainties in an attempt to clarify the dilemmas facing conservative adherents and in anticipation of the continuing challenges that conservatives and Republicans are likely to face. The chapter argues that while the American conservative movement is marked by differences between adherents of the various strands of conservatism, it is strengthened by a vibrant intellectual life and by the fact that a large proportion of the public think of themselves as conservatives or moderates.Less
The contributors to this volume have identified a range of tensions and fissures in the conservative movement and fissures in the conservative movement and a significant level of doubt and uncertainty about the future direction of the Republican Party. This chapter briefly synthesizes some of these tensions and uncertainties in an attempt to clarify the dilemmas facing conservative adherents and in anticipation of the continuing challenges that conservatives and Republicans are likely to face. The chapter argues that while the American conservative movement is marked by differences between adherents of the various strands of conservatism, it is strengthened by a vibrant intellectual life and by the fact that a large proportion of the public think of themselves as conservatives or moderates.
Richard Parry
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9781847424334
- eISBN:
- 9781447303718
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781847424334.003.0013
- Subject:
- Social Work, Social Policy
This chapter investigates the influence of devolution on the Conservatives and the devolved administrations in Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales. Under Nick Bourne, the Welsh Conservatives have ...
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This chapter investigates the influence of devolution on the Conservatives and the devolved administrations in Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales. Under Nick Bourne, the Welsh Conservatives have been more prepared than their Scottish colleagues to transform their previous opposition to devolution into support for greater powers on the grounds of clarity and accountability. In both Scotland and Wales, with political weakness came the loss of a power base in local government. The basic dilemma of Scottish and Welsh Conservatives recurs in social policy. Conservatives and the politics of the devolved budgetary process are described. Whether Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland offer a distinctive approach to Conservative social policy is much more problematic. There is no evidence of any distinctive manifesto positioning by the parties in Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland. The Conservatives in these three nations have been in a historic fight for survival.Less
This chapter investigates the influence of devolution on the Conservatives and the devolved administrations in Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales. Under Nick Bourne, the Welsh Conservatives have been more prepared than their Scottish colleagues to transform their previous opposition to devolution into support for greater powers on the grounds of clarity and accountability. In both Scotland and Wales, with political weakness came the loss of a power base in local government. The basic dilemma of Scottish and Welsh Conservatives recurs in social policy. Conservatives and the politics of the devolved budgetary process are described. Whether Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland offer a distinctive approach to Conservative social policy is much more problematic. There is no evidence of any distinctive manifesto positioning by the parties in Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland. The Conservatives in these three nations have been in a historic fight for survival.
Cynthia Grant Tucker
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195390209
- eISBN:
- 9780199866670
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195390209.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter describes a culture of contradictions where religiously liberal people tend to be socially conservative, where the pulpits' descriptions of truth conflict with the daily reality known in ...
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This chapter describes a culture of contradictions where religiously liberal people tend to be socially conservative, where the pulpits' descriptions of truth conflict with the daily reality known in the pews, and where parsonage females bear the brunt of these incongruities. Unitarian women who treasure their freedom from punishing Calvinist creeds and who revel in stretching their minds as they study the Bible in light of their reason and conscience complain of being betrayed by the pulpits' blind‐sided optimism and coldly cerebral sermons. Increasingly, too, they protest that the cult of domestic religion and separate spheres, as canonized by Horace Bushnell, violates the Unitarian values of equity and inclusion. The double standard of authorship and separatist ideology distort and diminish the women's posthumous reputations.Less
This chapter describes a culture of contradictions where religiously liberal people tend to be socially conservative, where the pulpits' descriptions of truth conflict with the daily reality known in the pews, and where parsonage females bear the brunt of these incongruities. Unitarian women who treasure their freedom from punishing Calvinist creeds and who revel in stretching their minds as they study the Bible in light of their reason and conscience complain of being betrayed by the pulpits' blind‐sided optimism and coldly cerebral sermons. Increasingly, too, they protest that the cult of domestic religion and separate spheres, as canonized by Horace Bushnell, violates the Unitarian values of equity and inclusion. The double standard of authorship and separatist ideology distort and diminish the women's posthumous reputations.
Melissa Deckman
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781479837137
- eISBN:
- 9781479833870
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479837137.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter introduces the women who make up the leadership of national Tea Party groups as well as the role other conservative women are playing in the Tea Party. This chapter also provides a look ...
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This chapter introduces the women who make up the leadership of national Tea Party groups as well as the role other conservative women are playing in the Tea Party. This chapter also provides a look at Tea Party women nationally through PRRI data, demonstrating how Tea Party women differ from Republican women who do not identify with the Tea Party and other American women. It also examines the roots of women’s support for the Tea Party compared with men.Less
This chapter introduces the women who make up the leadership of national Tea Party groups as well as the role other conservative women are playing in the Tea Party. This chapter also provides a look at Tea Party women nationally through PRRI data, demonstrating how Tea Party women differ from Republican women who do not identify with the Tea Party and other American women. It also examines the roots of women’s support for the Tea Party compared with men.
Jon A. Shields and Joshua M. Dunn Sr.
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780199863051
- eISBN:
- 9780199860241
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199863051.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Few seem to think conservatives should become professors. While the left fears an invasion of their citadel by conservatives marching to orders from the Koch brothers, the right steers young ...
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Few seem to think conservatives should become professors. While the left fears an invasion of their citadel by conservatives marching to orders from the Koch brothers, the right steers young conservatives away from a professorial vocation by lampooning its leftism. Shields and Dunn quiet these fears by shedding light on the hidden world of conservative professors through 153 interviews. Most conservative professors told them that the university is a far more tolerant place than its right-wing critics imagine. Many, in fact, first turned right in the university itself, while others say they feel more at home in academia than in the Republican Party. Even so, being a conservative in the progressive university can be challenging. Many professors admit to closeting themselves prior to tenure by passing as liberals. Some openly conservative professors even say they were badly mistreated on account of their politics, especially those who ventured into politicized disciplines or expressed culturally conservative views. Despite real challenges, the many successful professors interviewed for this book show that conservatives can survive and sometimes thrive in one of America’s most progressive professions. And this means that liberals and conservatives need to rethink the place of conservatives in academia. Liberals should take the high road by becoming more principled advocates of diversity, especially since conservative professors are rarely close-minded or combatants in a right-wing war against the university. Movement conservatives, meanwhile, should de-escalate its polemical war against the university, especially since it inadvertently helps cement progressives’ troubled rule over academia.Less
Few seem to think conservatives should become professors. While the left fears an invasion of their citadel by conservatives marching to orders from the Koch brothers, the right steers young conservatives away from a professorial vocation by lampooning its leftism. Shields and Dunn quiet these fears by shedding light on the hidden world of conservative professors through 153 interviews. Most conservative professors told them that the university is a far more tolerant place than its right-wing critics imagine. Many, in fact, first turned right in the university itself, while others say they feel more at home in academia than in the Republican Party. Even so, being a conservative in the progressive university can be challenging. Many professors admit to closeting themselves prior to tenure by passing as liberals. Some openly conservative professors even say they were badly mistreated on account of their politics, especially those who ventured into politicized disciplines or expressed culturally conservative views. Despite real challenges, the many successful professors interviewed for this book show that conservatives can survive and sometimes thrive in one of America’s most progressive professions. And this means that liberals and conservatives need to rethink the place of conservatives in academia. Liberals should take the high road by becoming more principled advocates of diversity, especially since conservative professors are rarely close-minded or combatants in a right-wing war against the university. Movement conservatives, meanwhile, should de-escalate its polemical war against the university, especially since it inadvertently helps cement progressives’ troubled rule over academia.
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226768335
- eISBN:
- 9780226768366
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226768366.003.0003
- Subject:
- Law, Legal Profession and Ethics
This chapter shows that rifts within the American conservative coalition are present among the lawyers who serve the alliance. Lawyers for the different constituencies are divided by social ...
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This chapter shows that rifts within the American conservative coalition are present among the lawyers who serve the alliance. Lawyers for the different constituencies are divided by social background, geography, and values. Lawyers for social conservative causes come primarily from religious and nonelite backgrounds, while business lawyers come from more secular and privileged environments. Moreover, the organizations served by these lawyers receive support from different sets of philanthropists, who are themselves socially divided. Lawyers for mediator organizations are especially elite and have strong ties to the legal establishment. The organizations that these lawyers serve command far and away the largest amount of public foundation money, suggesting that conservative philanthropists expect those groups to promote cooperation and suppress conflict.Less
This chapter shows that rifts within the American conservative coalition are present among the lawyers who serve the alliance. Lawyers for the different constituencies are divided by social background, geography, and values. Lawyers for social conservative causes come primarily from religious and nonelite backgrounds, while business lawyers come from more secular and privileged environments. Moreover, the organizations served by these lawyers receive support from different sets of philanthropists, who are themselves socially divided. Lawyers for mediator organizations are especially elite and have strong ties to the legal establishment. The organizations that these lawyers serve command far and away the largest amount of public foundation money, suggesting that conservative philanthropists expect those groups to promote cooperation and suppress conflict.
Martin Cohen
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780520274228
- eISBN:
- 9780520954106
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520274228.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter analyzes the Tea Party's likely effect on the Republican Party. It explores the criteria needed for movement newcomers to have an effect on the established parties, and then analyzes the ...
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This chapter analyzes the Tea Party's likely effect on the Republican Party. It explores the criteria needed for movement newcomers to have an effect on the established parties, and then analyzes the success of the religious right in inserting itself into the Republican Party. It argues that the recent rise of the Tea Party can be understood best by comparing it to the last great influx of political outsiders seeking to reconfigure the Republican Party—the Christian right. The best analogue to current Tea Party efforts to remake the Republican Party in its image is the influx of social conservatives, with the first wave of organizing beginning in the late 1970s and the second wave commencing in the early 1990s. A comparison of the Christian right with the Tea Party shows that the Tea Party movement, as it is constructed now, is ill-suited to successfully influence the Republican Party. The Tea Party must make significant changes as a movement to gain a permanent, meaningful foothold within the Republican Party.Less
This chapter analyzes the Tea Party's likely effect on the Republican Party. It explores the criteria needed for movement newcomers to have an effect on the established parties, and then analyzes the success of the religious right in inserting itself into the Republican Party. It argues that the recent rise of the Tea Party can be understood best by comparing it to the last great influx of political outsiders seeking to reconfigure the Republican Party—the Christian right. The best analogue to current Tea Party efforts to remake the Republican Party in its image is the influx of social conservatives, with the first wave of organizing beginning in the late 1970s and the second wave commencing in the early 1990s. A comparison of the Christian right with the Tea Party shows that the Tea Party movement, as it is constructed now, is ill-suited to successfully influence the Republican Party. The Tea Party must make significant changes as a movement to gain a permanent, meaningful foothold within the Republican Party.
Jon A. Shields and Joshua M. Dunn Sr.
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780199863051
- eISBN:
- 9780199860241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199863051.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
The introduction summarizes the book’s main findings. It argues that liberals and conservatives need to rethink the place of conservatives in academia. Contrary to liberal fears, for example, ...
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The introduction summarizes the book’s main findings. It argues that liberals and conservatives need to rethink the place of conservatives in academia. Contrary to liberal fears, for example, conservative professors are neither close-minded nor eager to declare war on the university. Many, in fact, feel more at home in the university than in the Republican Party. Most conservative professors also believe the university is a far more tolerant place than its right-wing critics imagine. Thus liberals should be more principled advocates of diversity by advocating for ideational pluralism in higher education, while movement conservatives should de-escalate its polemical war against the university. The introduction concludes with a brief description of the study’s method.Less
The introduction summarizes the book’s main findings. It argues that liberals and conservatives need to rethink the place of conservatives in academia. Contrary to liberal fears, for example, conservative professors are neither close-minded nor eager to declare war on the university. Many, in fact, feel more at home in the university than in the Republican Party. Most conservative professors also believe the university is a far more tolerant place than its right-wing critics imagine. Thus liberals should be more principled advocates of diversity by advocating for ideational pluralism in higher education, while movement conservatives should de-escalate its polemical war against the university. The introduction concludes with a brief description of the study’s method.
Lynn Roseberry and Johan Roos
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- August 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780198717119
- eISBN:
- 9780191785832
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198717119.003.0008
- Subject:
- Business and Management, HRM / IR
Some women are passionately opposed to gender balance. This chapter explains the main reasons for female opposition to gender balance. Religious conservatives rely on strict interpretations of Holy ...
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Some women are passionately opposed to gender balance. This chapter explains the main reasons for female opposition to gender balance. Religious conservatives rely on strict interpretations of Holy Scriptures—whether it’s the Bible, the Koran or the Torah—to support their beliefs that women belong in the home raising children. Right-wing political conservatives oppose gender balance because right-wing politics tends to favour the unregulated pursuit of self-interest and focus on individual choices, rather than socially constructed limitations. We argue that logical arguments are unlikely to change the minds of gender balance opponents in the social and laissez faire conservative categories. The only thing that is likely to change their minds is change itself. Far from being a reason to go easy on initiatives for gender balance, this kind of opposition is a compelling reason to push them forward.Less
Some women are passionately opposed to gender balance. This chapter explains the main reasons for female opposition to gender balance. Religious conservatives rely on strict interpretations of Holy Scriptures—whether it’s the Bible, the Koran or the Torah—to support their beliefs that women belong in the home raising children. Right-wing political conservatives oppose gender balance because right-wing politics tends to favour the unregulated pursuit of self-interest and focus on individual choices, rather than socially constructed limitations. We argue that logical arguments are unlikely to change the minds of gender balance opponents in the social and laissez faire conservative categories. The only thing that is likely to change their minds is change itself. Far from being a reason to go easy on initiatives for gender balance, this kind of opposition is a compelling reason to push them forward.
Ann Southworth
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226768335
- eISBN:
- 9780226768366
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226768366.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Legal Profession and Ethics
A timely and multifaceted portrait of the lawyers who serve the diverse constituencies of the conservative movement, this book explains what unites and divides lawyers for the three major ...
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A timely and multifaceted portrait of the lawyers who serve the diverse constituencies of the conservative movement, this book explains what unites and divides lawyers for the three major groups—social conservatives, libertarians, and business advocates—that have coalesced in recent decades behind the Republican Party. Drawing on in-depth interviews with more than seventy lawyers who represent conservative and libertarian non-profit organizations, the book explores their values and identities, and traces the implications of their shared interest in promoting political strategies that give lawyers leading roles. The book goes on to illuminate the function of mediator organizations—such as the Heritage Foundation and the Federalist Society for Law and Public Policy—that have succeeded in promoting cooperation among different factions of conservative lawyers. Such cooperation, it finds, has aided efforts to drive law and the legal profession politically rightward and to give lawyers greater prominence in the conservative movement. The book concludes, though, that tensions between the conservative law movement's elite and populist elements may ultimately lead to its undoing.Less
A timely and multifaceted portrait of the lawyers who serve the diverse constituencies of the conservative movement, this book explains what unites and divides lawyers for the three major groups—social conservatives, libertarians, and business advocates—that have coalesced in recent decades behind the Republican Party. Drawing on in-depth interviews with more than seventy lawyers who represent conservative and libertarian non-profit organizations, the book explores their values and identities, and traces the implications of their shared interest in promoting political strategies that give lawyers leading roles. The book goes on to illuminate the function of mediator organizations—such as the Heritage Foundation and the Federalist Society for Law and Public Policy—that have succeeded in promoting cooperation among different factions of conservative lawyers. Such cooperation, it finds, has aided efforts to drive law and the legal profession politically rightward and to give lawyers greater prominence in the conservative movement. The book concludes, though, that tensions between the conservative law movement's elite and populist elements may ultimately lead to its undoing.
Ashbee Edward
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719072765
- eISBN:
- 9781781701294
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719072765.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter analyses the views of George W. Bush on the issues of sex education, contraception and abstinence, and considers how his election campaign was influenced by these issues. It suggests ...
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This chapter analyses the views of George W. Bush on the issues of sex education, contraception and abstinence, and considers how his election campaign was influenced by these issues. It suggests that the Christian right secured much from the Bush administration's sex education policy and explains that the dramatic expansion of funding for abstinence-only programmes not only fulfilled the moral agenda advanced by social conservatives, but also created an influential and vocal constituency which had a direct interest in the maintenance and development of abstinence projects. The chapter argues that the character of public opinion influenced the decision of the Bush administration to give a great deal of political ground to the Christian right on the issue of sex education.Less
This chapter analyses the views of George W. Bush on the issues of sex education, contraception and abstinence, and considers how his election campaign was influenced by these issues. It suggests that the Christian right secured much from the Bush administration's sex education policy and explains that the dramatic expansion of funding for abstinence-only programmes not only fulfilled the moral agenda advanced by social conservatives, but also created an influential and vocal constituency which had a direct interest in the maintenance and development of abstinence projects. The chapter argues that the character of public opinion influenced the decision of the Bush administration to give a great deal of political ground to the Christian right on the issue of sex education.
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226768335
- eISBN:
- 9780226768366
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226768366.003.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Legal Profession and Ethics
This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to provide a window into the world of lawyers for conservative causes and probes the little discussed cultural conflict among them. It ...
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This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to provide a window into the world of lawyers for conservative causes and probes the little discussed cultural conflict among them. It shows how lawyers for the various constituencies of the conservative alliance established highly specialized legal advocacy organizations to challenge the Left's vision of lawyers' proper roles and to reshape public policy. It analyzes their characteristics, values, professional identities, and strategies and the extent to which they, and the organizations they serve, operate as a coordinated whole. The lawyers examined here serve several strands of the conservative alliance that has coalesced behind the Republican Party during the past few decades. Most prominent among those elements are social conservatives, libertarians, and business interests. The book shows that there are striking differences among the lawyers who serve the primary constituencies of the conservative coalition. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.Less
This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to provide a window into the world of lawyers for conservative causes and probes the little discussed cultural conflict among them. It shows how lawyers for the various constituencies of the conservative alliance established highly specialized legal advocacy organizations to challenge the Left's vision of lawyers' proper roles and to reshape public policy. It analyzes their characteristics, values, professional identities, and strategies and the extent to which they, and the organizations they serve, operate as a coordinated whole. The lawyers examined here serve several strands of the conservative alliance that has coalesced behind the Republican Party during the past few decades. Most prominent among those elements are social conservatives, libertarians, and business interests. The book shows that there are striking differences among the lawyers who serve the primary constituencies of the conservative coalition. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.
Melissa Deckman
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781479837137
- eISBN:
- 9781479833870
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479837137.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter reviews the major findings of the book, demonstrating how Tea Party women differ from previous generations of right-wing women. It recounts how Tea party Women are appropriating feminism ...
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This chapter reviews the major findings of the book, demonstrating how Tea Party women differ from previous generations of right-wing women. It recounts how Tea party Women are appropriating feminism by arguing that conservative issues, particularly fiscal discipline and gun rights, are feminist issues. It also assesses the opportunities and challenges Tea Party women face in shaping the Republican Party. Lastly, it argues that Tea Party women face steep odds in changing the views of most American women, who remain more supportive of a social safety net and pro-active government providing more assistance to American families, not less.Less
This chapter reviews the major findings of the book, demonstrating how Tea Party women differ from previous generations of right-wing women. It recounts how Tea party Women are appropriating feminism by arguing that conservative issues, particularly fiscal discipline and gun rights, are feminist issues. It also assesses the opportunities and challenges Tea Party women face in shaping the Republican Party. Lastly, it argues that Tea Party women face steep odds in changing the views of most American women, who remain more supportive of a social safety net and pro-active government providing more assistance to American families, not less.
Jon A. Shields and Joshua M. Dunn Sr.
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780199863051
- eISBN:
- 9780199860241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199863051.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter provides a general group portrait of the professors we interviewed. It both describes their politics and explains why so many of the professors we interviewed became conservatives in the ...
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This chapter provides a general group portrait of the professors we interviewed. It both describes their politics and explains why so many of the professors we interviewed became conservatives in the academy itself. Many turned right after being exposed to conservative ideas in college courses, particularly economics, or through conservative friends. Because the university is often the birthplace of their identities, right-wing professors are not a movement of outsiders looking to wage war on the university, or ever likely to become one.Less
This chapter provides a general group portrait of the professors we interviewed. It both describes their politics and explains why so many of the professors we interviewed became conservatives in the academy itself. Many turned right after being exposed to conservative ideas in college courses, particularly economics, or through conservative friends. Because the university is often the birthplace of their identities, right-wing professors are not a movement of outsiders looking to wage war on the university, or ever likely to become one.
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226306629
- eISBN:
- 9780226306759
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226306759.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter argues that Conservative Christianity can promote a political agenda. American political history teaches us, though, that the direction it leads men and women cannot be determined in ...
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This chapter argues that Conservative Christianity can promote a political agenda. American political history teaches us, though, that the direction it leads men and women cannot be determined in advance. Evangelical militancy is not new, and while it is distasteful when it marches in the opposite direction of our own cause, it can be also be embraced to support the “onward, Christian soldiers” march of one's own cause. While some disregard history to demonize Conservative Christianity's involvement in politics that promote a conservative social agenda, they are reminded that religious zeal in the pursuit of political objectives has not been the monopoly of one particular political camp. In the present era, the same religious principles that lead whites to the right lead blacks to the left.Less
This chapter argues that Conservative Christianity can promote a political agenda. American political history teaches us, though, that the direction it leads men and women cannot be determined in advance. Evangelical militancy is not new, and while it is distasteful when it marches in the opposite direction of our own cause, it can be also be embraced to support the “onward, Christian soldiers” march of one's own cause. While some disregard history to demonize Conservative Christianity's involvement in politics that promote a conservative social agenda, they are reminded that religious zeal in the pursuit of political objectives has not been the monopoly of one particular political camp. In the present era, the same religious principles that lead whites to the right lead blacks to the left.
Corey D. Fields
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780520291898
- eISBN:
- 9780520965508
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520291898.003.0005
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
This chapter examines an opposing strategy used by race-conscious African American Republicans. For this group, race is central to their personal and political motivations; black identity provides ...
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This chapter examines an opposing strategy used by race-conscious African American Republicans. For this group, race is central to their personal and political motivations; black identity provides the motivation for joining the Republican Party. They also use black identity to inform how they discuss the merits of conservative social policy. Indeed, they construct black Americans in a way that highlights the impact of racial discrimination and disparate treatment on their life chances, creating a respectable picture in need of economic policy changes and framing conservative values as the ones best suited to create those solutions. Thus, in contrast to their race-blind counterparts, this group supports Republican policies because of their perceived benefits to blacks.Less
This chapter examines an opposing strategy used by race-conscious African American Republicans. For this group, race is central to their personal and political motivations; black identity provides the motivation for joining the Republican Party. They also use black identity to inform how they discuss the merits of conservative social policy. Indeed, they construct black Americans in a way that highlights the impact of racial discrimination and disparate treatment on their life chances, creating a respectable picture in need of economic policy changes and framing conservative values as the ones best suited to create those solutions. Thus, in contrast to their race-blind counterparts, this group supports Republican policies because of their perceived benefits to blacks.
Corey D. Fields
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780520291898
- eISBN:
- 9780520965508
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520291898.003.0006
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
This chapter shows how differences in their approaches to thinking about race and their framing of conservative social policy prevent African American Republicans from forming stable, long-term ...
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This chapter shows how differences in their approaches to thinking about race and their framing of conservative social policy prevent African American Republicans from forming stable, long-term organizations. Multiple cases of organizational failure demonstrate how internal conflict inhibits basic organizational tasks like defining audiences, developing organizational missions, and determining tactics. Indeed, it is difficult for African American Republicans to organize because of intense interpersonal conflicts and political disagreements, both of which are actually manifestations of competing beliefs about the role of black racial identity in the political arena. These fights simultaneously expose the personal and political fault lines among African American Republicans.Less
This chapter shows how differences in their approaches to thinking about race and their framing of conservative social policy prevent African American Republicans from forming stable, long-term organizations. Multiple cases of organizational failure demonstrate how internal conflict inhibits basic organizational tasks like defining audiences, developing organizational missions, and determining tactics. Indeed, it is difficult for African American Republicans to organize because of intense interpersonal conflicts and political disagreements, both of which are actually manifestations of competing beliefs about the role of black racial identity in the political arena. These fights simultaneously expose the personal and political fault lines among African American Republicans.
Corey D. Fields
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780520291898
- eISBN:
- 9780520965508
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520291898.003.0007
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
This chapter addresses how the tensions between the different factions of African American Republicans structure relations with white Republicans. White Republicans provide the platform upon which ...
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This chapter addresses how the tensions between the different factions of African American Republicans structure relations with white Republicans. White Republicans provide the platform upon which black Republicans gain election, notoriety, and resources. The relationship is symmetrically beneficial since black Republicans provide tangible proof of racial diversity within the GOP. To maintain support among white Republicans, African Americans must talk about black identity in a way that is consistent with what white Republicans want to hear. When African-Americans call on white Republicans to speak to black interests specifically and treat conservative social policy as a basis for black advancement, relations with white Republicans are contentious and adversarial. As a consequence, a very specific kind of African American Republican rises to prominence within the GOP.Less
This chapter addresses how the tensions between the different factions of African American Republicans structure relations with white Republicans. White Republicans provide the platform upon which black Republicans gain election, notoriety, and resources. The relationship is symmetrically beneficial since black Republicans provide tangible proof of racial diversity within the GOP. To maintain support among white Republicans, African Americans must talk about black identity in a way that is consistent with what white Republicans want to hear. When African-Americans call on white Republicans to speak to black interests specifically and treat conservative social policy as a basis for black advancement, relations with white Republicans are contentious and adversarial. As a consequence, a very specific kind of African American Republican rises to prominence within the GOP.
