Mark Chaves
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691146850
- eISBN:
- 9781400839957
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691146850.003.0008
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter describes another important trend involving religion, liberalism, and conservatism. Actively religious Americans are more politically and socially conservative than less religious ...
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This chapter describes another important trend involving religion, liberalism, and conservatism. Actively religious Americans are more politically and socially conservative than less religious Americans. Regular churchgoing, moreover, now correlates even more strongly with some types of political and social conservatism than it did several decades ago. Rather than being associated with a particular type of religion, certain kinds of political and social conservatism have become more tightly linked to religiosity itself. As such, the most and least religiously active people are further apart attitudinally than they were several decades ago, but this trend does not yet warrant a declaration of culture war.Less
This chapter describes another important trend involving religion, liberalism, and conservatism. Actively religious Americans are more politically and socially conservative than less religious Americans. Regular churchgoing, moreover, now correlates even more strongly with some types of political and social conservatism than it did several decades ago. Rather than being associated with a particular type of religion, certain kinds of political and social conservatism have become more tightly linked to religiosity itself. As such, the most and least religiously active people are further apart attitudinally than they were several decades ago, but this trend does not yet warrant a declaration of culture war.
Michael Tanner
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199764013
- eISBN:
- 9780199897186
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199764013.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter identifies the different elements in the conservative movement and delineates its fundamental contradictions and conflicts. It delineates the different assumptions of economic, social, ...
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This chapter identifies the different elements in the conservative movement and delineates its fundamental contradictions and conflicts. It delineates the different assumptions of economic, social, and national security conservatives and explains how the divisions between them could be overcome if the movement could reorganize around an agenda of limited government and low taxes.Less
This chapter identifies the different elements in the conservative movement and delineates its fundamental contradictions and conflicts. It delineates the different assumptions of economic, social, and national security conservatives and explains how the divisions between them could be overcome if the movement could reorganize around an agenda of limited government and low taxes.
David Sidorsky
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781479812370
- eISBN:
- 9781479852697
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479812370.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter aims to interpret American Conservative thought, clarifying the concepts and attitudes that form the background for the political controversies that take place on issues of the ...
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This chapter aims to interpret American Conservative thought, clarifying the concepts and attitudes that form the background for the political controversies that take place on issues of the Conservative agenda within American political life. In reflecting upon the agenda of political issues, the analysis of American Conservatism has conventionally been divided into three parts: Social Conservatism, Economic Conservatism, and Conservatism in foreign policy with its priority of protection of the national interest. To a degree, Social Conservatism is related to differing interpretations of the concept of liberty, Economic Conservatism is related to differing interpretations of the concept of equality, and Conservatism in foreign policy with its priority of protection of the national interest is related to differing interpretations or to alternative developments of the concept of fraternity.Less
This chapter aims to interpret American Conservative thought, clarifying the concepts and attitudes that form the background for the political controversies that take place on issues of the Conservative agenda within American political life. In reflecting upon the agenda of political issues, the analysis of American Conservatism has conventionally been divided into three parts: Social Conservatism, Economic Conservatism, and Conservatism in foreign policy with its priority of protection of the national interest. To a degree, Social Conservatism is related to differing interpretations of the concept of liberty, Economic Conservatism is related to differing interpretations of the concept of equality, and Conservatism in foreign policy with its priority of protection of the national interest is related to differing interpretations or to alternative developments of the concept of fraternity.
Paul Robinson
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781501747342
- eISBN:
- 9781501747366
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501747342.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
This chapter undertakes the difficult task of defining Russian conservatism. Many of conservatism's most commonly cited features appear at best to fit uneasily together and at worst to contradict ...
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This chapter undertakes the difficult task of defining Russian conservatism. Many of conservatism's most commonly cited features appear at best to fit uneasily together and at worst to contradict each other entirely. Conservatism is universalistic, but also anti-universalistic; seems to oppose change, but also to promote it; can be vehemently anti-liberal, but also can be liberal; and so on. Different groups labeled “conservative” often hold views diametrically opposed to one another. But different conservatives do all have something in common. Tying them together is the thread of a preference for organic change. Following this thread, the chapter demonstrates that Russian conservatism is not a philosophy of the status quo. Rather, it is one that endorses change, but change of a certain, gradual sort that is in keeping, as much as possible, with national traditions.Less
This chapter undertakes the difficult task of defining Russian conservatism. Many of conservatism's most commonly cited features appear at best to fit uneasily together and at worst to contradict each other entirely. Conservatism is universalistic, but also anti-universalistic; seems to oppose change, but also to promote it; can be vehemently anti-liberal, but also can be liberal; and so on. Different groups labeled “conservative” often hold views diametrically opposed to one another. But different conservatives do all have something in common. Tying them together is the thread of a preference for organic change. Following this thread, the chapter demonstrates that Russian conservatism is not a philosophy of the status quo. Rather, it is one that endorses change, but change of a certain, gradual sort that is in keeping, as much as possible, with national traditions.
Robert Ford and Maria Sobolewska
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780197266465
- eISBN:
- 9780191879609
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197266465.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The defining feature of English national identity for many decades was its absence in politics. This has changed with the mobilisation of a particular strain of English national identity. It was not ...
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The defining feature of English national identity for many decades was its absence in politics. This has changed with the mobilisation of a particular strain of English national identity. It was not the only factor influencing choices in the 2016 EU referendum, but it was an important one. All of the concerns that are most intensely expressed by English identifiers—opposition to immigration, social and cultural conservatism, political disaffection and support for separate English political institutions—were associated with higher support for Brexit. Brexit, however, is not the end of the story. The referendum provoked intense political mobilisation by the English identifiers, but the election of June 2017 has sparked a similarly intense reaction from the British identifiers, denying the pro-Brexit Government their majority. The two votes just a year apart have highlighted how deep the identity divides in England have become.Less
The defining feature of English national identity for many decades was its absence in politics. This has changed with the mobilisation of a particular strain of English national identity. It was not the only factor influencing choices in the 2016 EU referendum, but it was an important one. All of the concerns that are most intensely expressed by English identifiers—opposition to immigration, social and cultural conservatism, political disaffection and support for separate English political institutions—were associated with higher support for Brexit. Brexit, however, is not the end of the story. The referendum provoked intense political mobilisation by the English identifiers, but the election of June 2017 has sparked a similarly intense reaction from the British identifiers, denying the pro-Brexit Government their majority. The two votes just a year apart have highlighted how deep the identity divides in England have become.
Aziz al-Azmeh
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781474447461
- eISBN:
- 9781474480697
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474447461.003.0005
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This chapter deal primarily with the period following the first world war, and starts with a discussion of the relationship between overall changes in the Mashreq and the Maghreb. It then focuses on ...
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This chapter deal primarily with the period following the first world war, and starts with a discussion of the relationship between overall changes in the Mashreq and the Maghreb. It then focuses on a number of crucial common areas. The one is women’s rights with regard to legal capacity, inheritance, dress, education and visibility. The other concerns civil legislation and the drawing up of civil codes. Controversies on both issues and attempts at pushing back by the religious institutions are discussed. The relative marginalisation of religious culture, cognitive challenges to religion, and the religious assault on the the cognitive and social goods of modernity, are addressed in detail. The incubation and early deployment of fundamentalism in politics and culture are analysed in relation to objective transformations in place.Less
This chapter deal primarily with the period following the first world war, and starts with a discussion of the relationship between overall changes in the Mashreq and the Maghreb. It then focuses on a number of crucial common areas. The one is women’s rights with regard to legal capacity, inheritance, dress, education and visibility. The other concerns civil legislation and the drawing up of civil codes. Controversies on both issues and attempts at pushing back by the religious institutions are discussed. The relative marginalisation of religious culture, cognitive challenges to religion, and the religious assault on the the cognitive and social goods of modernity, are addressed in detail. The incubation and early deployment of fundamentalism in politics and culture are analysed in relation to objective transformations in place.
Carl T. Bogus
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781479812370
- eISBN:
- 9781479852697
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479812370.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter begins by discussing modern American conservatism. Modern American conservatism is a coalition of three main schools of thought: libertarianism, neoconservatism, and religious or social ...
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This chapter begins by discussing modern American conservatism. Modern American conservatism is a coalition of three main schools of thought: libertarianism, neoconservatism, and religious or social conservatism. These three schools have important commonalities, but they have significant differences as well. In the late 1950s and the 1960s, they were brought together as allies by William F. Buckley Jr., and his colleagues at the National Review. One of Buckley’s strengths as a leader of a movement was that he lacked the disposition of a political philosopher and was relatively untroubled by ideological contradictions. He permitted debate and disagreement among the three schools of thought, but only within certain parameters. He then became so personally popular and admired, and National Review had grown so successful, that during the nascent period of the movement, Buckley and the magazine became nearly synonymous with conservatism.Less
This chapter begins by discussing modern American conservatism. Modern American conservatism is a coalition of three main schools of thought: libertarianism, neoconservatism, and religious or social conservatism. These three schools have important commonalities, but they have significant differences as well. In the late 1950s and the 1960s, they were brought together as allies by William F. Buckley Jr., and his colleagues at the National Review. One of Buckley’s strengths as a leader of a movement was that he lacked the disposition of a political philosopher and was relatively untroubled by ideological contradictions. He permitted debate and disagreement among the three schools of thought, but only within certain parameters. He then became so personally popular and admired, and National Review had grown so successful, that during the nascent period of the movement, Buckley and the magazine became nearly synonymous with conservatism.
Patricia Lee Sykes
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199562992
- eISBN:
- 9780191701856
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199562992.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Leadership dispersal can provide important opportunities for marginalized sectors to secure representation but it can also challenge political minorities. The success of women's movements resulted in ...
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Leadership dispersal can provide important opportunities for marginalized sectors to secure representation but it can also challenge political minorities. The success of women's movements resulted in more cabinet posts being available for women and this was especially so during the late 20th century when a ‘Britonnic network’ of reformers linked women's movements from far-reaching destinations including Pacific and the Atlantic. The phenomenal success of women's movement constituted a broader democratic dynamic that contributed to leadership dispersal but at the same time the ability of female ministers has been restricted by other aspects of political development. Their participation in public policy processes and creation were less significant than the descriptive and symbolic representation of women in cabinet posts. The experience of female cabinet ministers serves to remind that leadership takes forms of gender-specific institutions and ideas.Less
Leadership dispersal can provide important opportunities for marginalized sectors to secure representation but it can also challenge political minorities. The success of women's movements resulted in more cabinet posts being available for women and this was especially so during the late 20th century when a ‘Britonnic network’ of reformers linked women's movements from far-reaching destinations including Pacific and the Atlantic. The phenomenal success of women's movement constituted a broader democratic dynamic that contributed to leadership dispersal but at the same time the ability of female ministers has been restricted by other aspects of political development. Their participation in public policy processes and creation were less significant than the descriptive and symbolic representation of women in cabinet posts. The experience of female cabinet ministers serves to remind that leadership takes forms of gender-specific institutions and ideas.
Joseph M. Palacios
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- February 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226645001
- eISBN:
- 9780226645025
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226645025.003.0007
- Subject:
- Sociology, Sociology of Religion
On 1 December 2000, with the first peaceful and transparent multiparty presidential election in Mexican history, the country began the transición (transition) from almost seventy years of ...
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On 1 December 2000, with the first peaceful and transparent multiparty presidential election in Mexican history, the country began the transición (transition) from almost seventy years of single-party rule by the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (Institutional Revolutionary Party) to a future that is as yet unclear. The winner, Vicente Fox of the Partido Acción Nacional (National Action Party), won a clear mandate in every state of the republic. What role will religion play in Mexico's changing political and social culture? In Mexico, the opportunities for constructing a Catholic social justice milieu are often hidden; it is the constraints that are most apparent, particularly federal laws constraining the Church. Moreover, a very conservative Catholic hierarchy trained in Roman seminaries and universities has historically constrained the development of Mexican theological investigation, lay leadership, and social programs. During three years of travel and field study in urban Mexico, the author found many active Catholics, disillusioned Catholics, and even secular Mexicans trying to find openings for the Church to enter the public life of their country. This chapter highlights these openings and analyzes how the Catholic actors of the transición are attempting to construct a Catholic social justice cultural milieu, despite the Church's historic conflicts with the state, its social conservatism, and its ultramontane perspectives.Less
On 1 December 2000, with the first peaceful and transparent multiparty presidential election in Mexican history, the country began the transición (transition) from almost seventy years of single-party rule by the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (Institutional Revolutionary Party) to a future that is as yet unclear. The winner, Vicente Fox of the Partido Acción Nacional (National Action Party), won a clear mandate in every state of the republic. What role will religion play in Mexico's changing political and social culture? In Mexico, the opportunities for constructing a Catholic social justice milieu are often hidden; it is the constraints that are most apparent, particularly federal laws constraining the Church. Moreover, a very conservative Catholic hierarchy trained in Roman seminaries and universities has historically constrained the development of Mexican theological investigation, lay leadership, and social programs. During three years of travel and field study in urban Mexico, the author found many active Catholics, disillusioned Catholics, and even secular Mexicans trying to find openings for the Church to enter the public life of their country. This chapter highlights these openings and analyzes how the Catholic actors of the transición are attempting to construct a Catholic social justice cultural milieu, despite the Church's historic conflicts with the state, its social conservatism, and its ultramontane perspectives.
Heather R. White
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469624112
- eISBN:
- 9781469624792
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469624112.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Religious Studies
This epilogue argues that the support of liberal Protestants for the gay rights movement had been eclipsed by the Christian Right. Activists of this movement presented religion as a sui generis ...
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This epilogue argues that the support of liberal Protestants for the gay rights movement had been eclipsed by the Christian Right. Activists of this movement presented religion as a sui generis source for a politics led by the convictions of true believers, and they cast the gains of gay rights, feminism, and abortion as the antireligious encroachment of secular movements. In the late 1970s, the Christian Right gained grassroots support and political influence for a socially conservative politics of “moral values.” Their intervention in public policy discussions of gender and sexuality worked to effectively define religion as social conservatism. The shift toward conservative religious political influence was not a return but a consolidation. The rhetoric of moral values skirted important dynamics of race, class, and geography, which were important to the formation of a particular alliance between socially conservative white voters and the Republican Party.Less
This epilogue argues that the support of liberal Protestants for the gay rights movement had been eclipsed by the Christian Right. Activists of this movement presented religion as a sui generis source for a politics led by the convictions of true believers, and they cast the gains of gay rights, feminism, and abortion as the antireligious encroachment of secular movements. In the late 1970s, the Christian Right gained grassroots support and political influence for a socially conservative politics of “moral values.” Their intervention in public policy discussions of gender and sexuality worked to effectively define religion as social conservatism. The shift toward conservative religious political influence was not a return but a consolidation. The rhetoric of moral values skirted important dynamics of race, class, and geography, which were important to the formation of a particular alliance between socially conservative white voters and the Republican Party.
Glenn Feldman
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813123639
- eISBN:
- 9780813134758
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813123639.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This book attempts to get at the intersection of politics and religion in the American South. The chapters in this book strongly suggest that in the South, religion has worked hand in hand with ...
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This book attempts to get at the intersection of politics and religion in the American South. The chapters in this book strongly suggest that in the South, religion has worked hand in hand with political and social conservatism and that the region's politics have, in turn, reflected its fundamentally conservative religious temperament. This book explores the Southern Baptist racial ideology during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, factionalism and ethnic politics in Atlanta, Georgia, and traditional family values.Less
This book attempts to get at the intersection of politics and religion in the American South. The chapters in this book strongly suggest that in the South, religion has worked hand in hand with political and social conservatism and that the region's politics have, in turn, reflected its fundamentally conservative religious temperament. This book explores the Southern Baptist racial ideology during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, factionalism and ethnic politics in Atlanta, Georgia, and traditional family values.
John Dombrink
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780814795170
- eISBN:
- 9780814771365
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814795170.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter establishes the basis for the book’s assessment of the state of American conservatism in the Obama era. It takes as its central point this paradox between the growing liberalization of ...
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This chapter establishes the basis for the book’s assessment of the state of American conservatism in the Obama era. It takes as its central point this paradox between the growing liberalization of some features of American society (such as same-sex marriage) and growing conservatism at the same time (e.g., the tea party). This chapter establishes this paradox as the central tension in the book and provides the roadmap for the following chapters. I examine the progress of the vitality of the social conservative approach in a decidedly different era—the time of the repeal of the “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” military policy, the expansion of same-sex marriage, and the enactment of historic healthcare reform.Less
This chapter establishes the basis for the book’s assessment of the state of American conservatism in the Obama era. It takes as its central point this paradox between the growing liberalization of some features of American society (such as same-sex marriage) and growing conservatism at the same time (e.g., the tea party). This chapter establishes this paradox as the central tension in the book and provides the roadmap for the following chapters. I examine the progress of the vitality of the social conservative approach in a decidedly different era—the time of the repeal of the “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” military policy, the expansion of same-sex marriage, and the enactment of historic healthcare reform.
Robert P. Saldin and Steven M. Teles
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190880446
- eISBN:
- 9780190933173
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190880446.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics, Democratization
This chapter assesses how public intellectuals responded with such virulence to Donald Trump. Despite overwhelming opposition to Trump among the conservative intellectual elite, Republican voters had ...
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This chapter assesses how public intellectuals responded with such virulence to Donald Trump. Despite overwhelming opposition to Trump among the conservative intellectual elite, Republican voters had their own ideas of what the party should be about. That is not the outcome one might have expected at the start of the 2016 electoral cycle, given the outsized role that public intellectuals have played in the GOP over the last half-century. Whatever outsiders may believe, the modern Republican Party has often told its own story as the merger of a conservative intellectual project with a range of grassroots social movements. The idea of “fusionism”—the linkage of social conservatism with economic libertarianism—was thought by the party's intellectuals to be the glue that held together the GOP's various constituencies and activists. It is that perception of the Republican Party as a conservative party—one defined by its connection to a set of ideas and the intellectuals who generated them—that made the rise of Donald Trump so traumatic for conservative public intellectuals. Among the things that were especially striking about Trump was his dismissal and general ignorance of the history of conservative thought. The chapter then looks at the role played by public intellectuals in the conservative movement, including the historical role of its flagship magazine, National Review, as a policeman of ideological purity.Less
This chapter assesses how public intellectuals responded with such virulence to Donald Trump. Despite overwhelming opposition to Trump among the conservative intellectual elite, Republican voters had their own ideas of what the party should be about. That is not the outcome one might have expected at the start of the 2016 electoral cycle, given the outsized role that public intellectuals have played in the GOP over the last half-century. Whatever outsiders may believe, the modern Republican Party has often told its own story as the merger of a conservative intellectual project with a range of grassroots social movements. The idea of “fusionism”—the linkage of social conservatism with economic libertarianism—was thought by the party's intellectuals to be the glue that held together the GOP's various constituencies and activists. It is that perception of the Republican Party as a conservative party—one defined by its connection to a set of ideas and the intellectuals who generated them—that made the rise of Donald Trump so traumatic for conservative public intellectuals. Among the things that were especially striking about Trump was his dismissal and general ignorance of the history of conservative thought. The chapter then looks at the role played by public intellectuals in the conservative movement, including the historical role of its flagship magazine, National Review, as a policeman of ideological purity.
Kevin Passmore
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780853239741
- eISBN:
- 9781846312779
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9780853239741.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, History of Religion
This chapter examines the historical importance of the Fédération républicaine, the largest party of the parliamentary Right in twentieth-century France, and its dominant nationalist wing. Founded in ...
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This chapter examines the historical importance of the Fédération républicaine, the largest party of the parliamentary Right in twentieth-century France, and its dominant nationalist wing. Founded in 1903 by the Right wing of the moderate republicans, the Fédération républicaine had subsequently become increasingly clerical and nationalist. Under the leadership of Louis Marin, known for his extreme nationalism, the party grew in popularity due to the re-making of Catholicism in combination with broader social and political developments. The party called for the union and mobilisation of all Catholics around a programme of social conservatism within a Christian society, and used a populist discourse – supported by Catholic women and workers – to counteract the ‘danger’ posed by socialist and feminist movements. The chapter suggests that the Fédération républicaine's populism was repeatedly eclipsed by its basic distrust of the masses. It considers the decline of the party and the persistence of Catholic nationalism.Less
This chapter examines the historical importance of the Fédération républicaine, the largest party of the parliamentary Right in twentieth-century France, and its dominant nationalist wing. Founded in 1903 by the Right wing of the moderate republicans, the Fédération républicaine had subsequently become increasingly clerical and nationalist. Under the leadership of Louis Marin, known for his extreme nationalism, the party grew in popularity due to the re-making of Catholicism in combination with broader social and political developments. The party called for the union and mobilisation of all Catholics around a programme of social conservatism within a Christian society, and used a populist discourse – supported by Catholic women and workers – to counteract the ‘danger’ posed by socialist and feminist movements. The chapter suggests that the Fédération républicaine's populism was repeatedly eclipsed by its basic distrust of the masses. It considers the decline of the party and the persistence of Catholic nationalism.
Hwasook Nam
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- January 2022
- ISBN:
- 9781501758263
- eISBN:
- 9781501758287
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501758263.003.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Gender Studies
This introductory chapter poses the question of the vast and persistent gap between the crucial roles women industrial workers played in the process of Korea's modernization and the development of ...
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This introductory chapter poses the question of the vast and persistent gap between the crucial roles women industrial workers played in the process of Korea's modernization and the development of its labor movement during the twentieth-century and their continuing invisibility as key players in conventional social and historical narratives. It briefly explores the shifting social perceptions of yŏgong or factory women as well as new forms of consciousness emerging among them, which comes from a larger concern over the deep-seated and stubborn nature of social conservatism in South Korean society. Beneath the ultramodern and cosmopolitan lifestyle of today's South Korea, and despite the existence of strong progressive impulses throughout the twentieth century, South Korea remains an intensely class- and gender-conscious society. Hence why the focus on female industrial workers is revealing, because as lower-class women and as manual laborers, factory women, together with domestic service and sex industry workers, have historically been placed at the lowest rung of Korean society, receiving the brunt of both class and gender discrimination. Contemplating the evolving class and gender dynamics in the nation-building history of twentieth-century Korea through the lens of yŏgong and their struggle goes a long way toward understanding that history.Less
This introductory chapter poses the question of the vast and persistent gap between the crucial roles women industrial workers played in the process of Korea's modernization and the development of its labor movement during the twentieth-century and their continuing invisibility as key players in conventional social and historical narratives. It briefly explores the shifting social perceptions of yŏgong or factory women as well as new forms of consciousness emerging among them, which comes from a larger concern over the deep-seated and stubborn nature of social conservatism in South Korean society. Beneath the ultramodern and cosmopolitan lifestyle of today's South Korea, and despite the existence of strong progressive impulses throughout the twentieth century, South Korea remains an intensely class- and gender-conscious society. Hence why the focus on female industrial workers is revealing, because as lower-class women and as manual laborers, factory women, together with domestic service and sex industry workers, have historically been placed at the lowest rung of Korean society, receiving the brunt of both class and gender discrimination. Contemplating the evolving class and gender dynamics in the nation-building history of twentieth-century Korea through the lens of yŏgong and their struggle goes a long way toward understanding that history.
John Dombrink
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780814795170
- eISBN:
- 9780814771365
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814795170.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter analyzes the role of religion, especially its conservative manifestations in contemporary American society. It buttresses the arguments presented earlier, especially the moderation of ...
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This chapter analyzes the role of religion, especially its conservative manifestations in contemporary American society. It buttresses the arguments presented earlier, especially the moderation of American religiosity and the diminution of the power of social conservatives to shape American politics and policy.Less
This chapter analyzes the role of religion, especially its conservative manifestations in contemporary American society. It buttresses the arguments presented earlier, especially the moderation of American religiosity and the diminution of the power of social conservatives to shape American politics and policy.
Angie Maxwell and Todd Shields
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- August 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190265960
- eISBN:
- 9780190939403
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190265960.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
The relationship between the GOP and the Christian Right became so fundamental to the party’s success that Republicans constantly had to maintain a sense of urgency regarding the country’s moral ...
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The relationship between the GOP and the Christian Right became so fundamental to the party’s success that Republicans constantly had to maintain a sense of urgency regarding the country’s moral compass. Moreover, to retain the loyalty of southern white religious voters, the GOP not only prioritized social conservative policy issues like gay marriage, but it also repackaged “secular” issues regarding the environment, the economy, and even war as issues of religious-political concern. By doing so, the GOP created a religious-partisan brand that dissolved denominational differences, overcame third-party challenges from Christian Right leaders, and softened the Christian authenticity litmus test for candidates. To that end, the religiosity of the contemporary GOP is not solely a reflection of the rising saliency of moral issues; rather, via the Long Southern Strategy, almost every issue became part of the evangelical cosmology in a spirit of Christian nationalism inherent in southern white identity.Less
The relationship between the GOP and the Christian Right became so fundamental to the party’s success that Republicans constantly had to maintain a sense of urgency regarding the country’s moral compass. Moreover, to retain the loyalty of southern white religious voters, the GOP not only prioritized social conservative policy issues like gay marriage, but it also repackaged “secular” issues regarding the environment, the economy, and even war as issues of religious-political concern. By doing so, the GOP created a religious-partisan brand that dissolved denominational differences, overcame third-party challenges from Christian Right leaders, and softened the Christian authenticity litmus test for candidates. To that end, the religiosity of the contemporary GOP is not solely a reflection of the rising saliency of moral issues; rather, via the Long Southern Strategy, almost every issue became part of the evangelical cosmology in a spirit of Christian nationalism inherent in southern white identity.
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226767338
- eISBN:
- 9780226767352
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226767352.003.0004
- Subject:
- Philosophy, General
This chapter discusses the reforms Mill proposed in science to counter the view of Whewell. It shows that his overriding desire was to expel the intuitionist philosophy from its “stronghold” in ...
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This chapter discusses the reforms Mill proposed in science to counter the view of Whewell. It shows that his overriding desire was to expel the intuitionist philosophy from its “stronghold” in physical science and mathematics, because he saw this as being the crucial precondition for reforming moral and political philosophy. The intuitionist epistemology led to political and social conservatism, Mill believed, by reassuring people that what they believed deeply must be true and necessary. Indeed, intuitionism allowed “every inveterate belief and every intense feeling” to be “its own all-sufficient voucher and justification.” If he could demonstrate that knowledge of physical science and even mathematics did not require any a priori axioms, Mill hoped, then he would have proved the superfluity of a priori elements in morality and political philosophy. It is because of this that Mill developed an ultra-empiricist, phenomenalist epistemology, and rejected necessity in mathematics and causal relations. He thus “radicalized” induction. The chapter also discusses Mill's “final and most elaborate protest against the Intuitionist school,” his Examination of Sir William Hamilton's Philosophy (1865).Less
This chapter discusses the reforms Mill proposed in science to counter the view of Whewell. It shows that his overriding desire was to expel the intuitionist philosophy from its “stronghold” in physical science and mathematics, because he saw this as being the crucial precondition for reforming moral and political philosophy. The intuitionist epistemology led to political and social conservatism, Mill believed, by reassuring people that what they believed deeply must be true and necessary. Indeed, intuitionism allowed “every inveterate belief and every intense feeling” to be “its own all-sufficient voucher and justification.” If he could demonstrate that knowledge of physical science and even mathematics did not require any a priori axioms, Mill hoped, then he would have proved the superfluity of a priori elements in morality and political philosophy. It is because of this that Mill developed an ultra-empiricist, phenomenalist epistemology, and rejected necessity in mathematics and causal relations. He thus “radicalized” induction. The chapter also discusses Mill's “final and most elaborate protest against the Intuitionist school,” his Examination of Sir William Hamilton's Philosophy (1865).
Vachudova Milada Anna
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780748665822
- eISBN:
- 9780748693863
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748665822.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The author finds that social democracy in central and eastern Europe has not enjoyed the success expected of it since the transition to democracy and examines the reasons for this. On the other hand, ...
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The author finds that social democracy in central and eastern Europe has not enjoyed the success expected of it since the transition to democracy and examines the reasons for this. On the other hand, she expects social democratic parties to do well in the future in the face of the weakness of right-wing and green parties.Less
The author finds that social democracy in central and eastern Europe has not enjoyed the success expected of it since the transition to democracy and examines the reasons for this. On the other hand, she expects social democratic parties to do well in the future in the face of the weakness of right-wing and green parties.
M. Hakan Yavuz
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199927999
- eISBN:
- 9780199980543
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199927999.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
This chapter presents Gülen's system of ideas as a “contextual theology” by examining the dialectical relationship between the interpretations of the Qur'an and socioeconomic and political ...
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This chapter presents Gülen's system of ideas as a “contextual theology” by examining the dialectical relationship between the interpretations of the Qur'an and socioeconomic and political transformations. By comparing Gülen's theology with Paul Tillich's, the chapter shows how sociopolitical conditions inform Gülen's exegesis of critical Islamic dogmas and practices. Gülen's ideas are framed as an attempt at an Islamic reformation and enlightenment, since he stresses the centrality of reason, tolerance, and the public sphere in striving for the ideal society and understanding of faith. Gülen develops his own understanding of democracy, secularism, modernity, memory, and politics on the basis of his own further development of the thought and teaching of Said Nursi.Less
This chapter presents Gülen's system of ideas as a “contextual theology” by examining the dialectical relationship between the interpretations of the Qur'an and socioeconomic and political transformations. By comparing Gülen's theology with Paul Tillich's, the chapter shows how sociopolitical conditions inform Gülen's exegesis of critical Islamic dogmas and practices. Gülen's ideas are framed as an attempt at an Islamic reformation and enlightenment, since he stresses the centrality of reason, tolerance, and the public sphere in striving for the ideal society and understanding of faith. Gülen develops his own understanding of democracy, secularism, modernity, memory, and politics on the basis of his own further development of the thought and teaching of Said Nursi.