Thomas Blom Hansen
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691152950
- eISBN:
- 9781400842612
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691152950.003.0002
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Social and Cultural Anthropology
This chapter narrates the story of how the Asiatic question was configured in South Africa from the 1860s to the present as a question of necessary containment of culturally alien people. It ...
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This chapter narrates the story of how the Asiatic question was configured in South Africa from the 1860s to the present as a question of necessary containment of culturally alien people. It describes how the township of Chatsworth was set up, imagined, and framed as a purely Indian space over decades of tense and often antagonistic tussle between policy makers and social activists. The chapter also looks at how specific methods of policing contributed to the current mythology of the Indian township during apartheid as fundamentally safe, as a place where “we never locked our doors.” It draws on official documents, newspapers, and governmental publications, as well as a range of narratives by older residents of Chatsworth.Less
This chapter narrates the story of how the Asiatic question was configured in South Africa from the 1860s to the present as a question of necessary containment of culturally alien people. It describes how the township of Chatsworth was set up, imagined, and framed as a purely Indian space over decades of tense and often antagonistic tussle between policy makers and social activists. The chapter also looks at how specific methods of policing contributed to the current mythology of the Indian township during apartheid as fundamentally safe, as a place where “we never locked our doors.” It draws on official documents, newspapers, and governmental publications, as well as a range of narratives by older residents of Chatsworth.
Paul Routledge and Andrew Cumbers
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719076855
- eISBN:
- 9781781702307
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719076855.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter considers People's Global Action (Asia), a recently established, non-hierarchical global network of diverse Asian grassroots social movements and activists, committed to decentralisation ...
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This chapter considers People's Global Action (Asia), a recently established, non-hierarchical global network of diverse Asian grassroots social movements and activists, committed to decentralisation and political initiatives outside the realm of formal state politics. Its main function is to oppose the destructive consequences of neoliberal policies and to develop concrete alternatives.Less
This chapter considers People's Global Action (Asia), a recently established, non-hierarchical global network of diverse Asian grassroots social movements and activists, committed to decentralisation and political initiatives outside the realm of formal state politics. Its main function is to oppose the destructive consequences of neoliberal policies and to develop concrete alternatives.
Stephen R. Lloyd-Moffett
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195162271
- eISBN:
- 9780199850365
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195162271.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
César Chávez could be said to be the most famous Latino figure in US history. He indirectly stepped into the gap left by the Mission Band and other civil rights advocacy groups silenced by Cold War ...
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César Chávez could be said to be the most famous Latino figure in US history. He indirectly stepped into the gap left by the Mission Band and other civil rights advocacy groups silenced by Cold War patriotism and the growing conflict in Vietnam. Like Father Martínez in New Mexico, Chávez drew inner strength and resolve from his Catholic faith and its popular traditions, symbols, and rhetoric. This chapter shows that Chávez was inspired by Mahatma Gandhi, Martin Luther King Jr., and the civil rights movement. His fasts and pilgrimage from Delano to Sacramento were shaped by his reported deep mystical experiences with God. This chapter argues that we do not hear more about the spiritual dimension of Chávez's activism because the liberal intelligentsia have deliberately secularized his image to suit their own political and ideological goals.Less
César Chávez could be said to be the most famous Latino figure in US history. He indirectly stepped into the gap left by the Mission Band and other civil rights advocacy groups silenced by Cold War patriotism and the growing conflict in Vietnam. Like Father Martínez in New Mexico, Chávez drew inner strength and resolve from his Catholic faith and its popular traditions, symbols, and rhetoric. This chapter shows that Chávez was inspired by Mahatma Gandhi, Martin Luther King Jr., and the civil rights movement. His fasts and pilgrimage from Delano to Sacramento were shaped by his reported deep mystical experiences with God. This chapter argues that we do not hear more about the spiritual dimension of Chávez's activism because the liberal intelligentsia have deliberately secularized his image to suit their own political and ideological goals.
Susan Stokes
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520086173
- eISBN:
- 9780520916234
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520086173.001.0001
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Latin American Cultural Anthropology
This ethnography set in contemporary Peru provides an analysis of the making and unmaking of class consciousness among the urban poor. The author's research strategy is multifaceted; through ...
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This ethnography set in contemporary Peru provides an analysis of the making and unmaking of class consciousness among the urban poor. The author's research strategy is multifaceted; through interviews, participant observation, and survey research she digs deeply into the popular culture of the social activists and shantytown residents she studies. The result is a penetrating look at how social movements evolve, how poor people construct independent political cultures, and how the ideological domination of oppressed classes can shatter. This work is a new chapter in the growing literature on the formation of social movements, chronicling the transformation of Peru's poor from a culture of deference and clientelism in the late 1960s to a population mobilized for radical political action today.Less
This ethnography set in contemporary Peru provides an analysis of the making and unmaking of class consciousness among the urban poor. The author's research strategy is multifaceted; through interviews, participant observation, and survey research she digs deeply into the popular culture of the social activists and shantytown residents she studies. The result is a penetrating look at how social movements evolve, how poor people construct independent political cultures, and how the ideological domination of oppressed classes can shatter. This work is a new chapter in the growing literature on the formation of social movements, chronicling the transformation of Peru's poor from a culture of deference and clientelism in the late 1960s to a population mobilized for radical political action today.
David P. Baron
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- August 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780262162500
- eISBN:
- 9780262259132
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262162500.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter is a presentation of a theory of industry collective action despite the arousal of change in practice and policies created by social pressure from “private politics,” which is often used ...
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This chapter is a presentation of a theory of industry collective action despite the arousal of change in practice and policies created by social pressure from “private politics,” which is often used to attempt a change in the behaviour of economic agents. More often than not, nongovernmental organizations and social activists are these agents. The chapter focuses on how these clubs, or voluntary organizations, were formed, their choice of a standard for their products, and how that choice is affected by social pressure. Here we see certain models and examples of which firms would be inclined to join an industry-sponsored club and which would not. The chapter formulates a complex model of industry behaviour and a model of social pressure by combining two particular models. In conclusion, it discusses a number of aspects of the collective choice of credence standards and why they require additional research.Less
This chapter is a presentation of a theory of industry collective action despite the arousal of change in practice and policies created by social pressure from “private politics,” which is often used to attempt a change in the behaviour of economic agents. More often than not, nongovernmental organizations and social activists are these agents. The chapter focuses on how these clubs, or voluntary organizations, were formed, their choice of a standard for their products, and how that choice is affected by social pressure. Here we see certain models and examples of which firms would be inclined to join an industry-sponsored club and which would not. The chapter formulates a complex model of industry behaviour and a model of social pressure by combining two particular models. In conclusion, it discusses a number of aspects of the collective choice of credence standards and why they require additional research.
Denys Correll
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195333619
- eISBN:
- 9780199918195
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195333619.003.0044
- Subject:
- Social Work, Communities and Organizations
This chapter attempt to capture the evolution of ICSW as a global nongovernmental organization. The history of the ICSW is characterized by legions of committed social activists who have worked for ...
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This chapter attempt to capture the evolution of ICSW as a global nongovernmental organization. The history of the ICSW is characterized by legions of committed social activists who have worked for the improvement of global society. At times the leadership was truly inspired, as was the case at the World Summit for Social Development in 1995. At other times, the ICSW has been characterized by dogged resistance to the impending demise of the organization. Despite moving to the brink of extinction on occasion, the ICSW has showed the resilience of its leadership and members. Throughout its history, the ICSW has sought to improve the lives of those living in poverty. It has been innovative in its approach to social development. The support of national councils and the prophetic realization that regional development will be a dominating force in the 21st century are just two examples of the ICSW's global leadership in social development.Less
This chapter attempt to capture the evolution of ICSW as a global nongovernmental organization. The history of the ICSW is characterized by legions of committed social activists who have worked for the improvement of global society. At times the leadership was truly inspired, as was the case at the World Summit for Social Development in 1995. At other times, the ICSW has been characterized by dogged resistance to the impending demise of the organization. Despite moving to the brink of extinction on occasion, the ICSW has showed the resilience of its leadership and members. Throughout its history, the ICSW has sought to improve the lives of those living in poverty. It has been innovative in its approach to social development. The support of national councils and the prophetic realization that regional development will be a dominating force in the 21st century are just two examples of the ICSW's global leadership in social development.
Lara Medina
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195162271
- eISBN:
- 9780199850365
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195162271.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter examines María Antonietta Berriozábal, native of San Antonio, Texas; Rosa Martha Zárate, of San Bernardino, California; and Tess Browne, of Boston, Massachusetts—all three see themselves ...
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This chapter examines María Antonietta Berriozábal, native of San Antonio, Texas; Rosa Martha Zárate, of San Bernardino, California; and Tess Browne, of Boston, Massachusetts—all three see themselves as catalysts of change in their communities. Their involvement with Las Hermanas, a thirty-four-year-old national religious-political feminist organization of Chicana/Latina Catholics, influenced their profound commitment to community, justice, and faith. This chapter provides a brief overview of the sociohistorical context from which Las Hermanas emerged; then presents snapshot profiles of Zárate, Browne, and Berriozábal. These brief descriptions of their extensive work provide windows into the effect that Las Hermanas has had on Latina Catholic political activism. It is argued that the autonomous space created by Las Hermanas and its integration of spirituality and social activism influenced and strengthened these women in their involvement in civic affairs. No other Latina Catholic organization exists that serves this purpose.Less
This chapter examines María Antonietta Berriozábal, native of San Antonio, Texas; Rosa Martha Zárate, of San Bernardino, California; and Tess Browne, of Boston, Massachusetts—all three see themselves as catalysts of change in their communities. Their involvement with Las Hermanas, a thirty-four-year-old national religious-political feminist organization of Chicana/Latina Catholics, influenced their profound commitment to community, justice, and faith. This chapter provides a brief overview of the sociohistorical context from which Las Hermanas emerged; then presents snapshot profiles of Zárate, Browne, and Berriozábal. These brief descriptions of their extensive work provide windows into the effect that Las Hermanas has had on Latina Catholic political activism. It is argued that the autonomous space created by Las Hermanas and its integration of spirituality and social activism influenced and strengthened these women in their involvement in civic affairs. No other Latina Catholic organization exists that serves this purpose.
Jennifer Fronc
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226266091
- eISBN:
- 9780226266114
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226266114.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
To combat behavior they viewed as sexually promiscuous, politically undesirable, or downright criminal, social activists in Progressive-era New York employed private investigators to uncover the ...
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To combat behavior they viewed as sexually promiscuous, politically undesirable, or downright criminal, social activists in Progressive-era New York employed private investigators to uncover the roots of society's problems. This book follows these investigators — often journalists or social workers with no training in surveillance — on their information-gathering visits to gambling parlors, brothels, and meetings of criminal gangs and radical political organizations. Drawing on the hundreds of detailed reports that resulted from these missions, the book reconstructs the process by which organizations like the National Civic Federation and the Committee of Fourteen generated the knowledge they needed to change urban conditions. This information, the book demonstrates, eventually empowered government regulators in the Progressive era and beyond, strengthening a federal state that grew increasingly repressive in the interest of pursuing a national security agenda. Revealing the central role of undercover investigation in both social change and the constitution of political authority, this book narrates previously untold chapters in the history of vice and the emergence of the modern surveillance state.Less
To combat behavior they viewed as sexually promiscuous, politically undesirable, or downright criminal, social activists in Progressive-era New York employed private investigators to uncover the roots of society's problems. This book follows these investigators — often journalists or social workers with no training in surveillance — on their information-gathering visits to gambling parlors, brothels, and meetings of criminal gangs and radical political organizations. Drawing on the hundreds of detailed reports that resulted from these missions, the book reconstructs the process by which organizations like the National Civic Federation and the Committee of Fourteen generated the knowledge they needed to change urban conditions. This information, the book demonstrates, eventually empowered government regulators in the Progressive era and beyond, strengthening a federal state that grew increasingly repressive in the interest of pursuing a national security agenda. Revealing the central role of undercover investigation in both social change and the constitution of political authority, this book narrates previously untold chapters in the history of vice and the emergence of the modern surveillance state.
Lynn S. Chancer
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226101125
- eISBN:
- 9780226101132
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226101132.003.0006
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
This chapter examines the reactions of community participants, social movement activists, and other members of the public at large to high profile cases in the U.S. The analysis reveals that while ...
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This chapter examines the reactions of community participants, social movement activists, and other members of the public at large to high profile cases in the U.S. The analysis reveals that while some members of the public are apt to express dissatisfaction with the frameworks within which provoking assaults are debated, it was more common for people to take this framework for granted and improvise reactions in and around it. This chapter summarizes the types of actions myriad audiences express, including official protest and conversation.Less
This chapter examines the reactions of community participants, social movement activists, and other members of the public at large to high profile cases in the U.S. The analysis reveals that while some members of the public are apt to express dissatisfaction with the frameworks within which provoking assaults are debated, it was more common for people to take this framework for granted and improvise reactions in and around it. This chapter summarizes the types of actions myriad audiences express, including official protest and conversation.
Susan D. Carle
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199945740
- eISBN:
- 9780199369843
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199945740.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century, Social History
This chapter examines the backgrounds and early adult experiences of five key leaders of the national organizations the book considers. These leaders are T. Thomas Fortune, founder of the National ...
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This chapter examines the backgrounds and early adult experiences of five key leaders of the national organizations the book considers. These leaders are T. Thomas Fortune, founder of the National Afro-American League; Reverdy C. Ransom, the earliest outspoken radical within the National Afro-American Council; Mary Church Terrell, founding leader of the National Association of Colored Women; Mary White Ovington, member of the NAACP's inner circle of founders; and William Lewis Bulkley, a founder and early board member of the National Urban League. The chapter explores the similarities and differences of these leaders' backgrounds as well as the early development of their activist ideas and commitments.Less
This chapter examines the backgrounds and early adult experiences of five key leaders of the national organizations the book considers. These leaders are T. Thomas Fortune, founder of the National Afro-American League; Reverdy C. Ransom, the earliest outspoken radical within the National Afro-American Council; Mary Church Terrell, founding leader of the National Association of Colored Women; Mary White Ovington, member of the NAACP's inner circle of founders; and William Lewis Bulkley, a founder and early board member of the National Urban League. The chapter explores the similarities and differences of these leaders' backgrounds as well as the early development of their activist ideas and commitments.
LuíS D. León
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195162271
- eISBN:
- 9780199850365
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195162271.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter suggests that César Chávez quite intentionally manipulated, invented, and recast religious symbols to further his political and social aims. This is not to say that Chávez took a ...
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This chapter suggests that César Chávez quite intentionally manipulated, invented, and recast religious symbols to further his political and social aims. This is not to say that Chávez took a utilitarian view of religion. To the contrary, he was a deeply spiritual person whose long fasts, prayer vigils, and pilgrimages were as sincere as they were powerful. However, his religious identity was much more complex and riddled with more ambiguity than most realize. In many respects, Chávez functioned like a Weberian prophet who was able to “infuse” an ostensibly secular political struggle with ultimate value and sacred meaning.Less
This chapter suggests that César Chávez quite intentionally manipulated, invented, and recast religious symbols to further his political and social aims. This is not to say that Chávez took a utilitarian view of religion. To the contrary, he was a deeply spiritual person whose long fasts, prayer vigils, and pilgrimages were as sincere as they were powerful. However, his religious identity was much more complex and riddled with more ambiguity than most realize. In many respects, Chávez functioned like a Weberian prophet who was able to “infuse” an ostensibly secular political struggle with ultimate value and sacred meaning.
E. Melanie DuPuis
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780520275478
- eISBN:
- 9780520962132
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520275478.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Theory
Throughout American history, ingestion (eating) has functioned as a metaphor for interpreting and imagining this society and its political systems. Discussions of American freedom itself are pervaded ...
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Throughout American history, ingestion (eating) has functioned as a metaphor for interpreting and imagining this society and its political systems. Discussions of American freedom itself are pervaded with ingestive metaphors of choice (what to put in) and control (what to keep out). From the country's founders to the abolitionists to the social activists of today, those seeking to form and reform American society have cast their social-change goals in ingestive terms of choice and control. But they have realized their metaphors in concrete terms as well, purveying specific advice to the public about what to eat or not. These conversations about “social change as eating” reflect American ideals of freedom, purity, and virtue. Drawing on social and political history as well as the history of science and popular culture, this book examines how American ideas about dietary reform mirror broader thinking about social reform. Inspired by new scientific studies of the human body as a metabiome—a collaboration of species rather than an isolated, intact, protected, and bounded individual—the author invokes a new metaphor—digestion—to reimagine the American body politic, opening social transformations to ideas of mixing, fermentation, and collaboration. In doing so, the author explores how social activists can rethink politics as inclusive processes that involve the inherently risky mixing of cultures, standpoints, and ideas.Less
Throughout American history, ingestion (eating) has functioned as a metaphor for interpreting and imagining this society and its political systems. Discussions of American freedom itself are pervaded with ingestive metaphors of choice (what to put in) and control (what to keep out). From the country's founders to the abolitionists to the social activists of today, those seeking to form and reform American society have cast their social-change goals in ingestive terms of choice and control. But they have realized their metaphors in concrete terms as well, purveying specific advice to the public about what to eat or not. These conversations about “social change as eating” reflect American ideals of freedom, purity, and virtue. Drawing on social and political history as well as the history of science and popular culture, this book examines how American ideas about dietary reform mirror broader thinking about social reform. Inspired by new scientific studies of the human body as a metabiome—a collaboration of species rather than an isolated, intact, protected, and bounded individual—the author invokes a new metaphor—digestion—to reimagine the American body politic, opening social transformations to ideas of mixing, fermentation, and collaboration. In doing so, the author explores how social activists can rethink politics as inclusive processes that involve the inherently risky mixing of cultures, standpoints, and ideas.
Susan D. Carle
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199945740
- eISBN:
- 9780199369843
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199945740.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century, Social History
The disputes that took place within the National Afro-American Council exposed deep ideological fissures among the organization's central figures. These fault lines are examined by contrasting the ...
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The disputes that took place within the National Afro-American Council exposed deep ideological fissures among the organization's central figures. These fault lines are examined by contrasting the perspectives of Booker T. Washington, whose public persona emphasized accommodating white prejudice while working on economic advancement, with those of Reverdy C. Ransom, a social gospel minister of the African Methodist Episcopal church who was the earliest outspoken leader opposing Washington within the Afro-American Council. The chapter argues that the underlying rift between the accommodationist and the radical factions of the Afro-American Council was at bottom based on different underlying economic, rather than civil rights, views.Less
The disputes that took place within the National Afro-American Council exposed deep ideological fissures among the organization's central figures. These fault lines are examined by contrasting the perspectives of Booker T. Washington, whose public persona emphasized accommodating white prejudice while working on economic advancement, with those of Reverdy C. Ransom, a social gospel minister of the African Methodist Episcopal church who was the earliest outspoken leader opposing Washington within the Afro-American Council. The chapter argues that the underlying rift between the accommodationist and the radical factions of the Afro-American Council was at bottom based on different underlying economic, rather than civil rights, views.
Julia Buxton
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813035307
- eISBN:
- 9780813038292
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813035307.003.0010
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Latin American Studies
This chapter focuses on the “progressive” European perspectives of Hugo Chávez and his Bolivarian revolution. It studies the two stages of progressive alignment with the Bolivarian process, the first ...
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This chapter focuses on the “progressive” European perspectives of Hugo Chávez and his Bolivarian revolution. It studies the two stages of progressive alignment with the Bolivarian process, the first commencing with the failed coup attempt of April 2002, and the second dating roughly from the recall referendum of 2004. Venezuela exemplifies an interesting experiment in constructing an alternative to the current global status quo. Setbacks for the Venezuelan government, such as the defeat of the constitutional reform process in December 2007, are respected on the basis that they represent the voice of the Venezuelan people. The chapter also explores whether identification with the chavista phenomenon is a result of ignorance by distance or something more positive and aims to outline the drivers of Chávez's popularity among left-of-center and social-activist groups in Europe.Less
This chapter focuses on the “progressive” European perspectives of Hugo Chávez and his Bolivarian revolution. It studies the two stages of progressive alignment with the Bolivarian process, the first commencing with the failed coup attempt of April 2002, and the second dating roughly from the recall referendum of 2004. Venezuela exemplifies an interesting experiment in constructing an alternative to the current global status quo. Setbacks for the Venezuelan government, such as the defeat of the constitutional reform process in December 2007, are respected on the basis that they represent the voice of the Venezuelan people. The chapter also explores whether identification with the chavista phenomenon is a result of ignorance by distance or something more positive and aims to outline the drivers of Chávez's popularity among left-of-center and social-activist groups in Europe.
Nicole Fabricant
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807837139
- eISBN:
- 9781469601458
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807837511_fabricant
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Native American Studies
The election of Evo Morales as Bolivia's president in 2005 made him his nation's first indigenous head of state, a watershed victory for social activists and Native peoples. El Movimiento Sin Tierra ...
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The election of Evo Morales as Bolivia's president in 2005 made him his nation's first indigenous head of state, a watershed victory for social activists and Native peoples. El Movimiento Sin Tierra (MST), or the Landless Peasant Movement, played a significant role in bringing Morales to power. Following in the tradition of the well-known Brazilian Landless movement, Bolivia's MST activists seized unproductive land and built farming collectives as a means of resistance to large-scale export-oriented agriculture. This book illustrates how landless peasants politicized indigeneity to shape grassroots land politics, reform the state, and secure human and cultural rights for Native peoples. It takes readers into the personal spaces of home and work, on long bus rides, and into meetings and newly built MST settlements to show how, in response to displacement, Indigenous identity is becoming ever more dynamic and adaptive. In addition to advancing this rich definition of indigeneity, the author explores the ways in which Morales has found himself at odds with Indigenous activists and, in so doing, shows that Indigenous people have a far more complex relationship to Morales than is generally understood.Less
The election of Evo Morales as Bolivia's president in 2005 made him his nation's first indigenous head of state, a watershed victory for social activists and Native peoples. El Movimiento Sin Tierra (MST), or the Landless Peasant Movement, played a significant role in bringing Morales to power. Following in the tradition of the well-known Brazilian Landless movement, Bolivia's MST activists seized unproductive land and built farming collectives as a means of resistance to large-scale export-oriented agriculture. This book illustrates how landless peasants politicized indigeneity to shape grassroots land politics, reform the state, and secure human and cultural rights for Native peoples. It takes readers into the personal spaces of home and work, on long bus rides, and into meetings and newly built MST settlements to show how, in response to displacement, Indigenous identity is becoming ever more dynamic and adaptive. In addition to advancing this rich definition of indigeneity, the author explores the ways in which Morales has found himself at odds with Indigenous activists and, in so doing, shows that Indigenous people have a far more complex relationship to Morales than is generally understood.
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226266091
- eISBN:
- 9780226266114
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226266114.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This book examines a complex process in which undercover investigators, employed by private social reform organizations, interacted with African Americans, immigrants, and the working class in New ...
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This book examines a complex process in which undercover investigators, employed by private social reform organizations, interacted with African Americans, immigrants, and the working class in New York to collect data on (and then control) their behavior. These investigators reported a wide range of what they perceived to be social ills — from prostitution and gambling to juvenile delinquency, race mixing, and radical political movements — back to their employers. Five such employers were New York City's most influential private organizations of social activists during the Progressive Era: the Committee of Fifteen, the Committee of Fourteen, the Colored Auxiliary of the Committee of Fourteen, the People's Institute, and the National Civic Federation. Between 1897 and 1920, these organizations, enforcing their own moral codes, resorted to undercover investigation to reduce criminality, immorality, and graft in the city. Their pioneering use of undercover investigation allowed them to intervene and attempt to reconstruct social conditions in New York City and beyond. The investigative methods developed by these private organizations were eventually appropriated by federal, state, and municipal agencies in the United States.Less
This book examines a complex process in which undercover investigators, employed by private social reform organizations, interacted with African Americans, immigrants, and the working class in New York to collect data on (and then control) their behavior. These investigators reported a wide range of what they perceived to be social ills — from prostitution and gambling to juvenile delinquency, race mixing, and radical political movements — back to their employers. Five such employers were New York City's most influential private organizations of social activists during the Progressive Era: the Committee of Fifteen, the Committee of Fourteen, the Colored Auxiliary of the Committee of Fourteen, the People's Institute, and the National Civic Federation. Between 1897 and 1920, these organizations, enforcing their own moral codes, resorted to undercover investigation to reduce criminality, immorality, and graft in the city. Their pioneering use of undercover investigation allowed them to intervene and attempt to reconstruct social conditions in New York City and beyond. The investigative methods developed by these private organizations were eventually appropriated by federal, state, and municipal agencies in the United States.
Jennifer Le Zotte
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781469631905
- eISBN:
- 9781469631929
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469631905.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
In this surprising new look at how clothing, style, and commerce came together to change American culture, Jennifer Le Zotte examines how secondhand goods sold at thrift stores, flea markets, and ...
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In this surprising new look at how clothing, style, and commerce came together to change American culture, Jennifer Le Zotte examines how secondhand goods sold at thrift stores, flea markets, and garage sales came to be both profitable and culturally influential. Initially, selling used goods in the United States was seen as a questionable enterprise focused largely on the poor. But as the twentieth century progressed, multimillion-dollar businesses like Goodwill Industries developed, catering not only to the needy but increasingly to well-off customers looking to make a statement. Le Zotte traces the origins and meanings of “secondhand style” and explores how buying pre-owned goods went from a signifier of poverty to a declaration of rebellion.
Considering buyers and sellers from across the political and economic spectrum, Le Zotte shows how conservative and progressive social activists--from religious and business leaders to anti-Vietnam protesters and drag queens--shrewdly used the exchange of secondhand goods for economic and political ends. At the same time, artists and performers, from Marcel Duchamp and Fanny Brice to Janis Joplin and Kurt Cobain, all helped make secondhand style a visual marker for youth in revolt.Less
In this surprising new look at how clothing, style, and commerce came together to change American culture, Jennifer Le Zotte examines how secondhand goods sold at thrift stores, flea markets, and garage sales came to be both profitable and culturally influential. Initially, selling used goods in the United States was seen as a questionable enterprise focused largely on the poor. But as the twentieth century progressed, multimillion-dollar businesses like Goodwill Industries developed, catering not only to the needy but increasingly to well-off customers looking to make a statement. Le Zotte traces the origins and meanings of “secondhand style” and explores how buying pre-owned goods went from a signifier of poverty to a declaration of rebellion.
Considering buyers and sellers from across the political and economic spectrum, Le Zotte shows how conservative and progressive social activists--from religious and business leaders to anti-Vietnam protesters and drag queens--shrewdly used the exchange of secondhand goods for economic and political ends. At the same time, artists and performers, from Marcel Duchamp and Fanny Brice to Janis Joplin and Kurt Cobain, all helped make secondhand style a visual marker for youth in revolt.
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226266091
- eISBN:
- 9780226266114
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226266114.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Undercover investigation in the United States was not an invention of Progressive social activists. Rather, it was a product of existing techniques that the activists adapted to their unique goals ...
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Undercover investigation in the United States was not an invention of Progressive social activists. Rather, it was a product of existing techniques that the activists adapted to their unique goals and needs. Undercover investigation dates back to the mid-nineteenth century, when private detective agencies were formed to fill (and profit from) the void in the system of public policing. The first private detective agency in the country was the Pinkerton National Detective Agency, founded in 1850 by Allan Pinkerton, who relied on “shadows” — agents who followed suspects and gathered evidence. In New York City, private social reform organizations — including the Committee of Fifteen, the Committee of Fourteen, the People's Institute, and the National Civic Federation — relied on undercover investigators who gathered information which they used to confirm their perceptions or define new forms of social danger, such as the sexual and political behavior of immigrants and African Americans. Undercover investigation played a major role in the development of increasingly sophisticated and far-reaching federal power in the early twentieth century.Less
Undercover investigation in the United States was not an invention of Progressive social activists. Rather, it was a product of existing techniques that the activists adapted to their unique goals and needs. Undercover investigation dates back to the mid-nineteenth century, when private detective agencies were formed to fill (and profit from) the void in the system of public policing. The first private detective agency in the country was the Pinkerton National Detective Agency, founded in 1850 by Allan Pinkerton, who relied on “shadows” — agents who followed suspects and gathered evidence. In New York City, private social reform organizations — including the Committee of Fifteen, the Committee of Fourteen, the People's Institute, and the National Civic Federation — relied on undercover investigators who gathered information which they used to confirm their perceptions or define new forms of social danger, such as the sexual and political behavior of immigrants and African Americans. Undercover investigation played a major role in the development of increasingly sophisticated and far-reaching federal power in the early twentieth century.
James J. Lorence
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252037559
- eISBN:
- 9780252094804
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252037559.003.0009
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Stratification, Inequality, and Mobility
This chapter examines how Jencks' experiences after being cut loose from Mine-Mill only confirmed the worldview that had shaped his career as a social activist since his college years. Now, although ...
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This chapter examines how Jencks' experiences after being cut loose from Mine-Mill only confirmed the worldview that had shaped his career as a social activist since his college years. Now, although he no longer had ties with the institutional party, he never gave up his commitment to the goal of creating a Socialist society in the United States. Even after he and Virginia were shaken by the brutality of the Soviets in Eastern Europe, Jencks looked to the future. However, his optimism suffered another blow in the San Francisco Bay Area, where he continued to face job discrimination rooted in his personal history of labor militancy and resistance to governmental pressures.Less
This chapter examines how Jencks' experiences after being cut loose from Mine-Mill only confirmed the worldview that had shaped his career as a social activist since his college years. Now, although he no longer had ties with the institutional party, he never gave up his commitment to the goal of creating a Socialist society in the United States. Even after he and Virginia were shaken by the brutality of the Soviets in Eastern Europe, Jencks looked to the future. However, his optimism suffered another blow in the San Francisco Bay Area, where he continued to face job discrimination rooted in his personal history of labor militancy and resistance to governmental pressures.
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226266091
- eISBN:
- 9780226266114
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226266114.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
In the early part of the twentieth century, New York City's foremost businessmen and clergymen were alarmed by the rising disorder in the metropolis. Business, good-government, and social activist ...
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In the early part of the twentieth century, New York City's foremost businessmen and clergymen were alarmed by the rising disorder in the metropolis. Business, good-government, and social activist groups were particularly concerned with the “flagrant offenses against public morality and common decency” that thrived in “certain districts.” Although the city's social activists had grappled with the problems of poverty and morality for decades, they realized that these old problems required new strategies. In November 1900, the Committee of Fifteen was founded, initially conducting public raids to realize its vision of a “morally clean” New York. When the public and even its own members raised a howl against the use of such tactics, the Committee of Fifteen turned to undercover investigators and “native informants” from the tenement districts to continue gathering the information that permitted it to impose its agenda on New York City. In 1902, the Committee of Fifteen was disbanded, following the sudden and unexpected death of its chairman, William H. Baldwin, Jr.Less
In the early part of the twentieth century, New York City's foremost businessmen and clergymen were alarmed by the rising disorder in the metropolis. Business, good-government, and social activist groups were particularly concerned with the “flagrant offenses against public morality and common decency” that thrived in “certain districts.” Although the city's social activists had grappled with the problems of poverty and morality for decades, they realized that these old problems required new strategies. In November 1900, the Committee of Fifteen was founded, initially conducting public raids to realize its vision of a “morally clean” New York. When the public and even its own members raised a howl against the use of such tactics, the Committee of Fifteen turned to undercover investigators and “native informants” from the tenement districts to continue gathering the information that permitted it to impose its agenda on New York City. In 1902, the Committee of Fifteen was disbanded, following the sudden and unexpected death of its chairman, William H. Baldwin, Jr.
