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This chapter analyses the statebuilding efforts of the international administration in Bosnia and Herzegovina, led by the Office of the High Representative (OHR). It is divided into three parts. The first part outlines the political structures of the international administration and of the Bosnian state, to provide the necessary understanding of the institutions involved in the policymaking process in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The following two parts contain detailed case studies of statebuilding: the dismantling of the payment bureaux and the reform of the civil service. The case studies illustrate the influence of elements of the new ‘standard of civilisation’ on the objectives and policies of the international administration.

This third case study chapter analyses the statebuilding activities of the United Nations Transitional Administration of East Timor (UNTAET). It is divided into three parts. The first part outlines the background to the intervention, the scope and evolution of international authority, and the transition to self-governance and Timorese independence. The remaining two sections are case studies of statebuilding in East Timor: the establishment of a new judicial system, and the reform of the civil service. The case studies show how these reforms are informed by the new ‘standard of civilisation’, and how these norms compete with other, local traditional normative frameworks and understandings of authority, compromising the effectiveness of the reforms.

Citizenship rights are rights that have been won: they are always the outcome of a historical process in which persons, groups, and nations strive to acquire and assert them. The liberal state is the bourgeois state. First rises in the nineteenth century, after the French and the American liberal revolutions, under the principles of the rule of law, and of the civil rights. The nineteenth century was also the century of bureaucratic reform, through which the state apparatus eventually gained a fully modern or capitalist character. Civil service reforms are studies in Prussia, France, England, and the US.

Discusses the transition from bureaucratic public administration to public or new public management. Classic bureaucratic administration, based on the Prussian army’s administrative principles, resulted from a series of civil service reforms implemented in the second half of nineteenth century. It revealed a surprising historical persistence. Public management reform is the capitalist state organization’s second major reform. It emerged when globalization and the crisis of the state challenged the legitimacy of state bureaucracies and bureaucratic public administration. Margaret Thatcher launched public management reform in Great Britain, but in the end it was adopted by governments formed by political parties from across the political spectrum, including parties on the traditional left, most notably Labour governments in Australia and New Zealand.

Chapter 7 examines the rationalities or technologies used by government, specifically the rationality associated with the new public management, or managerialism, with its emphasis on targets and performance measurement. It decentres the Blair government's putative reforms of a central feature of the British state as understood by Westminster elites, notably the civil service. It tells three stories about the civil service and public service delivery. First, there is the centralization story, which claims the changes sought to increase the power of the Prime Minister at the expense of Cabinet and the Departments. Second, there is the management story, which claims the reforms of the civil service foundered on Blair's lack of policy making and management skills. Finally, there is the governance story, which argues the Prime Minister is locked into webs of dependence that undermined his initiatives.

This chapter looks at the reform of communal services, particularly centralized heating systems. The heating system was a key element of the Soviet variant of “infrastructural” social modernity. Soviet planners recognized heat as an “elementary need”; through pipes, boilers, transfers, and radiators, the norms of social modernity were hard-wired into the very material structure and spatial layout of Soviet cities. As such, during the Soviet period, the provision of heat to the Russian population had been established as a basic responsibility of the state. It is no surprise that as the character of that responsibility was called into question, heat became the topic of contentious debate and urgent political concern. By the early 2000s, it was widely recognized that Russia faced an “infrastructure crisis” that was simultaneously financial, technical, political, and social.

This chapter discusses the four modes of supply of services that are covered by the GATS, the sources of services data, and the services growth experiences of selected countries and regions. It then notes how services reform can promote efficiency and growth at the sectoral level and economy-wide, pointing out that the benefits of services liberalization may be diminished by flaws in reform programs, the failure to provide for greater services access for the poor, and the need to take adjustment costs into account. The chapter argues that domestic policy reforms should recognize the importance of increasing competition among service providers; the need for appropriate sequencing of reforms; and reduction of the importance of national monopolies. Further, it stresses that international engagement is crucial to buttress domestic reform in order to achieve reciprocal liberalization, greater credibility of reform, provision of external assistance to facilitate domestic adjustment, reinforcement of the reform process, and promotion of greater harmonization and integration of policies. The ongoing GATS negotiations are an important and essential framework to support the international liberalization of services, and should include the design of arrangements for aid to developing countries to help promote services trade and promote greater cooperation on temporary migration. There may also be greater scope for achieving deeper integration of particular services sectors by means of regional services agreements.

This chapter starts with brief overviews of global trade flows in services, the barriers that restrict such trade, and the economics of service sector protection and liberalization. This is followed by a summary of the main elements of the GATS (General Agreement on Trade in Services) and a discussion of the experience obtained in the first five years of the operation of the GATS in expanding the coverage of the agreement. The chapter ends with a brief assessment of the usefulness of the GATS as an instrument for the pursuit of service sector reform. The different sections are as follows: Conceptual and empirical issues; Barriers and potential gains from reform; The Uruguay Round negotiations; The GATS; Sector‐specific negotiations and agreements; Electronic commerce; The challenge of expanding the GATS; and Conclusion.

This chapter discusses joined-up government and its effect on the civil service. The focus is on the different silo mentalities which are used to connote not being joined-up. In this chapter particular attention is given to the indiscriminate attack on silo and the implication that ‘everyone is guilty’ which leads to the avoidance of careful diagnosis of problems. Discussed herein are the different types of silo mentalities that exit on the basis of some of the academic literature. The chapter also discusses the different consequences that might arise from the silos including the consequences brought about by the silos into the typology of patterns of non-joined-up government. The chapter ends with a discussion on the implications of this typology to the civil service reform including the possible positive aspects of these implications.

This chapter examines an influential political institution in the HKSAR—the Hong Kong civil service. The chapter outlines the structural and systemic features of the civil service and the special role that its leaders—the administrative officers—play in the governance of Hong Kong. The chapter argues that civil servants served as powerful political actors both before and after the handover and that they were seen (and still regard themselves after the handover) as the guardians of the public interest. The chapter then analyzes reforms to the reforms public sector reform (which reduces the political influence of civil servants) and civil service (inspired by ideas of the new public management movement initiated in the Western industrial countries in the late 1970s). The chapter concludes that the civil service in general and administrative officers in particular remain influential political actors in the governance of the HKSAR.

This chapter examines the rapidly unfolding story of children's services reform in the UK in 2006. Those working in children's services are responding to multiple drivers of change inhabiting a fast-moving policy landscape. Major reorganisation is under way in response to the 2004 Children Act that seeks comprehensive reform across the range of services for children aged 0–19 years and their families, and has been described as constituting ‘the most radical transformation [of children's services] since the 1948 Children Act’. The timing of such radical reform has been explained as the cumulative effect of huge concern over child protection failures, and ongoing policy agendas aiming to ‘modernise’ public services and reduce social exclusion. With imminent implementation targets and several new policy announcements in 2006, the chapter sets out to examine reform in two stages. First, it summarises the main tenets of the evolving national policy framework. Second, the chapter highlights five key implementation concerns: competing policy agendas, realising the outcome-led approach, accountability gaps, joining up services, and developing partnership working and resources and capabilities for implementation and development.

This chapter examines the reforms that have taken place in public services from before the financial crisis, through immediate reform efforts post-crisis focused on reduction in pay and numbers, to broader reform initiatives that have occurred since 2011. The impact of the austerity-related reforms is analysed and assessed from four main perspectives: (a) the impact on public service numbers and pay, (b) the views of senior public executives on the impact of austerity and reform efforts, (c) the effect on the public service bargain, and (d) the effect on the organization and delivery of public services. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the likely longer-term implications of the public service reforms undertaken during the time of austerity.

This chapter explores, in greater depth, the idea floated in the Introduction that the macro-level political economy of public services reform can exert effects on preferred management knowledges at both national and local levels. We argue that an important series of New Public Management reforms evident since the 1980s have made UK public agencies more ‘firm like’ and receptive to firm-based forms of management knowledge. We characterize key features of the UK’s long-term public management reform strategy, benchmarking it against, and also adding to, Pollitt and Bouckaert’s well-known comparativist typology. We specifically add to their model a consideration of the extent to which public management reform is constructed as a top-level political issue.

This chapter reviews four methods for cleaning up corruption and bureaucracy. The first method is cutting off funds to the offices of corrupt bureaucrats. The problem is, if the honest functionaries could not do anything with the old budget, they will be able to do even less with the new budget. Thus, technical demoralization gets worse. Second is the old Max Weber solution of imposing formal rational-technical bureaucracy, but this is very easy to undercut. Meanwhile, the third method is creating brand-new departments of young, idealistic uncorrupted officials. Fourth is civil service reform, which applies the Max Weber solution to every office in the government and requires massive economic growth.

Chapter Eight summarizes the federalism safeguards debate, considers the role of negotiated governance, and highlights potential contributions from the academic negotiation literature. Most importantly, Chapter Eight introduces the phenomenon of federalism bargaining among all branches of government. Using the negotiation theorist’s definition, it broadly understands bargaining as “an iterative process of joint decision-making,” encompassing conventional political haggling, formalized methods of collaborative policymaking, and even more remote signaling processes by which state and federal actors negotiate consensus. Reverse-engineering the most successful examples would reveal the very considerations built into the Chapter Six balancing test—rendering bilateral bargaining by the political branches the functional ex ante equivalent of the ex post balancing analysis contemplated there. The federalism bargaining taxonomy charts opportunities for intergovernmental negotiation within various constitutional and statutory frameworks. It begins with the most familiar forms of negotiation used in lawmaking, including conventional negotiations over law enforcement, under the federal spending power, and for exceptions from otherwise applicable laws. It then considers more interesting forms of negotiated policymaking, including negotiated federal rulemaking with state and local stakeholders, federal statutes that share policy design with states, and intersystemic signaling negotiations, by which independently operating state and federal actors trade influence over the direction of evolving interjurisdictional policies. Examples include the 2008 Stimulus Bill, banking and financial services reform, criminal law enforcement, immigration, radioactive waste siting, offshore drilling, hydroelectric dam licensing, medical marijuana, climate governance, and the No Child Left Behind, Endangered Species, Clean Water, Clean Air, Real ID, Coastal Zone Management, and Medicaid Acts.

Policing has an uncomfortable relationship to the dominant model of public service reform because of its relationship to law and the exercise of legal authority by police officers. This chapter draws on empirical work in two English urban settings to consider how both the police and the public view the usefulness of the ideas of consumers and customers. It then considers the idea of communities as a collective customer or user, raising some questions about how communities are to be discovered and engaged in the business of policing, with links to anxieties about local accountability in the recent Flanagan Report on the future of policing in England and Wales (2008). The chapter concludes by reflecting on the problematic relationship between publics, politics, and power in policing.

This chapter investigates the way in which the Bank began to reconceptualize the nature and role of states and push a neoclassical vision of the part they play in development. The main focus is on civil service reform, an important element of the World Bank agenda after 1980. Moreover, when considering the major development success stories of our time, it is quite clear that consistency in the quality and capacities of the civil service was a key factor. The chapter also attempts to generate a vision of state formation as an agent of development, in opposition to the views underlying neoliberal reforms. It argues, following Myrdal and Higgins, and contrary to the position of the World Bank, that conditions in developing countries justify greater—not less—state responsibility for development.

This chapter studies social service reform, specifically on adult Personal Social Services. The author uses the social production of welfare approach as an analytical framework to identify whether recent policies are, or have the potential to be, effective. The chapter provides a description of the current trends in policy and practice, including the continued shift to maintain more individuals in their own homes and to increase their choice and independence through the promotion of policies. It also includes a critical assessment of the continued emphasis on performance measurement and targets in social care.

This chapter characterizes the overall strategy of public services reform apparent in England after the global financial crisis of 2008 and during the period of the UK’s Coalition government 2010–15. It argues that what can be termed a ‘proto narrative’ of reform, orientated around so-called ‘Big Society’ ideas, emerged around 2010. However, we argue it was trumped in the end by Treasury-led and New Public Management-friendly austerity discourse. The concrete example is taken of the health policy to form new clinical commissioning groups in the primary care sector. They were presented as a mechanism which could promote professional engagement in commissioning. However, they were soon subjected to top-down performance management pressures and systems, including strong attempts to prevent financial deficits from emerging at a local level, which eroded bottom-up and professionally driven innovation. We conclude that the Big Society proto reform narrative failed to consolidate itself.

This chapter introduces the main themes covered by the book. The book developed from an interest in the way that a new policy vocabulary was emerging during New Labour's final term in office, and was being picked up and echoed by the other major political parties. The most high-profile term used was personalisation, although related terms such as tailored and individualised services were also utilised. The chapter notes that more can be learnt about the policy process, and the actors within it, by asking why, how, and with what effects personalisation has become such a high-profile approach to public service reform. Taking an interpretive approach to these data, the book explores how policy actors use and interpret personalisation in texts and dialogue.