Dawn Brancati
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199549009
- eISBN:
- 9780191720307
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199549009.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, International Relations and Politics
This chapter presents the case study of Spain (1976–present). Spain is widely respected as a successful case of decentralization, which has not only avoided conflict among the country's major ethnic ...
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This chapter presents the case study of Spain (1976–present). Spain is widely respected as a successful case of decentralization, which has not only avoided conflict among the country's major ethnic groups, but has also held secessionism at bay since Spain's transition to democracy in the late 1970s. This chapter attributes Spain's success to the relatively small presence of regional parties in the country, which have advocated legislation harmful to other regions in India and have supported violent separatist organizations in the country. This chapter attributes the party system to the structure of decentralization in Spain (i.e. the proportion of national legislative seats regions hold individually, the direct election of most of the country's upper house, and the appointment of Spain's first regional legislatures based on national level representation). This structure has reduced the incentive for politicians to form regional parties and prevented them from blocking the adoption of a new political system during the transition era as in Czechoslovakia. In teasing out the relationship between decentralization and regional parties, the chapter points out that statewide parties decentralized Spain in the transition period, and that regions with the strongest regional parties in Spain are not necessarily those that are economically or ethnolinguistically distinct, and that the distinct regions are not necessarily those with strong regional identities.Less
This chapter presents the case study of Spain (1976–present). Spain is widely respected as a successful case of decentralization, which has not only avoided conflict among the country's major ethnic groups, but has also held secessionism at bay since Spain's transition to democracy in the late 1970s. This chapter attributes Spain's success to the relatively small presence of regional parties in the country, which have advocated legislation harmful to other regions in India and have supported violent separatist organizations in the country. This chapter attributes the party system to the structure of decentralization in Spain (i.e. the proportion of national legislative seats regions hold individually, the direct election of most of the country's upper house, and the appointment of Spain's first regional legislatures based on national level representation). This structure has reduced the incentive for politicians to form regional parties and prevented them from blocking the adoption of a new political system during the transition era as in Czechoslovakia. In teasing out the relationship between decentralization and regional parties, the chapter points out that statewide parties decentralized Spain in the transition period, and that regions with the strongest regional parties in Spain are not necessarily those that are economically or ethnolinguistically distinct, and that the distinct regions are not necessarily those with strong regional identities.
Danilo Mandić
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780691187884
- eISBN:
- 9780691200057
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691187884.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
Separatism has been on the rise across the world since the end of the Cold War, dividing countries through political strife, ethnic conflict, and civil war, and redrawing the political map. This book ...
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Separatism has been on the rise across the world since the end of the Cold War, dividing countries through political strife, ethnic conflict, and civil war, and redrawing the political map. This book examines the role transnational mafias play in the success and failure of separatist movements, challenging conventional wisdom about the interrelation of organized crime with peacebuilding, nationalism, and state making. The book demonstrates how globalized mafias shape the politics of borders in torn states, shedding critical light on an autonomous nonstate actor that has been largely sidelined by considerations of geopolitics, state-centered agency, and ethnonationalism. Blending extensive archival sleuthing and original ethnographic data with insights from sociology and other disciplines, the book argues that organized crime can be a fateful determinant of state capacity, separatist success, and ethnic conflict. Putting mafias at the center of global processes of separatism and territorial consolidation, the book raises vital questions and urges reconsideration of a host of separatist cases in West Africa, the Middle East, and East Europe.Less
Separatism has been on the rise across the world since the end of the Cold War, dividing countries through political strife, ethnic conflict, and civil war, and redrawing the political map. This book examines the role transnational mafias play in the success and failure of separatist movements, challenging conventional wisdom about the interrelation of organized crime with peacebuilding, nationalism, and state making. The book demonstrates how globalized mafias shape the politics of borders in torn states, shedding critical light on an autonomous nonstate actor that has been largely sidelined by considerations of geopolitics, state-centered agency, and ethnonationalism. Blending extensive archival sleuthing and original ethnographic data with insights from sociology and other disciplines, the book argues that organized crime can be a fateful determinant of state capacity, separatist success, and ethnic conflict. Putting mafias at the center of global processes of separatism and territorial consolidation, the book raises vital questions and urges reconsideration of a host of separatist cases in West Africa, the Middle East, and East Europe.
Conan Fischer
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198208006
- eISBN:
- 9780191716607
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198208006.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The German government, led by Wilhelm Cuno, collapsed in August 1923, to be replaced by a coalition led by Gustav Stresemann. Renewed efforts to negotiate a settlement with France failed, for the ...
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The German government, led by Wilhelm Cuno, collapsed in August 1923, to be replaced by a coalition led by Gustav Stresemann. Renewed efforts to negotiate a settlement with France failed, for the French Premier, Poincaré, believed that the territorial disintegration of Germany was imminent and saw no need to bargain. Stresemann then abandoned passive resistance unconditionally on 26 September, triggering widespread protest riots across the Ruhr. His government prioritised the conquest of hyperinflation, which demanded a balanced budget and an end to the subsidisation of the Ruhr's economy. Left on their own, the region's heavy industrialists reacted by tearing up the more costly dimensions of the 1918–20 revolutionary settlement between employers and labour, and by contemplating wider collaboration with the French. Meanwhile Poincaré backed efforts by bands of Rhenish separatists to detach the region from Germany, but lack of popular backing and British outrage thwarted this initiative.Less
The German government, led by Wilhelm Cuno, collapsed in August 1923, to be replaced by a coalition led by Gustav Stresemann. Renewed efforts to negotiate a settlement with France failed, for the French Premier, Poincaré, believed that the territorial disintegration of Germany was imminent and saw no need to bargain. Stresemann then abandoned passive resistance unconditionally on 26 September, triggering widespread protest riots across the Ruhr. His government prioritised the conquest of hyperinflation, which demanded a balanced budget and an end to the subsidisation of the Ruhr's economy. Left on their own, the region's heavy industrialists reacted by tearing up the more costly dimensions of the 1918–20 revolutionary settlement between employers and labour, and by contemplating wider collaboration with the French. Meanwhile Poincaré backed efforts by bands of Rhenish separatists to detach the region from Germany, but lack of popular backing and British outrage thwarted this initiative.
Ahsan I. Butt
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2022
- ISBN:
- 9781501713941
- eISBN:
- 9781501713958
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501713941.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Asian Politics
This book argues that states, rather than separatists, determine whether a secessionist struggle will be peaceful, violent, or genocidal. The book investigates the strategies, ranging from negotiated ...
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This book argues that states, rather than separatists, determine whether a secessionist struggle will be peaceful, violent, or genocidal. The book investigates the strategies, ranging from negotiated concessions to large-scale repression, adopted by states in response to separatist movements. Variations in the external security environment, the book argues, influenced the leaders of the Ottoman Empire to use peaceful concessions against Armenians in 1908 but escalated to genocide against the same community in 1915; caused Israel to reject a Palestinian state in the 1990s; and shaped peaceful splits in Czechoslovakia in 1993 and the Norway–Sweden union in 1905. Using more than one hundred interviews and extensive archival data, the book focuses on two main cases — Pakistani reactions to Bengali and Baloch demands for independence in the 1970s and India's responses to secessionist movements in Kashmir, Punjab, and Assam in the 1980s and 1990s. The book's deep historical approach to the subject will appeal to policymakers and observers interested in the last five decades of geopolitics in South Asia, the contemporary Israeli–Palestinian conflict, and ethno-national conflict, separatism, and nationalism more generally.Less
This book argues that states, rather than separatists, determine whether a secessionist struggle will be peaceful, violent, or genocidal. The book investigates the strategies, ranging from negotiated concessions to large-scale repression, adopted by states in response to separatist movements. Variations in the external security environment, the book argues, influenced the leaders of the Ottoman Empire to use peaceful concessions against Armenians in 1908 but escalated to genocide against the same community in 1915; caused Israel to reject a Palestinian state in the 1990s; and shaped peaceful splits in Czechoslovakia in 1993 and the Norway–Sweden union in 1905. Using more than one hundred interviews and extensive archival data, the book focuses on two main cases — Pakistani reactions to Bengali and Baloch demands for independence in the 1970s and India's responses to secessionist movements in Kashmir, Punjab, and Assam in the 1980s and 1990s. The book's deep historical approach to the subject will appeal to policymakers and observers interested in the last five decades of geopolitics in South Asia, the contemporary Israeli–Palestinian conflict, and ethno-national conflict, separatism, and nationalism more generally.
Danilo Mandić
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780691187884
- eISBN:
- 9780691200057
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691187884.003.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
This introductory chapter provides an overview of how separatism in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries poses a paradox. On the one hand, the world is ostensibly coming together ...
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This introductory chapter provides an overview of how separatism in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries poses a paradox. On the one hand, the world is ostensibly coming together through globalization. On the other, the territorial integrity of nations appears fragile in most regions. The chapter explains that the book argues that countries torn by separatist movements since the Cold War cannot be adequately understood without an appreciation of organized crime. Far from passive by-products or trivial catalysts, mafias can play a decisive, autonomous role in shaping state-separatist relations, promoting or hindering secession, and fueling war. Transnational processes — of mafia expansion, chronic smuggling, and patrimonial governance — critically shape national processes of ethnic mobilization, border reconfiguration, and state collapse. Through a comparative historical analysis of the role of organized crime in West Africa, Eastern Europe, and the Middle East, the book examines understudied dynamics of territorial consolidation in torn states. By nourishing, infiltrating, and even co-opting governments and separatist movements, mafias have the power to mold the basic political units of the world.Less
This introductory chapter provides an overview of how separatism in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries poses a paradox. On the one hand, the world is ostensibly coming together through globalization. On the other, the territorial integrity of nations appears fragile in most regions. The chapter explains that the book argues that countries torn by separatist movements since the Cold War cannot be adequately understood without an appreciation of organized crime. Far from passive by-products or trivial catalysts, mafias can play a decisive, autonomous role in shaping state-separatist relations, promoting or hindering secession, and fueling war. Transnational processes — of mafia expansion, chronic smuggling, and patrimonial governance — critically shape national processes of ethnic mobilization, border reconfiguration, and state collapse. Through a comparative historical analysis of the role of organized crime in West Africa, Eastern Europe, and the Middle East, the book examines understudied dynamics of territorial consolidation in torn states. By nourishing, infiltrating, and even co-opting governments and separatist movements, mafias have the power to mold the basic political units of the world.
Danilo Mandić
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780691187884
- eISBN:
- 9780691200057
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691187884.003.0004
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
This chapter compares the organized criminal filtering of regional smuggling opportunities (in drugs and arms) into separatist movement benefit. For separatists, it is preferable to have ...
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This chapter compares the organized criminal filtering of regional smuggling opportunities (in drugs and arms) into separatist movement benefit. For separatists, it is preferable to have transnational smuggling in their region than not. This is trivial, almost axiomatic. Movements are denied formal channels for various resources they sorely need — money, arms, fighters, and propaganda channels. What they cannot procure within host state borders, they must smuggle across them. When separatists have the fortuitous circumstance of regional smuggling routes, it is only natural they exploit it. But the advantage does not come automatically. Mafia capacity and predisposition in these rackets at critical junctures — 1999 in Kosovo and 2008 in South Ossetia — enhanced and stagnated separatism, respectively.Less
This chapter compares the organized criminal filtering of regional smuggling opportunities (in drugs and arms) into separatist movement benefit. For separatists, it is preferable to have transnational smuggling in their region than not. This is trivial, almost axiomatic. Movements are denied formal channels for various resources they sorely need — money, arms, fighters, and propaganda channels. What they cannot procure within host state borders, they must smuggle across them. When separatists have the fortuitous circumstance of regional smuggling routes, it is only natural they exploit it. But the advantage does not come automatically. Mafia capacity and predisposition in these rackets at critical junctures — 1999 in Kosovo and 2008 in South Ossetia — enhanced and stagnated separatism, respectively.
Adrian Chastain Weimer
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199743117
- eISBN:
- 9780199918744
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199743117.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
Chapter 1 traces the paths through which martyrdom, apocalypticism, and holiness became intertwined from John Bale and John Foxe to Cotton Mather and the New England Primer. Biblical martyrs, early ...
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Chapter 1 traces the paths through which martyrdom, apocalypticism, and holiness became intertwined from John Bale and John Foxe to Cotton Mather and the New England Primer. Biblical martyrs, early church martyrs, and especially the Protestants martyred in the 1550s under the Catholic Queen Mary—the Marian martyrs —became part of a shared historical imagination of the true church as the persecuted church. This demonstration of the diffuse and powerful significance of the martyrs in English culture lays the groundwork for the subsequent analysis of the historical imagination of martyrdom as it was fashioned and re-fashioned in specific situations in early New England. Narratives of martyrs and persecutors are pervasive in early modern English writings, as various groups competed to lay claim to the lineage of the true persecuted church.Less
Chapter 1 traces the paths through which martyrdom, apocalypticism, and holiness became intertwined from John Bale and John Foxe to Cotton Mather and the New England Primer. Biblical martyrs, early church martyrs, and especially the Protestants martyred in the 1550s under the Catholic Queen Mary—the Marian martyrs —became part of a shared historical imagination of the true church as the persecuted church. This demonstration of the diffuse and powerful significance of the martyrs in English culture lays the groundwork for the subsequent analysis of the historical imagination of martyrdom as it was fashioned and re-fashioned in specific situations in early New England. Narratives of martyrs and persecutors are pervasive in early modern English writings, as various groups competed to lay claim to the lineage of the true persecuted church.
Adrian Chastain Weimer
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199743117
- eISBN:
- 9780199918744
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199743117.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
Chapter 2 focuses on the intensely martyr-based identity of the Separatist communities in England, the Netherlands, and Plymouth Colony. It addresses how these radical Protestants dealt with the ...
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Chapter 2 focuses on the intensely martyr-based identity of the Separatist communities in England, the Netherlands, and Plymouth Colony. It addresses how these radical Protestants dealt with the problematic heritage of the Marian bishop-martyrs, striving to hold on to the Foxeian heritage in spite of its celebration of bishops, whom separatists considered Antichristian. Plymouth colonists also had to deal with attacks on the character of their own Separatist martyrs such as Henry Barrow, and these attacks were linked to the identity crises of the second generation. This chapter also explores the debates between John Cotton and Roger Williams over the legitimacy of Congregationalism and Separatism, based on their lineages of suffering.Less
Chapter 2 focuses on the intensely martyr-based identity of the Separatist communities in England, the Netherlands, and Plymouth Colony. It addresses how these radical Protestants dealt with the problematic heritage of the Marian bishop-martyrs, striving to hold on to the Foxeian heritage in spite of its celebration of bishops, whom separatists considered Antichristian. Plymouth colonists also had to deal with attacks on the character of their own Separatist martyrs such as Henry Barrow, and these attacks were linked to the identity crises of the second generation. This chapter also explores the debates between John Cotton and Roger Williams over the legitimacy of Congregationalism and Separatism, based on their lineages of suffering.
Mladen Lazić, Miguel Jerez-Mir, Vladimir Vuletić, and Rafael Vázquez-García
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199602315
- eISBN:
- 9780191738951
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199602315.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, Comparative Politics
This chapter examines whether differences in attitudes toward the process of EU integration among members of political elites in various European countries are patterned and to what extent common ...
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This chapter examines whether differences in attitudes toward the process of EU integration among members of political elites in various European countries are patterned and to what extent common regional, economic, political, and cultural characteristics of certain country groups influence these attitudes. Results show elites from Southern Europe to be the main proponents of further EU integration, while Eastern European elites are the most cautious. Variables with the strongest influence are economic development (measured by GDP per capita), the prevalent religious denomination (respondents from predominantly Protestant countries are less ready to support stronger EU integration than those from mostly Catholic countries), ethnic homogeneity (increasing level of homogeneity reduces elites’ orientation towards stronger EU integration), and the existence of separatist experience (elites from countries with recent independence by secession are less oriented toward EU integration than those from countries without secession problems).Less
This chapter examines whether differences in attitudes toward the process of EU integration among members of political elites in various European countries are patterned and to what extent common regional, economic, political, and cultural characteristics of certain country groups influence these attitudes. Results show elites from Southern Europe to be the main proponents of further EU integration, while Eastern European elites are the most cautious. Variables with the strongest influence are economic development (measured by GDP per capita), the prevalent religious denomination (respondents from predominantly Protestant countries are less ready to support stronger EU integration than those from mostly Catholic countries), ethnic homogeneity (increasing level of homogeneity reduces elites’ orientation towards stronger EU integration), and the existence of separatist experience (elites from countries with recent independence by secession are less oriented toward EU integration than those from countries without secession problems).
David Cressy
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199237630
- eISBN:
- 9780191696756
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199237630.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This chapter discusses lay preaching and sectarian dissent through contemporary commentary and through the voices of separatists themselves. It addresses what people thought of as swarms of sectaries ...
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This chapter discusses lay preaching and sectarian dissent through contemporary commentary and through the voices of separatists themselves. It addresses what people thought of as swarms of sectaries as England slipped towards civil war. Commentators reported a disturbing upsurge of radical sectarian boldness that they likened to a plague of caterpillars or a swarm of locusts. The country appeared to be troubled by hosts of ‘new upstart sectaries’, ‘mechanick preachers’, lay prophets, and ‘women schismatics’, who avoided parish churches, despised community worship, chose their own leaders, and met in suspicious secret gatherings of the self-proclaimed elect. In order to make sense of the separatist phenomenon, the chapter integrates the evidence of court cases, print culture, correspondence, and both radical and anti-separatist writings.Less
This chapter discusses lay preaching and sectarian dissent through contemporary commentary and through the voices of separatists themselves. It addresses what people thought of as swarms of sectaries as England slipped towards civil war. Commentators reported a disturbing upsurge of radical sectarian boldness that they likened to a plague of caterpillars or a swarm of locusts. The country appeared to be troubled by hosts of ‘new upstart sectaries’, ‘mechanick preachers’, lay prophets, and ‘women schismatics’, who avoided parish churches, despised community worship, chose their own leaders, and met in suspicious secret gatherings of the self-proclaimed elect. In order to make sense of the separatist phenomenon, the chapter integrates the evidence of court cases, print culture, correspondence, and both radical and anti-separatist writings.
Patrick Collinson
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198222989
- eISBN:
- 9780191678554
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198222989.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History, History of Religion
John Field almost certainly shared the company of the London separatists, and like them nourished a fervent hatred for the bishops and all their ways. For him, as for them, it was a matter of debate ...
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John Field almost certainly shared the company of the London separatists, and like them nourished a fervent hatred for the bishops and all their ways. For him, as for them, it was a matter of debate whether all the marks of a true Church of God were to be found in the Elizabethan establishment. Yet unlike so many ‘simple gospellers’, he dreaded the prospect of sectarian fission and saw no good in a separatist course. Field's quarrel with Elizabethan Anglicanism derived not from incorrigible dissent but from a Calvinist's zeal for unity. The pathetic confusion which divided the London godly was in his view the inevitable consequence of the Episcopal insistence on a uniformity of a contrary and ungodly kind.Less
John Field almost certainly shared the company of the London separatists, and like them nourished a fervent hatred for the bishops and all their ways. For him, as for them, it was a matter of debate whether all the marks of a true Church of God were to be found in the Elizabethan establishment. Yet unlike so many ‘simple gospellers’, he dreaded the prospect of sectarian fission and saw no good in a separatist course. Field's quarrel with Elizabethan Anglicanism derived not from incorrigible dissent but from a Calvinist's zeal for unity. The pathetic confusion which divided the London godly was in his view the inevitable consequence of the Episcopal insistence on a uniformity of a contrary and ungodly kind.
Patrick Collinson
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201960
- eISBN:
- 9780191675102
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201960.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History, History of Religion
This chapter examines the relationships between Protestants and Catholics, who were categorized as the faithful and the unfaithful. The persecution of Catholics was based on their presumed ...
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This chapter examines the relationships between Protestants and Catholics, who were categorized as the faithful and the unfaithful. The persecution of Catholics was based on their presumed disloyalty, and this argument was not usually applied to Puritans until the 1620s. This chapter also discusses the separatists who had made a clean break with the Church of England and its parochial structure to form alternative churches of their own devising.Less
This chapter examines the relationships between Protestants and Catholics, who were categorized as the faithful and the unfaithful. The persecution of Catholics was based on their presumed disloyalty, and this argument was not usually applied to Puritans until the 1620s. This chapter also discusses the separatists who had made a clean break with the Church of England and its parochial structure to form alternative churches of their own devising.
Joen A. Carpenter
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195129076
- eISBN:
- 9780199853274
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195129076.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
During the 1930s, the fundamentalists were in a situation that resembled the dilemma their ancestors, the Puritans, had faced three hundred years earlier. The Puritans had wanted to reform the ...
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During the 1930s, the fundamentalists were in a situation that resembled the dilemma their ancestors, the Puritans, had faced three hundred years earlier. The Puritans had wanted to reform the English church and nation, but they were increasingly disillusioned about ever being able to carry that agenda forward. Like the Puritans, fundamentalists only gradually developed a sense of alienation. They did not suddenly discover in the 1930s that mainline Protestantism and modern American life were at odds with their convictions. This chapter looks more closely at the combination of distinctive traits and experiences that fed their growing sense of estrangement in order to understand the complex sense of marginality that animated fundamentalists in the 1930s.Less
During the 1930s, the fundamentalists were in a situation that resembled the dilemma their ancestors, the Puritans, had faced three hundred years earlier. The Puritans had wanted to reform the English church and nation, but they were increasingly disillusioned about ever being able to carry that agenda forward. Like the Puritans, fundamentalists only gradually developed a sense of alienation. They did not suddenly discover in the 1930s that mainline Protestantism and modern American life were at odds with their convictions. This chapter looks more closely at the combination of distinctive traits and experiences that fed their growing sense of estrangement in order to understand the complex sense of marginality that animated fundamentalists in the 1930s.
Kaspar Von Greyerz and Thomas Dunlap
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195327656
- eISBN:
- 9780199851478
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195327656.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
The chapter discusses some of the representative church movements of the early modern period with two remarks about the concepts of “church” and “sect.” The history of the Anabaptist movement is ...
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The chapter discusses some of the representative church movements of the early modern period with two remarks about the concepts of “church” and “sect.” The history of the Anabaptist movement is studied in part in this section. The Baptists evolved into a broader separatist movement and the Quakers proved to be the most serious competitor in the years of upheaval. There were smaller communities of Separatists early in the seventeenth century which had grown out of a serious effort to renew and reform the ecclesiastical and religious life of their time.Less
The chapter discusses some of the representative church movements of the early modern period with two remarks about the concepts of “church” and “sect.” The history of the Anabaptist movement is studied in part in this section. The Baptists evolved into a broader separatist movement and the Quakers proved to be the most serious competitor in the years of upheaval. There were smaller communities of Separatists early in the seventeenth century which had grown out of a serious effort to renew and reform the ecclesiastical and religious life of their time.
Michael D. Resnik
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198250142
- eISBN:
- 9780191598296
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198250142.003.0007
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Logic/Philosophy of Mathematics
I present a theory of justification for mathematical beliefs that is both non‐foundationalist, in that it claims that some mathematics must be justified indirectly in terms of its consequences, and ...
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I present a theory of justification for mathematical beliefs that is both non‐foundationalist, in that it claims that some mathematics must be justified indirectly in terms of its consequences, and holistic, in that it maintains that no claim of theoretical science can be confirmed or refuted in isolation but only as a part of a system of hypotheses. Our evidence for mathematics is ultimately empirical because the mathematics that is part of theoretical science, is, in principle, revisable in light of experience and confirmed by experience. Following Henry Kyburg, I develop this idea by claiming that in science we use combinations of mathematical and scientific principles to develop models (mini‐theories) that allow us to calculate values that we then compare with the data. ‘Separatists’ objections to holism revolve around the claim that holism fails to respect our intuitions about mathematics, e.g. that mathematics is clearly distinct from science and that mathematical evidence comes from proofs, rather than from experience. My response to these objections is that holism can accommodate these intuitions by appealing to pragmatic rationality that, on the one hand, underwrites the special role of mathematics and bids us to treat it as if it were a priori, and, on the other, justifies, on the grounds of simplicity and success, a local conception of evidence according to which data can confirm specific hypotheses.Less
I present a theory of justification for mathematical beliefs that is both non‐foundationalist, in that it claims that some mathematics must be justified indirectly in terms of its consequences, and holistic, in that it maintains that no claim of theoretical science can be confirmed or refuted in isolation but only as a part of a system of hypotheses. Our evidence for mathematics is ultimately empirical because the mathematics that is part of theoretical science, is, in principle, revisable in light of experience and confirmed by experience. Following Henry Kyburg, I develop this idea by claiming that in science we use combinations of mathematical and scientific principles to develop models (mini‐theories) that allow us to calculate values that we then compare with the data. ‘Separatists’ objections to holism revolve around the claim that holism fails to respect our intuitions about mathematics, e.g. that mathematics is clearly distinct from science and that mathematical evidence comes from proofs, rather than from experience. My response to these objections is that holism can accommodate these intuitions by appealing to pragmatic rationality that, on the one hand, underwrites the special role of mathematics and bids us to treat it as if it were a priori, and, on the other, justifies, on the grounds of simplicity and success, a local conception of evidence according to which data can confirm specific hypotheses.
Melissa M. Lee
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781501748363
- eISBN:
- 9781501748387
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501748363.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter discusses Malaysia’s use of subversion as an instrument of extortion against the Philippines during the late 1960s and 1970s. Upon Malaysia’s independence, the Philippines asserted a ...
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This chapter discusses Malaysia’s use of subversion as an instrument of extortion against the Philippines during the late 1960s and 1970s. Upon Malaysia’s independence, the Philippines asserted a territorial claim over part of Malaysia’s territory of Sabah. Malaysia considered this claim to be without merit and a threat to its territorial integrity. Unable to resolve the dispute, Malaysia turned to subversion. It cooperated with Muslim separatists in the southern Philippines to weaken Manila’s hold over its periphery as a means to persuade the Philippines into abandoning the Sabah claim. The chapter illustrates the deleterious effects of subversion on Philippine state authority in the South, thus showing the “ground-level” consequences of foreign interference. Its focus on Malaysia and the Philippines also demonstrates that states that are not territorially contiguous can use subversion to undermine state authority.Less
This chapter discusses Malaysia’s use of subversion as an instrument of extortion against the Philippines during the late 1960s and 1970s. Upon Malaysia’s independence, the Philippines asserted a territorial claim over part of Malaysia’s territory of Sabah. Malaysia considered this claim to be without merit and a threat to its territorial integrity. Unable to resolve the dispute, Malaysia turned to subversion. It cooperated with Muslim separatists in the southern Philippines to weaken Manila’s hold over its periphery as a means to persuade the Philippines into abandoning the Sabah claim. The chapter illustrates the deleterious effects of subversion on Philippine state authority in the South, thus showing the “ground-level” consequences of foreign interference. Its focus on Malaysia and the Philippines also demonstrates that states that are not territorially contiguous can use subversion to undermine state authority.
Ahsan I. Butt
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2022
- ISBN:
- 9781501713941
- eISBN:
- 9781501713958
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501713941.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Asian Politics
This chapter recalls the secessionist ethnic conflict and examines why do some separatist movements encounter a state prepared to concede territory, while others result in them fighting tooth and ...
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This chapter recalls the secessionist ethnic conflict and examines why do some separatist movements encounter a state prepared to concede territory, while others result in them fighting tooth and nail. It zooms in on the state more than the secessionists, since the former's material capabilities, and attendant leeway for action, is significantly wider than the latter's. The chapter argues that when confronted by an ethnic group seeking independence, a state's response is determined by the external security implications of secessionism. The chapter also investigates the significant role played by the international community in the separatist conflicts and suggests that the international community must leverage the externally fueled motivations of central governments repressing secessionists. The chapter analyses how external security drives whether, and how much, states coerce separatists.Less
This chapter recalls the secessionist ethnic conflict and examines why do some separatist movements encounter a state prepared to concede territory, while others result in them fighting tooth and nail. It zooms in on the state more than the secessionists, since the former's material capabilities, and attendant leeway for action, is significantly wider than the latter's. The chapter argues that when confronted by an ethnic group seeking independence, a state's response is determined by the external security implications of secessionism. The chapter also investigates the significant role played by the international community in the separatist conflicts and suggests that the international community must leverage the externally fueled motivations of central governments repressing secessionists. The chapter analyses how external security drives whether, and how much, states coerce separatists.
Eunan O'Halpin and Daithi O Corrain
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780300123821
- eISBN:
- 9780300257472
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300123821.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This book covers the turbulent period from the 1916 Rising to the Anglo-Irish Treaty of December 1921 — a period which saw the achievement of independence for most of nationalist Ireland and the ...
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This book covers the turbulent period from the 1916 Rising to the Anglo-Irish Treaty of December 1921 — a period which saw the achievement of independence for most of nationalist Ireland and the establishment of Northern Ireland as a self-governing province of the United Kingdom. Separatists fought for independence against government forces and, in North East Ulster, armed loyalists. Civilians suffered violence from all combatants, sometimes as collateral damage, often as targets. This book catalogues and analyzes the deaths of all men, women, and children who died during the revolutionary years. The book provides a unique and comprehensive picture of everyone who died: in what manner, by whose hands, and why. Through their stories the reader obtains original insight into the Irish revolution itself.Less
This book covers the turbulent period from the 1916 Rising to the Anglo-Irish Treaty of December 1921 — a period which saw the achievement of independence for most of nationalist Ireland and the establishment of Northern Ireland as a self-governing province of the United Kingdom. Separatists fought for independence against government forces and, in North East Ulster, armed loyalists. Civilians suffered violence from all combatants, sometimes as collateral damage, often as targets. This book catalogues and analyzes the deaths of all men, women, and children who died during the revolutionary years. The book provides a unique and comprehensive picture of everyone who died: in what manner, by whose hands, and why. Through their stories the reader obtains original insight into the Irish revolution itself.
Danilo Mandić
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780691187884
- eISBN:
- 9780691200057
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691187884.003.0002
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
This chapter discusses three concepts: separatism, organized crime, and the relation between the two. It begins by drawing on social scientific insights to dispel some common misconceptions about, in ...
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This chapter discusses three concepts: separatism, organized crime, and the relation between the two. It begins by drawing on social scientific insights to dispel some common misconceptions about, in turn, separatist movements and mafias. By bridging two compartmentalized subfields, one discovers just how natural the connections between them are. Organized crime scholarship typically neglects separatist cases altogether or confounds them with nonseparatist ones. Yet today's globalized mafias have deep structural reasons to flourish, especially in torn states. Organized crime is notoriously embedded in extant community relations: patriarchal, occupational, residential, and above all, ethnic. The chapter then delineates two tools — a Simmelian triadic model of state-separatist-mafia relations, and typology of mafias across three regions — for explaining the phenomenon.Less
This chapter discusses three concepts: separatism, organized crime, and the relation between the two. It begins by drawing on social scientific insights to dispel some common misconceptions about, in turn, separatist movements and mafias. By bridging two compartmentalized subfields, one discovers just how natural the connections between them are. Organized crime scholarship typically neglects separatist cases altogether or confounds them with nonseparatist ones. Yet today's globalized mafias have deep structural reasons to flourish, especially in torn states. Organized crime is notoriously embedded in extant community relations: patriarchal, occupational, residential, and above all, ethnic. The chapter then delineates two tools — a Simmelian triadic model of state-separatist-mafia relations, and typology of mafias across three regions — for explaining the phenomenon.
Danilo Mandić
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780691187884
- eISBN:
- 9780691200057
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691187884.003.0003
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
This chapter traces host state, separatist movement, and mafia relations in Serbia and Georgia (1989–2012). Kosovo and South Ossetia are the most similar pair of separatist stories in the ex-Yugoslav ...
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This chapter traces host state, separatist movement, and mafia relations in Serbia and Georgia (1989–2012). Kosovo and South Ossetia are the most similar pair of separatist stories in the ex-Yugoslav and ex-Soviet spaces. Their unique mix of wars (foreign and civil), separatist mobilizations (some successful, others less so), and mafia roles (sometimes tearing states, sometimes consolidating them) offers precious lessons on the agency of organized crime. In Serbia and Georgia, war was mafia as much as state business. Borders were made and unmade by smugglers. The black market was not an anomaly; the formal economy was. What separatists achieved depended tremendously on whether organized crime was multiethnic or not, violent or not, strong or not. Different mafia roles gave different results. Though organized crime in both countries began as a rejoicing third, the mafia's role in Kosovo evolved into a divider and conqueror, while in South Ossetia it evolved into a mediator. These differing trajectories account for the greater success of Kosovo's separatist movement.Less
This chapter traces host state, separatist movement, and mafia relations in Serbia and Georgia (1989–2012). Kosovo and South Ossetia are the most similar pair of separatist stories in the ex-Yugoslav and ex-Soviet spaces. Their unique mix of wars (foreign and civil), separatist mobilizations (some successful, others less so), and mafia roles (sometimes tearing states, sometimes consolidating them) offers precious lessons on the agency of organized crime. In Serbia and Georgia, war was mafia as much as state business. Borders were made and unmade by smugglers. The black market was not an anomaly; the formal economy was. What separatists achieved depended tremendously on whether organized crime was multiethnic or not, violent or not, strong or not. Different mafia roles gave different results. Though organized crime in both countries began as a rejoicing third, the mafia's role in Kosovo evolved into a divider and conqueror, while in South Ossetia it evolved into a mediator. These differing trajectories account for the greater success of Kosovo's separatist movement.
