Stephen Small
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199257799
- eISBN:
- 9780191717833
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199257799.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
In the late 1770s, the American Revolution encouraged the combination of an array of political languages into a powerful Irish patriotism focused on the unsatisfactory connection with Britain. ...
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In the late 1770s, the American Revolution encouraged the combination of an array of political languages into a powerful Irish patriotism focused on the unsatisfactory connection with Britain. Patriots used ancient constitutional arguments to attack the British government’s denial of the traditional ‘English’ birthrights of Irishmen. While Irish patriotism was focused on Britain during the agitation for free trade and legislative independence, these languages formed a loose consensus. But they were full of contradictions, containing the seeds of radical reform, Catholic emancipation, and republican separatism, as well as justifications for elitist politics and Protestant Ascendancy. The desire to make Ireland a rich, commercial country continued to be highly influential in all forms of patriot, radical, and republican thought throughout the decade.Less
In the late 1770s, the American Revolution encouraged the combination of an array of political languages into a powerful Irish patriotism focused on the unsatisfactory connection with Britain. Patriots used ancient constitutional arguments to attack the British government’s denial of the traditional ‘English’ birthrights of Irishmen. While Irish patriotism was focused on Britain during the agitation for free trade and legislative independence, these languages formed a loose consensus. But they were full of contradictions, containing the seeds of radical reform, Catholic emancipation, and republican separatism, as well as justifications for elitist politics and Protestant Ascendancy. The desire to make Ireland a rich, commercial country continued to be highly influential in all forms of patriot, radical, and republican thought throughout the decade.
Dawn Brancati
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199549009
- eISBN:
- 9780191720307
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199549009.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, International Relations and Politics
Why does political decentralization reduce intrastate conflict more in some countries than in others? Can political institutions be designed to engender peace? If so, how? Addressing these questions, ...
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Why does political decentralization reduce intrastate conflict more in some countries than in others? Can political institutions be designed to engender peace? If so, how? Addressing these questions, this book advances the current debate on decentralization beyond a discussion of whether or not decentralization is effective in reducing conflict, to when and under what conditions it is successful. The book bridges opposing views while offering an original one, arguing that decentralization's ability to reduce conflict hinges on the electoral strength of regional parties, which, in turn, varies according to different institutional features of decentralization. Various aspects of political systems likewise affect the extent to which regional parties stimulate conflict and conversely, the degree to which statewide parties mitigate it. This book illuminates the exigent issue of how to design political institutions in order to promote peace.Less
Why does political decentralization reduce intrastate conflict more in some countries than in others? Can political institutions be designed to engender peace? If so, how? Addressing these questions, this book advances the current debate on decentralization beyond a discussion of whether or not decentralization is effective in reducing conflict, to when and under what conditions it is successful. The book bridges opposing views while offering an original one, arguing that decentralization's ability to reduce conflict hinges on the electoral strength of regional parties, which, in turn, varies according to different institutional features of decentralization. Various aspects of political systems likewise affect the extent to which regional parties stimulate conflict and conversely, the degree to which statewide parties mitigate it. This book illuminates the exigent issue of how to design political institutions in order to promote peace.
Dawn Brancati
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199549009
- eISBN:
- 9780191720307
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199549009.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, International Relations and Politics
This chapter brings together the findings of the three case studies and the statistical analysis, and offers a forward‐looking discussion of how to design political institutions in order to ...
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This chapter brings together the findings of the three case studies and the statistical analysis, and offers a forward‐looking discussion of how to design political institutions in order to effectively manage intrastate conflict. It also discusses the political and logistical issues involved in implementing such a system, and discusses avenues for future research.Less
This chapter brings together the findings of the three case studies and the statistical analysis, and offers a forward‐looking discussion of how to design political institutions in order to effectively manage intrastate conflict. It also discusses the political and logistical issues involved in implementing such a system, and discusses avenues for future research.
R. D. Grillo
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294269
- eISBN:
- 9780191599378
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294263.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
In Britain and other countries with similar patterns of ethnic and cultural diversity, policy in the 1980s and 1990s stood within the messy middle of the spectrum from assimilation to separatism. ...
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In Britain and other countries with similar patterns of ethnic and cultural diversity, policy in the 1980s and 1990s stood within the messy middle of the spectrum from assimilation to separatism. British policy may have favoured what was called ‘integration’, but how much diversity, of what kind, and on what basis were still open questions. In Britain and elsewhere there were three emergent modes of cultural pluralism: ‘multiculturalism’, ‘institutional pluralism’ (or more simply ‘separatism’), and ‘hybridity’. In the 1990s, multicultural policies, which had supporters and critics from all parts of the political spectrum, were severely tested by demands by some Muslims for greater recognition of their claims for space in the public arena, and by events such as the ‘Rushdie Affair’, which posed the question of what room should contemporary societies allow for being French or British or American ‘differently’?Less
In Britain and other countries with similar patterns of ethnic and cultural diversity, policy in the 1980s and 1990s stood within the messy middle of the spectrum from assimilation to separatism. British policy may have favoured what was called ‘integration’, but how much diversity, of what kind, and on what basis were still open questions. In Britain and elsewhere there were three emergent modes of cultural pluralism: ‘multiculturalism’, ‘institutional pluralism’ (or more simply ‘separatism’), and ‘hybridity’. In the 1990s, multicultural policies, which had supporters and critics from all parts of the political spectrum, were severely tested by demands by some Muslims for greater recognition of their claims for space in the public arena, and by events such as the ‘Rushdie Affair’, which posed the question of what room should contemporary societies allow for being French or British or American ‘differently’?
Adiel Schremer
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195383775
- eISBN:
- 9780199777280
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195383775.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion in the Ancient World
This chapter picks up the results of the previous one and suggests that early rabbinic literature constructs the doubts concerning God's power and providence, indeed His very being, as the heart of ...
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This chapter picks up the results of the previous one and suggests that early rabbinic literature constructs the doubts concerning God's power and providence, indeed His very being, as the heart of minut. At the same time early rabbinic literature ascribes similar stances also to the Nations of the world, and view the Roman Empire as their emblem and carrier. minut, in early rabbinic discourse, was much more than theological error and the holding of false views concerning God. It was thought of also from a social-national perspective, that is, as separation from the Jewish community and collaboration with the enemy. For second-century Palestinian Rabbis, social-national separatism and the denial of God were the two sides of one and the same coin.Less
This chapter picks up the results of the previous one and suggests that early rabbinic literature constructs the doubts concerning God's power and providence, indeed His very being, as the heart of minut. At the same time early rabbinic literature ascribes similar stances also to the Nations of the world, and view the Roman Empire as their emblem and carrier. minut, in early rabbinic discourse, was much more than theological error and the holding of false views concerning God. It was thought of also from a social-national perspective, that is, as separation from the Jewish community and collaboration with the enemy. For second-century Palestinian Rabbis, social-national separatism and the denial of God were the two sides of one and the same coin.
James Davison Hunter
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199730803
- eISBN:
- 9780199777082
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199730803.003.0012
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
The mythic ideal that animates the neo-Anabaptist position is the ideal of true and authentic New Testament Christianity and the primitive church of the apostolic age. Constantinianism is a ...
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The mythic ideal that animates the neo-Anabaptist position is the ideal of true and authentic New Testament Christianity and the primitive church of the apostolic age. Constantinianism is a multifaceted heresy that surfaced and resurfaced throughout history. The archetype of neo-Constantinianism is the founding of the American republic, which has a strong view of the church and a separatist impulse. While the neo-Anabaptists attempt to reject it, they are also defined and depend upon it.Less
The mythic ideal that animates the neo-Anabaptist position is the ideal of true and authentic New Testament Christianity and the primitive church of the apostolic age. Constantinianism is a multifaceted heresy that surfaced and resurfaced throughout history. The archetype of neo-Constantinianism is the founding of the American republic, which has a strong view of the church and a separatist impulse. While the neo-Anabaptists attempt to reject it, they are also defined and depend upon it.
Stephen Small
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199257799
- eISBN:
- 9780191717833
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199257799.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This is a analysis of late 18th-century Irish patriot thought and its development into 1790s radical republicanism. Patriots, radicals, and republicans played key roles in the movements for free ...
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This is a analysis of late 18th-century Irish patriot thought and its development into 1790s radical republicanism. Patriots, radicals, and republicans played key roles in the movements for free trade, legislative independence, parliamentary reform, Catholic relief and independence from Britain; and many of their ideas helped precipitate the rebellion in 1798. This book explains the ideological background to these issues, sheds new light on the origins of Irish republicanism, and places late 18th-century Irish political thought in the wider context of British, Atlantic, and European ideas. The book argues that Irish patriotism, radicalism, and republicanism were constructed out of five key political ‘languages’: Protestant superiority, ancient constitutionalism, commercial grievance, classical republicanism, and natural rights. These political languages, which were Irish dialects of languages shared with the English-speaking and European world, combined in the late 1770s to construct the classic expression of Irish patriotism. This patriotism was full of contradictions, containing the seeds of radical reform, Catholic emancipation, and republican separatism — as well as a defence of Protestant Ascendancy. Over the next two decades, the American and French Revolutions, the reform movement, popular politicisation, Ascendancy reaction, and Catholic political revival disrupted and transformed these languages, causing the fragmentation of a broad patriot consensus and the emergence from it of radicalism and republicanism. These developments are explained in terms of tensions and interactions between Protestant assumptions of Catholic inferiority, the increasing popularity of natural rights, and the enduring centrality of classical republican concepts of virtue to all types of patriot thought.Less
This is a analysis of late 18th-century Irish patriot thought and its development into 1790s radical republicanism. Patriots, radicals, and republicans played key roles in the movements for free trade, legislative independence, parliamentary reform, Catholic relief and independence from Britain; and many of their ideas helped precipitate the rebellion in 1798. This book explains the ideological background to these issues, sheds new light on the origins of Irish republicanism, and places late 18th-century Irish political thought in the wider context of British, Atlantic, and European ideas. The book argues that Irish patriotism, radicalism, and republicanism were constructed out of five key political ‘languages’: Protestant superiority, ancient constitutionalism, commercial grievance, classical republicanism, and natural rights. These political languages, which were Irish dialects of languages shared with the English-speaking and European world, combined in the late 1770s to construct the classic expression of Irish patriotism. This patriotism was full of contradictions, containing the seeds of radical reform, Catholic emancipation, and republican separatism — as well as a defence of Protestant Ascendancy. Over the next two decades, the American and French Revolutions, the reform movement, popular politicisation, Ascendancy reaction, and Catholic political revival disrupted and transformed these languages, causing the fragmentation of a broad patriot consensus and the emergence from it of radicalism and republicanism. These developments are explained in terms of tensions and interactions between Protestant assumptions of Catholic inferiority, the increasing popularity of natural rights, and the enduring centrality of classical republican concepts of virtue to all types of patriot thought.
Tove H. Malloy
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199274437
- eISBN:
- 9780191699757
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199274437.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, EU Law
Separatism is a highly topical and controversial legal and political issue. This book reviews the European inter-governmental approach in international law and politics through analysis of issues ...
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Separatism is a highly topical and controversial legal and political issue. This book reviews the European inter-governmental approach in international law and politics through analysis of issues related to the moral recognition and ethical acceptance of national minorities. Examining issues of sub-state nationalisms, group recognition, identity, and political participation, it reveals assumptions in international law and politics about state sovereignty, collective rights, loyalty, and political inclusion. Employing both theoretical analysis and practical examples, the book provides a new framework for the accommodation of national minorities in Europe that aims to address the problems which have emerged from both international law and European relations since 1989. Part I examines the emerging national minority rights scheme since 1989, and explores concepts of the nature and scope of national minority rights. The book suggests that these rights have perhaps been mis-categorised and under-explored. Part II examines the discourse in the light of contemporary political theory on nationalism and multiculturalism, and the politics of identity, difference, and recognition, as well as discursive approaches to democracy. Based upon these analyses, the book develops an alternative framework for national minority accommodation based upon multiple loyalties, critical citizenship, and discursive justice. This alternative model overcomes the dichotomies of individualism-collectivism and universalism-particularism, contending that minority rights should be seen as collective political autonomy rights rather than as individual cultural human rights. Using this model, Part III examines the assumptions underlying the politics of democratisation, taking as examples the work of the Council of Europe and the politics of European Union integration. The book questions the ability of the national minority rights discourse to inform international law in its efforts to protect national minorities in an ethical manner. Instead, it contends that the complex processes of constitutionalism in the realm of European integration might provide a better way to accommodate national minorities.Less
Separatism is a highly topical and controversial legal and political issue. This book reviews the European inter-governmental approach in international law and politics through analysis of issues related to the moral recognition and ethical acceptance of national minorities. Examining issues of sub-state nationalisms, group recognition, identity, and political participation, it reveals assumptions in international law and politics about state sovereignty, collective rights, loyalty, and political inclusion. Employing both theoretical analysis and practical examples, the book provides a new framework for the accommodation of national minorities in Europe that aims to address the problems which have emerged from both international law and European relations since 1989. Part I examines the emerging national minority rights scheme since 1989, and explores concepts of the nature and scope of national minority rights. The book suggests that these rights have perhaps been mis-categorised and under-explored. Part II examines the discourse in the light of contemporary political theory on nationalism and multiculturalism, and the politics of identity, difference, and recognition, as well as discursive approaches to democracy. Based upon these analyses, the book develops an alternative framework for national minority accommodation based upon multiple loyalties, critical citizenship, and discursive justice. This alternative model overcomes the dichotomies of individualism-collectivism and universalism-particularism, contending that minority rights should be seen as collective political autonomy rights rather than as individual cultural human rights. Using this model, Part III examines the assumptions underlying the politics of democratisation, taking as examples the work of the Council of Europe and the politics of European Union integration. The book questions the ability of the national minority rights discourse to inform international law in its efforts to protect national minorities in an ethical manner. Instead, it contends that the complex processes of constitutionalism in the realm of European integration might provide a better way to accommodate national minorities.
KEITH JEFFERY
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199239672
- eISBN:
- 9780191719493
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199239672.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, Military History
Prior to the signing of the Versailles peace treaty, Henry Wilson remarked in a letter to Wully Robertson (then commanding the occupation army on the Rhine) that ‘Ireland goes from bad to worse and ...
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Prior to the signing of the Versailles peace treaty, Henry Wilson remarked in a letter to Wully Robertson (then commanding the occupation army on the Rhine) that ‘Ireland goes from bad to worse and it seems to me that we cannot get out of it, and ought not to get out of it now, without a little blood letting’. The so-called Irish war of independence is conventionally regarded as having begun on January 21, 1919. Neither the British Cabinet nor the Irish administration were quite sure exactly how to respond to the violence. As it developed from late 1919, the challenge became increasingly military, but there were quite sound political reasons for the policy-makers not to meet it with military measures. This chapter looks at the victory of the Unionist Party in Southern Ireland and Sinn Fein in Northern Ireland during the parliamentary elections held in May 1921, the establishment of a separatist Irish assembly, and the emergence of the Irish Republican Army.Less
Prior to the signing of the Versailles peace treaty, Henry Wilson remarked in a letter to Wully Robertson (then commanding the occupation army on the Rhine) that ‘Ireland goes from bad to worse and it seems to me that we cannot get out of it, and ought not to get out of it now, without a little blood letting’. The so-called Irish war of independence is conventionally regarded as having begun on January 21, 1919. Neither the British Cabinet nor the Irish administration were quite sure exactly how to respond to the violence. As it developed from late 1919, the challenge became increasingly military, but there were quite sound political reasons for the policy-makers not to meet it with military measures. This chapter looks at the victory of the Unionist Party in Southern Ireland and Sinn Fein in Northern Ireland during the parliamentary elections held in May 1921, the establishment of a separatist Irish assembly, and the emergence of the Irish Republican Army.
Stephen Small
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199257799
- eISBN:
- 9780191717833
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199257799.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The Introduction outlines the purpose of the book which is to present an intellectual history of the political ideas that inspired republican, separatist rebellion in 18th-century Ireland. The main ...
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The Introduction outlines the purpose of the book which is to present an intellectual history of the political ideas that inspired republican, separatist rebellion in 18th-century Ireland. The main focus is the expression and evolution of three key political themes: patriotism, radicalism, and republicanism. This work is primarily a history of political thought and language, but one that connects ideas and rhetoric to events and individuals. Its purpose is threefold: first, to describe the political languages and ideas used by patriots, radicals, and republicans in Ireland from the American Revolution until the Rebellion; second, to understand how and why these languages and ideas developed over this period; and third, to show how they informed the mentalités of the individuals who expressed these ideas in order to understand their political actions.Less
The Introduction outlines the purpose of the book which is to present an intellectual history of the political ideas that inspired republican, separatist rebellion in 18th-century Ireland. The main focus is the expression and evolution of three key political themes: patriotism, radicalism, and republicanism. This work is primarily a history of political thought and language, but one that connects ideas and rhetoric to events and individuals. Its purpose is threefold: first, to describe the political languages and ideas used by patriots, radicals, and republicans in Ireland from the American Revolution until the Rebellion; second, to understand how and why these languages and ideas developed over this period; and third, to show how they informed the mentalités of the individuals who expressed these ideas in order to understand their political actions.
Stephen Small
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199257799
- eISBN:
- 9780191717833
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199257799.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter examines the rhetoric and ideas of post-1793 radicalism and republicanism against the background of Protestant Ascendancy reaction and government repression. It argues that although the ...
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This chapter examines the rhetoric and ideas of post-1793 radicalism and republicanism against the background of Protestant Ascendancy reaction and government repression. It argues that although the period witnessed an irrevocable schism in a previously inclusive patriot discourse (leading to the rejection or modification of key elements of the Protestant, classical republican, and ancient constitutional traditions) many of the older patriot ideas continued to carry weight among the majority of Irish radicals and republicans. The chapter analyses how the new ideological and rhetorical landscape created by the French Revolution encouraged some radicals to become republican, separatist revolutionaries. It also argues that while 1790s revolutionary republicanism was a new phenomenon, it was one that cannot be understood without recognising continuities with its patriot and Whiggish roots.Less
This chapter examines the rhetoric and ideas of post-1793 radicalism and republicanism against the background of Protestant Ascendancy reaction and government repression. It argues that although the period witnessed an irrevocable schism in a previously inclusive patriot discourse (leading to the rejection or modification of key elements of the Protestant, classical republican, and ancient constitutional traditions) many of the older patriot ideas continued to carry weight among the majority of Irish radicals and republicans. The chapter analyses how the new ideological and rhetorical landscape created by the French Revolution encouraged some radicals to become republican, separatist revolutionaries. It also argues that while 1790s revolutionary republicanism was a new phenomenon, it was one that cannot be understood without recognising continuities with its patriot and Whiggish roots.
Mary Douglas
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199265237
- eISBN:
- 9780191602054
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199265232.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Biblical Studies
The central argument of this chapter is that is that the priestly editors of Leviticus and Numbers (writing primarily for the guidance of fellow priests) were compiling the law of Moses to confound ...
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The central argument of this chapter is that is that the priestly editors of Leviticus and Numbers (writing primarily for the guidance of fellow priests) were compiling the law of Moses to confound government opponents – specifically, the exclusionary and separatist policies of Ezra, who, supported by the returnees from exile, defined ‘All Israel’ as Judah. However, since their opinions were dangerous both for themselves and for the faithful, they wrapped their offerings in elegant literary conventions. They also had only a limited objective: they were not trying to cover all aspects of religious law, but to offer simple and direct teaching about confession and reconciliation, being obliged to omit sensitive matters such as marriage, or matters that did not relate specifically to the agenda concerned. In addition, they aimed to emasculate the concept of impurity as support for exclusionary policies. The different sections of the chapter address: the exclusionist debate; the tensions resulting from the homecoming of exiles; Ezra's myth of Israel, concept of foreigners, and use of the law of Moses as justification for his separatist claims; the variance of the laws of purity expounded in Leviticus and Numbers to those in other antique religions, where impurity has an important social function; the social context of marriage to ‘foreign’ wives by returning the exiles, and Ezra's edict forbidding such marriages; and the subversive position of the priestly editors and their consequent responses, including an insistence of protected status for the foreigner.Less
The central argument of this chapter is that is that the priestly editors of Leviticus and Numbers (writing primarily for the guidance of fellow priests) were compiling the law of Moses to confound government opponents – specifically, the exclusionary and separatist policies of Ezra, who, supported by the returnees from exile, defined ‘All Israel’ as Judah. However, since their opinions were dangerous both for themselves and for the faithful, they wrapped their offerings in elegant literary conventions. They also had only a limited objective: they were not trying to cover all aspects of religious law, but to offer simple and direct teaching about confession and reconciliation, being obliged to omit sensitive matters such as marriage, or matters that did not relate specifically to the agenda concerned. In addition, they aimed to emasculate the concept of impurity as support for exclusionary policies. The different sections of the chapter address: the exclusionist debate; the tensions resulting from the homecoming of exiles; Ezra's myth of Israel, concept of foreigners, and use of the law of Moses as justification for his separatist claims; the variance of the laws of purity expounded in Leviticus and Numbers to those in other antique religions, where impurity has an important social function; the social context of marriage to ‘foreign’ wives by returning the exiles, and Ezra's edict forbidding such marriages; and the subversive position of the priestly editors and their consequent responses, including an insistence of protected status for the foreigner.
C. A. Bayly
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198077466
- eISBN:
- 9780199081110
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198077466.003.0024
- Subject:
- History, Economic History
This chapter focuses on the political economy of small towns in north India and the political pressure experienced by the qasbah. It suggests that the history of gentry qasbah and commercial city ...
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This chapter focuses on the political economy of small towns in north India and the political pressure experienced by the qasbah. It suggests that the history of gentry qasbah and commercial city illustrates more general themes in the society and politics of north India and that the north Indian Muslim qasbah represents some of the features of the classic Islamic city from Algeria to Indonesia. It also highlights the importance of the gentry qasbah in the history of political separatism in north India given that small towns were the scenes of conflict between the two major religious communities in the 1830s.Less
This chapter focuses on the political economy of small towns in north India and the political pressure experienced by the qasbah. It suggests that the history of gentry qasbah and commercial city illustrates more general themes in the society and politics of north India and that the north Indian Muslim qasbah represents some of the features of the classic Islamic city from Algeria to Indonesia. It also highlights the importance of the gentry qasbah in the history of political separatism in north India given that small towns were the scenes of conflict between the two major religious communities in the 1830s.
Ryan Gingeras
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199561520
- eISBN:
- 9780191721076
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199561520.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter discusses the escalation of intercommunal violence during the Greek occupation of the South Marmara between 1920 and 1922. It takes a close look at the roles played by native Armenians ...
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This chapter discusses the escalation of intercommunal violence during the Greek occupation of the South Marmara between 1920 and 1922. It takes a close look at the roles played by native Armenians and Greek paramilitaries who, under the patronage of the Greek military, executed several acts of violence upon the Muslim population of the region. The National Forces, after their retreat from the region in 1920, resorted to guerrilla tactics aimed at both evicting the occupying troops as well as disciplining Muslim civilians collaborating with the Greeks. Special attention is given to the issue of North Caucasian collaboration with the Greek occupation. Despite the service rendered by many local North Caucasian leaders to the Ottoman state, the progression of the conflict would drive many Circassians to form a separate state in the South Marmara.Less
This chapter discusses the escalation of intercommunal violence during the Greek occupation of the South Marmara between 1920 and 1922. It takes a close look at the roles played by native Armenians and Greek paramilitaries who, under the patronage of the Greek military, executed several acts of violence upon the Muslim population of the region. The National Forces, after their retreat from the region in 1920, resorted to guerrilla tactics aimed at both evicting the occupying troops as well as disciplining Muslim civilians collaborating with the Greeks. Special attention is given to the issue of North Caucasian collaboration with the Greek occupation. Despite the service rendered by many local North Caucasian leaders to the Ottoman state, the progression of the conflict would drive many Circassians to form a separate state in the South Marmara.
Dawn Oliver
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199566181
- eISBN:
- 9780191705458
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199566181.003.0011
- Subject:
- Law, Legal History
This chapter discusses four constitutional transitions that have been taking place in the UK: transitions from a political towards a principled constitution, from government to governance, from ...
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This chapter discusses four constitutional transitions that have been taking place in the UK: transitions from a political towards a principled constitution, from government to governance, from quasi-subjecthood to quasi-citizenship, and from unionism to separatism.Less
This chapter discusses four constitutional transitions that have been taking place in the UK: transitions from a political towards a principled constitution, from government to governance, from quasi-subjecthood to quasi-citizenship, and from unionism to separatism.
Carolyn L. Karcher
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469627953
- eISBN:
- 9781469627977
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469627953.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
During one of the darkest periods of US history, when white supremacy was entrenching itself throughout the nation, the white writer-jurist-activist Albion W. Tourgée (1838-1905) forged an ...
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During one of the darkest periods of US history, when white supremacy was entrenching itself throughout the nation, the white writer-jurist-activist Albion W. Tourgée (1838-1905) forged an extraordinary alliance with African Americans. Acclaimed by blacks as “one of the best friends of the Afro-American people this country has ever produced” and reviled by white Southerners as a race traitor, Tourgée offers an ideal lens through which to re-examine the often caricatured relations between progressive whites and African Americans. Here, Carolyn L. Karcher provides the first in-depth account of this collaboration. Drawing on Tourgée’s vast correspondence with African American intellectuals, activists, and ordinary folk; on African American newspapers; and on his newspaper column, “A Bystander’s Notes,” in which he quoted and replied to letters from his correspondents, the book also captures the lively dialogue about race that Tourgée and his contemporaries carried on.Less
During one of the darkest periods of US history, when white supremacy was entrenching itself throughout the nation, the white writer-jurist-activist Albion W. Tourgée (1838-1905) forged an extraordinary alliance with African Americans. Acclaimed by blacks as “one of the best friends of the Afro-American people this country has ever produced” and reviled by white Southerners as a race traitor, Tourgée offers an ideal lens through which to re-examine the often caricatured relations between progressive whites and African Americans. Here, Carolyn L. Karcher provides the first in-depth account of this collaboration. Drawing on Tourgée’s vast correspondence with African American intellectuals, activists, and ordinary folk; on African American newspapers; and on his newspaper column, “A Bystander’s Notes,” in which he quoted and replied to letters from his correspondents, the book also captures the lively dialogue about race that Tourgée and his contemporaries carried on.
Roger G. Kennedy
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195140552
- eISBN:
- 9780199848775
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195140552.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson learned from Edmund-Charles Genêt on July 5, 1793, that French agents of sedition were headed for Kentucky. Jefferson had taken an oath of office to a United ...
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Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson learned from Edmund-Charles Genêt on July 5, 1793, that French agents of sedition were headed for Kentucky. Jefferson had taken an oath of office to a United States government led by George Washington, who had made clear his opposition to filibustering irruptions anywhere. Alexander Hamilton in 1798 and Aaron Burr in 1806 insisted that they would prefer to take up arms against Spain only after the United States had declared war. As others were in complicity with France's plots of the 1790s and wept for the failure of the Whiskey Rebellion, as William Blount conspired with Britain and John Sevier with Spain, as Harry Innes and James Wilkinson encouraged the Kentucky separatists and Jefferson said nothing, Burr never took Jefferson's acquiescent posture toward separatism. In 1804, when it was the Federalists' turn, he rebuffed them. Jefferson, on the other hand, was a centrifugal force while out of power, and he invented the doctrine of nullification, and ultimately came to espouse a strong central government only when he was president.Less
Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson learned from Edmund-Charles Genêt on July 5, 1793, that French agents of sedition were headed for Kentucky. Jefferson had taken an oath of office to a United States government led by George Washington, who had made clear his opposition to filibustering irruptions anywhere. Alexander Hamilton in 1798 and Aaron Burr in 1806 insisted that they would prefer to take up arms against Spain only after the United States had declared war. As others were in complicity with France's plots of the 1790s and wept for the failure of the Whiskey Rebellion, as William Blount conspired with Britain and John Sevier with Spain, as Harry Innes and James Wilkinson encouraged the Kentucky separatists and Jefferson said nothing, Burr never took Jefferson's acquiescent posture toward separatism. In 1804, when it was the Federalists' turn, he rebuffed them. Jefferson, on the other hand, was a centrifugal force while out of power, and he invented the doctrine of nullification, and ultimately came to espouse a strong central government only when he was president.
ADRIAN DAVIES
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198208204
- eISBN:
- 9780191677953
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198208204.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History, History of Religion
This chapter discusses the role of Quaker books and pamphlets. These allow Friends to evangelize and let them fortify themselves with the truth ...
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This chapter discusses the role of Quaker books and pamphlets. These allow Friends to evangelize and let them fortify themselves with the truth through reading and contemplation. Quaker schools and teachers acted as barriers between the children of Friends and outsiders. The literacy rates of Quakers showed Quaker separatism, since an incentive to develop literacy in the sect was provided by the need to educate members with the values of faith, which were acquired through reading of the scriptures and Quaker books.Less
This chapter discusses the role of Quaker books and pamphlets. These allow Friends to evangelize and let them fortify themselves with the truth through reading and contemplation. Quaker schools and teachers acted as barriers between the children of Friends and outsiders. The literacy rates of Quakers showed Quaker separatism, since an incentive to develop literacy in the sect was provided by the need to educate members with the values of faith, which were acquired through reading of the scriptures and Quaker books.
Maxine Leeds Craig
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195152623
- eISBN:
- 9780199849345
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195152623.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter presents the history of early African American beauty contests, which were black institutional responses to racist depictions of black women. They constitute evidence that African ...
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This chapter presents the history of early African American beauty contests, which were black institutional responses to racist depictions of black women. They constitute evidence that African Americans did not accept the dominant racial order as natural. With few exceptions, the contests were produced by black institutions exclusively for black audiences. Separate by design, these contests can be considered nationalist, though they should not be automatically grouped analytically with later expressions of black separatism. The early black beauty contests were produced in an era of white racist segregation. In that context, black social institutions did not, in and of themselves, present a direct or immediate challenge to whites. Beauty pageants were generally sponsored by members of the black middle class and reflected the biases characteristic of the class. Black newspapers and social clubs established separate black beauty pageants as nonconfrontational ways of expressing racial pride, but they often reinforced hierarchies of gender, class, and color in their challenges to white supremacy.Less
This chapter presents the history of early African American beauty contests, which were black institutional responses to racist depictions of black women. They constitute evidence that African Americans did not accept the dominant racial order as natural. With few exceptions, the contests were produced by black institutions exclusively for black audiences. Separate by design, these contests can be considered nationalist, though they should not be automatically grouped analytically with later expressions of black separatism. The early black beauty contests were produced in an era of white racist segregation. In that context, black social institutions did not, in and of themselves, present a direct or immediate challenge to whites. Beauty pageants were generally sponsored by members of the black middle class and reflected the biases characteristic of the class. Black newspapers and social clubs established separate black beauty pageants as nonconfrontational ways of expressing racial pride, but they often reinforced hierarchies of gender, class, and color in their challenges to white supremacy.
John Perry
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199756544
- eISBN:
- 9780199897407
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199756544.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Despite the turn to loyalty made by some recent liberal theorists and the analogous turn made by the early Locke, some today persist in denying the problem of doing so. There are at least two ways in ...
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Despite the turn to loyalty made by some recent liberal theorists and the analogous turn made by the early Locke, some today persist in denying the problem of doing so. There are at least two ways in which one might refuse the practical implications of the turn to loyalty. First, one might deny that such obligations and identities are in any way a challenge to political life because they can be privatized without remainder. This can be called Jeffersonian separatism of a naïve sort. Second, one might refuse the turn to loyalty in the opposite direction: All “good Americans” share a common morality that is by definition perfectly compatible with Christianity and should be accepted by all people of goodwill and right reason. Those who refuse the turn to loyalty in this way can be called Lockean natural lawyers. Examples of each are examined.Less
Despite the turn to loyalty made by some recent liberal theorists and the analogous turn made by the early Locke, some today persist in denying the problem of doing so. There are at least two ways in which one might refuse the practical implications of the turn to loyalty. First, one might deny that such obligations and identities are in any way a challenge to political life because they can be privatized without remainder. This can be called Jeffersonian separatism of a naïve sort. Second, one might refuse the turn to loyalty in the opposite direction: All “good Americans” share a common morality that is by definition perfectly compatible with Christianity and should be accepted by all people of goodwill and right reason. Those who refuse the turn to loyalty in this way can be called Lockean natural lawyers. Examples of each are examined.
